^ 


j  PTJ1?  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


THE  GREVILLE  MEMOIRS. 


A  JOURNAL  OF  THE  REIGNS  OF  KING  GEORGE 
IV.  AND  KING  WILLIAM  IV.  By  the  Late 
CHARLES  C.  F.  GREVILLE,  Esq.,  Clerk  of  the  Council 
to  those  Sovereigns.  Two  vols.,  12mo.  Cloth, 


A  JOURNAL  OF  THE  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VIC- 
TORIA, FROM  1837  TO  1852.  The  "GREVILLE 
MEMOIRS,"  Second  Part.  By  the  Late  CHARLES  C. 
F.  GREVILLE,  Clerk  of  the  Council.  Two  vols., 
12mo.  Cloth,  $4.00. 


D.  APPLETON  AND   COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 


THE  GREVILLE  MEMOIRS 

(THIRD  AND    CONCLUDING   PART) 


A  JOURNAL  OF  THE  REIGN 

OF 

QUEEN  VICTORIA 

FROM  1852  TO  1860 


BY   THE   LATE 

CHARLES  C.   F.   GREVILLE,  ESQ. 


CLERK   OF  THE   COUNCIL 


EDITED   BY 

HENRY  REEVE 

REGISTRAR   OF  THE   PRIVY   COUNCIL 


NEW  YORK 
D.    APPLETON    AND    COMPANY 

1887 


64043 


PREFACE 

OF   THE   EDITOB 

TO  THE  THIRD  PART   OF  THIS  JOURNAL. 


IT  appears  to  be  unnecessary  and  inexpedient  to  delay  the  publi- 
cation of  the  last  portion  of  these  papers,  which  contain  some  record 
of  the  events  occurring  between  the  year  1852  and  the  close  of  the 
year  1860,  a  period  already  remote  from  the  present  time,  and  relat- 
ing almost  exclusively  to  men  of  the  last  generation.  I  have  little  to 
add  to  thte  notices  prefixed  by  me  to  the  two  preceding  portions  of 
this  work,  but  I  am  grateful  for  the  length  of  days  which  has  enabled 
me  to  complete  the  task  confided  to  me  by  Mr.  Greville  three  and 
twenty  years  ago,  and  to  leave  behind  me  a  record  of  that  delightful 
company  to  which  I  was  bound  by  the  closest  ties  of  intimacy  and 
friendship.  On  looking  back  upon  the  first  half  of  the  present  cen- 
tury, I  believe  that  we  were  too  unconscious  of  the  exceptional  privi- 
leges we  enjoyed,  and  that  we  did  not  sufficiently  appreciate  the  re- 
markable gifts  of  the  statesmen,  the  orators,  the  historians,  the  poets, 
and  the  wits  who  shed  an  incomparable  lustre  on  the  politics,  the 
literature,  and  the  social  intercourse  of  those  years.  Of  these  per- 
sonages some  traces  are  to  be  found  in  the  preceding  volumes  and  in 
these  pages. 

Nor  am  T  less  grateful  for  the  reception  this  publication  has  met 
with  from  the  world,  which  has  far  surpassed  the  modest  expecta- 
tions of  the  author,  and  has  at  last  conveyed  to  the  reader  a  just  esti- 
mate of  the  integrity  and  ability  with  which  these  Journals  were 
written.  They  bear  evident  marks  of  the  changes  which  are  wrought 
in  a  man's  character  and  judgments  by  the  experience  of  life  and  the 
course  of  years ;  and  they  fall  naturally  into  the  three  periods  or  di- 
visions of  Mr.  Greville's  life  which  I  was  led  from  other  causes  to 
adopt.  In  the  first  part  he  appears  as  a  man  of  fashion  and  of  pleas- 
ure, plunged,  as  was  not  inconsistent  with  his  age  and  his  social  posi- 
tion, in  the  dissipation  and  the  amusements  of  the  day ;  but  he  was 
beginning  to  get  tired  of  them.  In  the  second  part  he  enters  with  all 
the  energy  of  which  he  was  capable,  though  shackled  by  his  official 
position,  upon  the  great  political  struggles  of  the  time — the  earnest 
advocate  of  peace,  of  moderation,  of  justice,  and  of  liberal  principles 
— regarding  with  a  discriminating  eye  and  with  some  severity  of 


iv  PREFACE. 

judgment  the  actions  of  men  swayed  by  motives  ot  ambition  and 
vanity,  from  which  he  was  himself  free.  This  was  the  most  active 
period  of  his  life.  But  yeara  advanced,  and  with  age  the  infirmities 
from  which  he  had  always  suffered  withdrew  him  more  and  more 
from  society,  and  deprived  him  of  many  of  those  sources  of  intelli- 
gence which  had  been  so  freely  opened  to  him.  Hence  it  is  possible 
that  the  volumes  now  published  contain  less  of  novelty  and  original 
information  than  the  preceding  portions  of  the  work.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  events  recorded  in  them  are  of  a  more  momentous 
character — the  re-establishment  of  the  French  Empire,  the  Imperial 
Court,  the  Crimean  War,  the  Indian  Mutiny,  and  the  Italian  War  are 
more  interesting  than  the  rise  or  fall  of  a  Ministry ;  and  it  is  curious 
to  note  precisely  the  effect  produced  at  the  time  on  the  mind  of  a 
contemporary  observer.  No  one  was  more  conscious  of  the  incom- 
pleteness of  these  Journals,  and  of  a  certain  roughness,  due  to  the 
impromptu  character  of  a  manuscript  hastily  written  down,  and 
rarely  corrected,  than  the  author  of  them.  He  was  more  disposed  to 
underrate  their  merit,  as  appears  from  his  concluding  remarks,  than 
to  exaggerate  their  importance.  But  the  public  have  judged  of  them 
more  favorably;  and  if  he  entertained  a  hope  that  he  might  contrib- 
ute some  pages  to  the  record  of  his  times  and  the  literature  of  his 
country,  that  hope  was  not  altogether  vain. 

HENRY  EEEVE. 
January,  1887. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Divisions  of  the  Liberal  Party — Lord  Lansdowne  as  Head  of  a  Liberal  Government — 
Hostility  of  the  Radicals — National  Defences — Lord  John  Russell's  Literary  Pursuits 
— The  Queen's  Speech — The  Peelites — Protection  abandoned — Duke  of  Wellington's 
Funeral— Mr.  Villiers1  Motion — Disraeli's  Panegyric  on  Wellington — Death  of  Miss 
Berry— The  Division  on  the  Resolution — Disraeli's  Budget— Lord  Palmerston's  Posi- 
tion— The  Division  on  the  Budget — Lord  Derby  resigns — Liberal  Negotiations — For- 
mation of  Lord  Aberdeen's  Government— Lord  St.  Leonard's— Tone  of  the  Conserva- 
tives— Lord  Clanricarde  and  the  Irish  Brigade— Violence  of  the  Tories — Lord  Palmer- 
Bton  agrees  to  join  the  Government— The  Aberdeen  Cabinet— First  Appearance  of  the 
New  Ministry— Irritation  of  the  Whigs PACK  1 

CHAPTER  n. 

A  Royal  Commission  on  Reform — M.  de  Flahanlt  on  the  Emperor  Napoleon— Lord  John's 
B'lnnder — Disraeli's  Negotiation  with  the  Irish  Members — Lord  Beanvale's  Death — 


Opinion  of  his  Colleagues — The  Government  in  Smooth  Watw — England  unpopular 
abroad — Massimo  d'Azeglio — The  Austrians  in  Italy — The  Bishop  of  Lincoln — The 
Duke  of  Bedford's  Papers — Lord  Pahnerston  leads  the  House— Social  Amenities- 
Rancor  of  Northern  Powers  against  England —  Friendly  Resolution  of  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  III.— Difficulties  at  Home— The  India  Bill—The  Eastern  Question— The 
Czar's  Proposals — Russian  Assurances — The  Royal  Family  .  .  .  .  p.  26 

CHAPTER  HI. 

Weakness  of  the  Government — Gladstone's  Budget — A  Conversation  with  Disraeli — Sui- 
cidal Conduct  of  the  Tories — Their  Irritation — A  Charge  against  Mr.  Gladstone  de- 
feated— The  Stafford  Committee — Harmony  of  the  Government — Electoral  Corruption 
— Impending  War — Success  of  the  Government — Macaulay's  Speech  on  the  Judges' 
Exclusion  Bill — Erroneous  Predictions  from  Paris — Unsettled  Policy  as  to  the  War — 
Lord  John's  Anti-Catholic  Speech— The  English  and  French  Fleets  sail  for  the  Darda- 
nelles— Conduct  of  Austria — Russia  means  War — Attacks  by  the  Opposition— Ex- 
planations desired — Attempted  Mediation — Lord  Aberdeen's  Confidence  shaken — 
Divisions  of  Opinion — Terms  of  Accommodation — Lord  Palmerston's  Views — Prospect 
of  Peace— Division  in  the  Lords  on  the  Succession  Duties  Bill— Friendly  Relations  of 
Lord  Palmerston  and  Lord  Clarendon — Fears  of  War — Hopes  of  Peace — "Lord  Palmer- 
ston  and  Mr.  Cobden— Rejection  of  the  Vienna  Note— Lord  Palmerston  courted  by  the 
Tories— Lord  John  Russell's  Position— The  Duke  of  Bedford's  Part  in  the  last  Crisis- 
Dangers  at  Constantinople — Lord  Stratford's  Influence— Suspected  Intrigue  of  France 
with  Russia — Lord  Palmerston  goes  to  Balmoral — Sir  James  Graham's  View — Lord 
Stratford's  Conduct— Importance  of  the  Vienna  Note — A  Cabinet  summoned.  P.  50 

CHAPTER   IV. 

The  Conference  at  Olmutz — The  Turks  declare  War— Lord  Palmerston's  Views — Lord 
Palmerston  lauded  by  the  Radicals  and  the  Tories — Failure  of  the  Pacific  Policy — 
Lord  Aberdeen  desires  to  resign— Lord  John  to  be  Prime  Minister— Obstacles  to  Lord 


vi  CONTENTS. 

John's  Pretensions— Danger  of  breakinz  up  the  Government— Lord  John's  Wilfulness 
and  Unpopularity — Alliance  of  the  Northern  Powers  defeated  by  Manteuffel— Conflict 
of  the  two  Policies — Meeting  of  Parliament  discussed — French  Refugees  in  Belgium — 
Generel  iJaraguay  d'Hilliera  sent  to  Constantinople— Mr.  Keeve  returns  from  the  East 
— Lord  John's  Reform  Bill — The  Emperor  of  Russia  writes  to  the  Queen — Sir  James 
Graham's  Views  on  Reform,  etc.— Opponents  of  the  Reform  Scheme— Abortive  At- 
tempts at  Negotiation— The  Four  Powers  agree  to  a  Protocol — Lord  Palmerston 
threatens  to  secede — Lord  Palmerston  resigns  on  the  Reform  Scheme— Lord  Palmer- 
ston  opposed  to  Reform — Effects  of  Lord  Paluierston's  Resignation— Conciliatory 
Overtures — Lord  Lansdowne's  Position — Lord  Aberdeen's  Account — Lady  Palmer- 
Btun  makes  up  the  Dispute— Lord  Palmerston  withdraws  his  Resignation— Baraguay 
d'Hilliers  refuses  to  enter  the  Black  Sea — War  resolved  on — Review  of  the  Transac- 
tion   PAGE  79 

CHAPTER  V. 

Lord  Palmerston'g  Return — The  Czar's  Designs — Uncertain  Prospects — A  Dinner  of  Law- 
yers— Preparations  for  War — The  Reform  Scheme  modified— Russian  Preparations 
for  \Var — Kntryofthe  Black  Sea — Intrigues  of  France  with  Russia — Attacks  on  Princo 
Albert— Virulence  of  the  Press— Attitude  of  Russia — Reluctance  on  Both  sides  to  en- 
gage in  War— Prince  Albert's  Participation  in  Affairs  of  State— Opening  of  Parliament 
— Vindication  of  Prince  Albert — Offer  of  Marriage  of  Prince  Napoleon  to  Princess 
Mary  of  Cambridge — Publication  of  the  Queen's  Speech — The  Hesitation  of  Austria — 
Justification  of  the  War— The  Blue  Books— Popularity  of  the  War— Last  Efforts  for 
Peace — The  Emperor  Napoleon's  Letter — Lord  John's  Reform  Bill — Difficulties  aris- 
ing—The  Greeks — Objections  to  the  Reform  Bill  —  Postponement  of  the  Reform 
Bill p.  104 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Dinner  to  Sir  Charles  Napier— A  Ministerial  Indiscretion— Doubts  as  to  the  Reform  Bill — 
Discontent  of  Lord  John  Russell— The  Secret  Correspondence  with  Russia— War  de- 
clared—Weakness  of  the  Government— Mr.  Greville  disapproves  the  War— Divisions 
In  the  Cabinet — Withdrawal  of  the  Reform  Bill — Blunder  of  the  Government — The 
Fast  Day  -Licenses  to  trade  in  War— Death  of  the  Marquis  of  Anglesey— Mr.  Glad- 
stone's Financial  Failures — Dissolution  of  Parties— Mr.  Gladstone's  Budget — Lord 
Cowley's  Opinion  of  the  Emperor's  Position— The  House  of  Commons  supports  the 
War — Disraeli  attacks  Lord  John  Russell — A  Change  of  Plans— Lord  John  Russell's 
Mismanagement— Attacks  on  Lord  Aberdeen — Popularity  of  the  War— (iovornment 
Majority  in  the  Lords— Attitude  of  the  German  1'owers-  A  Meeting  of  the  Liberal 
Party — An  Appointment  cancelled— Expedition  to  the  Crimea— Knglish  and  French 
Policy  united  in  Spain— Close  of  the  Session  The  Character  of  Lord  Aberdeen's  (iov- 
ernment — Effect  of  the  Quarrel  with  Russia— Lord  Palnu  rston's  Resignation — Way- 
wardness of  the  House  of  Commons p.  126 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Difficulties  of  the  Campaign— Prince  Albert  and  the  King  of  Prussia— The  Prince  goes  to 
Kr.ui. --Military  Commanders— Critical  Relations  of  the  Ministers— The  Crimea— The 
Kni|MTor  Napoleon  and  Prince  Albert-Austria  and  the  Allies— The  Landing  in  the 
Crimea  -The  Battle  of  the  Alma— lioyal  Invitations— The  Crimean  Expedition— Lord 
John's  Hostility  to  his  Colleagues— False  Report  from  Sebastopol— The  Crimean  Cam- 
paign—Anecdotes  of  Lord  Raglan -The  Russian  Defence— Trade  with  the  Enemy- 
Anecdote  of  Nesselrode— John  Bright's  Opinion  of  the  War— Defence  of  Sebastopol— 
The  Balaklava  Charge-The  Judges  at  the  Nomination  of  Sheriffs— Lord  John  takes 
more  moderate  Views— The  Battle  of  Inkerman— Impolicy  of  the  War-Inkcrman— 
Spirit  of  the  Nation— Military  Enthusiasm— Parliament  summoned— Want  of  Fore- 
sight—Accounts of  the  Battle-Lord  Raglan  as  a  General— Sufferings  of  the  Army- 
Agreement  with  Austria— Opponents  of  the  War— Meeting  of  Parliament— The  Gov- 
ernment attacked— The  Foreign  Enlistment  Bill— Foreign  Enlistment  Bill  passed— Mr. 
Bright's  Speech  on  the  War— Review  of  the  Tear p.  157 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Lord  John's  Views  on  the  Ministry— Gloomv  Prospects— Attacks  on  Lord  Raglan— Rus- 

»n  and  Prussian  Diplomacy— Lord  Palmerston  more  in  favor— French  View  of  the 

British  Army— Russian   Negotiations -Lord  John  Russell   in  Paris— Conference  at 


CONTENTS.  vii 

Vienna— Lord  Raglan  unmoved— Terms  proposed  to  Russia— Failure  of  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle— Hesitation  of  Austria  and  France— Deplorable  State  of  the  Armies — 
Chances  of  Peace — Meeting  of  Parliament — Further  Negotiations — Lord  John  Russell 
resigns— Ministers  stay  in— The  Debate  on  Roebuck's  Motion — Resignation  of  Lord 
Aberdeen — Lord  John  Russell's  real  Motives — Lord  Derby  sent  for — and  fails — Wise 
Decision  of  the  Queen — Ministerial  Negotiations — Lord  Palmerston  sent  for— The  Peel- 
ites  refuse  to  join — Lord  Palmerston  forms  a  Government — Lord  Palmerston's  Pros- 
pects— Lord  John  Russell  sent  to  Vienna— Lord  Palinereton  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons—General Alarm— Difficulties  of  Lord  Palmerston— The  Peelites  secede— Lord 
John  accepts  the  Colonial  Office — Sir  George  Lewis  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer — 
Death  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas  of  Russia— Lord  Paknerston  supposed  to  be  a  weak 
Debater — Weakness  of  the  Government — Fresh  Arrangements — The  Budget — The 
Press PAGE  188 

CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Vienna  Conference— Literary  Occupations— A  Roman  Catholic  Privy  Councillor— Ne- 
gotiations at  Vienna — The  Emperor  Napoleon  in  London — The  Emperor's  brilliant 
Reception — Russia  refuses  the  Terms  offered — The  Sebastopol  Committee — Debate  on 
the  War— Visit  to  Paris — Resignation  of  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys— The  Emperor's  Jour- 
ney to  the  Crimea — The  Repulse  at  the  Redan — Visit  to  Thiers — A  Dinner  at  the 
Tuileries— Conversation  with  the  Emperor— M.  Guizot  on  the  War — Death  of  Lord 
Raglan — A  Dinner  at  Princess  Lieven's — The  Palace  of  Versailles— Revelations  of 
Lord  John  Russell's  Mission — Dinner  with  the  Emperor  at  Villeneuve  1'Etang — 
Lord  John  Russell's  Conduct  at  Vienna — Excitement  in  London — Lord  John's  Resig- 
nation— Lord  John's  Conduct  explained—"  Whom  shall  we  Hang?  " — Prorogation  of 
Parliament P.  219 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  Queen's  Visit  t->  France — Sir  George  C.  Lewis  on  the  War— Inefficiency  of  Lord 
Panmnre — The  Queen  and  the  Emperor — Lord  John  Russell's  Estrangement  from 
his  Friends— The  Fall  of  Sebastopol— The  Queen  on  the  Orleans  Confiscation — The 
Prince  Regent's  Letter  on  the  Holy  Alliance — Ferment  in  Italy— The  Failure  at  the 
Redan— Lord  John's  Defence— General  Wrindham— Lord  John  Russell's  Retirement  — 
Death  of  Sir  Robert  Adair— Adieu  to  the  Turf— Progress  of  the  War— Colonial  Office 
proposed  to  Lord  Stanley — Lord  John  Russell's  Position— Relations  with  Mr.  Disraeli 
—Mr.  Labouchere  Colonial  Secretary— Negotiations  for  Peace— The  Terms  proposed 
to  Russia — The  King  of  Sardinia  and  M.  de  Cavour  at  Windsor — The  Demands  of  the 
Kin::  of  Sardinia— Lord  Palmerston  presses  for  War— Lord  Macaulay's  History  of 
England — An  Ultimatum  to  Russia — Death  of  the  Poet  Rogers — French  Ministers — 
The  Emperor's  Diplomacy — Sir  George  C.  Lewis's  Aversion  to  the  War— Quarrels  of 
Walewski  and  Persigny— Austria  presents  the  Terms  to  Russia— Baron  Seebach  me- 
diates—The Emperor's  Difficulties  and  Doubts p.  244 

CHAPTER   XI. 

France  and  Prussia— The  Emperor's  Speech — Faint  Hopes  of  Peace— Favorable  View  of 
the  Policy  of  Russia — Progress  of  the  Negotiations — Russia  accepts  the  Terms  of 
Peace  -The  Acceptance  explained — Popular  Feeling  in  Favor  of  the  War — Lord  Strat- 
ford and  General  Williams— Mr.  Disraeli's  Proeptcts — Meeting  of  Parliament — Baron 
Parke's  Life  Peerage — The  Debate  on  the  Address— Debate  on  Life  Peerages— Report 
on  the  Sufferings  of  the  Army — Strained  Relations  with  France — Lord  Clarendon  goes 
to  the  Congress  at  Paris — Opening  of  the  Conference— Sabbatarianism — Progress  of 
the  Negotiations— Kars — Nicolaieff— The  Life  Peerage  Question — Blunders  and  Weak- 
ness of  the  Government — A  Visit  to  Paris — Count  OrlofTs  View  of  the  War — Lord 
Cowley  on  the  Negotiations — Princess  Lieven  on  the  War — An  Evening  at  the  Tuile- 
ries— Opening  of  the  Legislative  Chamber — Lord  Cowley's  Desponding  Views — The 
Austrian  Proposals— Bitterness  In  French  Society — Necessity  of  Peace  to  France— Con- 
versation with  M.  Thiern—  A  Stag  Hunt  at  St.  Germains — The  Emperor  yields  to  the 
Russians — Birth  of  the  Prince  Imperial p.  274 

CHAPTER   XII. 

Lord  Clarendon's  favorable  View  of  the  Peace — General  Evans'  Proposal  to  embark  after 
the  Battle  of  Inkerman— Sir  E.  Lyons  defends  Lord  Raglan— Peace  concluded— Sir  J. 


yjii  CONTENTS. 

Graham's  gloomy  View  of  Affairs—  Edward  Elllce's  Plan— Favorable  Reception  of  tho 
Peace— A  Lull  in  Politics— A  Sabbatarian  Question— Tho  Trial  of  Palmer  lor  Murder- 
Defeat  of  the  Opposition — Danger  of  War  with  the  United  States — Histori  as  an 
Actress— Defeat  of  the  Appellate  -1  urisdlction  15111 — Return  of  the  Guards— Baron 
1'arke  on  the  Life  Peerage — Close  of  the  Session — O'Donnell  and  Kspartero  in  Spain — 
Chances  of  War— Coronation  of  the  Czar— Apathy  of  the  Nation — Expen.se  of  the  Coro- 
nation at  Moscow — Interference  at  Naples— Foreign  Relations— 1'ro^ress  of  Democ- 
racy in  England — Russia,  France.  England,  and  Naples — Russian  Intrigues  with  France 
— The  Bolgrad  Question — The  Quarrel  with  Naples — The  Formation  of  Lord  Palmer- 
s ton' s  Government  in  1855 — Death  of  Sir  John  Jervis— Sir  Alexander  Cockburn's  Ap- 
pointment— James  Wortley  Solicitor-General—Conference  on  the  Treaty  of  Paris- 
Low  Church  Hishops — Leadership  of  the  Opposition — Coolness  in  Paris — Dictatorial 
Policy  to  Brazil PAGE  803 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

State  of  England  after  the  "War— Prussia  and  Neufchatel— Sir  Robert  Peel's  Account  of 
the  Russian  Coronation — An  Historical  Puzzle — The  Death  of  Princess  Lieven — Mr. 
Spurgeon's  Preaching — Mr.  Gladstone  in  Opposition— Tit  for  Tat— Difficult  Relations 
with  France — Lord  John  in  Opposition — The  Laddell  T.  Westerton  Case — Death  of 
Lord  Ellesmere — Violent  Opposition  to  the  Government  on  the  China  Question — 
Languid  Defence  of  the  Government— Impending  Dissolution— Popularity  of  Lord 
Palmt-rston — Despotism  of  Ministers— Parliament  dissolved — Judgment  on  Liddell  t>, 
Westerton— Lord  Palmerston's  Address— The  Elections— Defeat  of  the  Manchester 
Leaders — Fear  of  Radical  Tendencies — The  Country  approves  the  Chinese  Policy — 
Death  of  Lady  Keith p.  885 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Besults  of  the  Elections— Defeat  of  Cobden  and  Bright— The  "War  with  China— Death  of 
Lady  Ashburton— Lord  Palmerston's  Success — The  Handel  "Concerts — M.  Fould  in 
Ix>n'don— The  Queen  and  Lord  Palmerston — The  Indian  Mutiny— The  Prince  Consort 
—Death  of  General  Anson— The  State  of  India— Royal  Guests — The  Government  of 
India— Temper  of  the  House  of  Commons— Debates  on  India— Royal  Visits— The 
Divorce  Bill — The  Divorce  Bill  in  the  House  of  Lords — Close  of  the  Session — A  Duke- 
dom offered  to  Lord  Lansdowne— Death  of  Mr.  Croker—  History  of  the  Life  Peerages 
—The  Indian  Mutiny  and  the  Russian  War — The  Struggle  in  India — Reinforcements 
for  India — The  Queen's  Attention  to  Public  Business — Attacks  on  Lord  Canning — Big 
Ships  and  Big  Bells — Lord  Canning  defended — Courteous  Behavior  of  Foreign  Nations 
— The  Capture  of  Delhi  and  Lucknow— Difficulties  in  India— Depression  in  the  City — 
Speculations  on  the  Contingency  of  a  Change  of  Government — The  East  India  Com- 
pany and  the  Government— Exaggerated  Reports  from  India— A  Queen's  Speech — 
The  Bank  Charter  Act p.  863 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Opening  of  the  Session— Prevailing  Distress — Lord  John  reconciled— Ministerial  Specula- 
tions—Contemplated Transfer  of  India  to  the  Crown— Military  Position  in  India — Con- 
versation with  Mr.  Disraeli — Bill  for  the  Dissolution  of  the  East  India  Company — Diffi- 
culties of  Parliamentary  Reform— The  Relief  of  Lucknow — Ix>rd  Normanby's  '•  Tear  of 
Revolution  "—Brougham's  Jealousy  of  Lord  Cockbnrn — Refutation  of  Lo'rd  Norman- 
by's Book — The  Crown  Jewels  of  Hanover — Labor  in  the  French  Colonies — The  Death 
of  General  Havelock — Gloomy  Prospects  in  India — Inadequate  Measures  for  the  Relief 
of  India— Lord  John  Rnssell  hostile  to  Government— Death  of  the  Duke  of  Devonshire 
— Mr.  Disraeli  suggests  a  Fusion  of  Parties — Marriage  of  the  Princess  Royal — Weakness 
of  the  Government — Excitement  In  France  aeainst  this  Country— Petition  of  the  East 
India  Company — Drowsiness  of  Ministers — Decline  of  Lord  Pafmerston's  Popularity — 
Effect  of  the  drslni  Attempt  on  the  Emperor  Napoleon — Opposition  to  the  Conspiracy 
Bill— Review  of  the  Crisis — Lord  Derby  sent  for  by  tlie  Queen— Refusal  of  the  Peel- 
ites — The  Catastrophe  unexpected — The  Defeat  might  have  been  avoided — Misman- 
agement of  the  Affair— Ministers  determined  to  resign p.  893 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Second  Derby  Administration— Lord  Derby's  first  Speech— Lord  Clanricarde  defends 
himself— The  New  Ministry— Coincidences— Lord  Derby's  favorable  Position— Opinion 
of  the  Speaker— Lord  Derby's  Liberal  Declarations— Dinner  to  Mr.  Buckle — Instability 


CONTENTS.  ix 

of  the  Government— Mr.  Disraeli's  sanguine  Views — India— Prospects  of  the  new 
Government — A  Visit  to  the  Due  d'Aumale — Deiicate  Relations  witb  France— Lord 
John  Russell  and  Lord  Palmerston— Irritation  of  the  Whigs— Marshal  Pelissier  Am- 
bassador in  London — The  Peelites  and  the  Wfligs — Failure  of  the  India  Bill — An  Over- 
ture from  Lord  John  Russell— Dissensions  of  the  Whigs — Lord  Derby  resolves  to 
remain  in  Office— Lord  John  Russell  proposes  to  deal  with  the  India  Bill  by  Resolu- 
tions— Mistake  of  the  Whigs  in  resigning  on  the  Conspiracy  Bill — Withdrawal  of  the 
India  Bill— Policy  of  the  Whigs  in  Opposition — Lord  Cowley  on  the  Relations  of  France 
and  England — Strong  Opposition  to  the  Government — Lord  Derby  on  the  State  of 
Affairs —Disunion  of  the  Whigs — Lord  Canning's  Proclamation — Littlecote  House — 
Vehemence  of  the  Opposition — Lord  Lyndhurst  displeased — Debates  on  the  Indian 
Proclamation — Collapse  of  the  Debates — Triumph  of  the  Ministry — Disraeli's  violent 
Speech  at  Slough — Lord  Palmerston's  Discomfiture — Prospects  of  a  Fusion— Success 
of  the  Government— Concessions  to  the  Radicals — The  Queen's  Visit  to  Birmingham 
— Progress  of  the  India  Bill— The  Jew  Bill— The  Jew  Bill  passed— Disturbed  State  of 
India-^-Baron  Brunnow  on  the  Russian  War PAGE  421 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Lord  John  Russell  and  Lord  Stanley — Lord  Palmerston's  Leadership — Dissensions  in  the 
Liberal  Party— The  Queen  and  her  Ministers— Lord  Stanley  at  the  India  Office— The 
Queen's  Letter  to  the  Prince  of  Wales — Reform  Speeches  and  Projects — Lord  Pahn- 
erston's  Confidence— Prosecution  of  Count  Montalembert  in  France— Lord  Clar- 
endon's Visit  to  Compiegne — The  Emperor's  Designs  on  Italy — The  Emperor  and  the 
Pope — Approach  of  War — Lord  Palmerston's  Prudent  Language — Lord  Palmerston's 
Italian  Sympathies — The  Electric  Telegraph — Opposition  in  France  to  the  War — Tte 
Emperor's  Prevarication— Opening  of  Parliament — Debates  on  Foreign  Affairs — Lord 
Cowley's  Mission  to  Vienna— General  Opposition  to  the  War — A  Reform  Bill — Mr. 


the  Reform  Bill— Defeat  of  the  Reform  Bill— An  Emissary  from  Cavour.      .       p.  453 

CHAPTER   XVni. 

The  Government  determine  to  dissolve  the  Parliament — Apathy  of  the  Country — Hopes  and 
Fears  as  to  the  War — The  Congress  a  Trick — Disraeli  on  the  approaching  Elections — 
War  Declared — Mr.  Greville  resigns  the  Clerkship  of  the  Council— Result  of  the  Elec- 
tions— Mistakes  of  the  Austrian  Government — Policy  of  the  Opposition — Reconcilia- 
tion of  Lord  Palmerston  and  Lord  John  Russell — The  Reconciliation  doubtful — Meet- 
ing of  the  Liberal  Party — Resolution  of  the  Meeting — Debate  on  the  Resolution  of 
Want  of  Confidence — Defeat  of  Ministers — Lord  Derbv  resigns — Lord  Granville  sent 
for  by  the  Queen — Lord  Granville  does  not  form  a  Government— Lord  Palmerston 
sent  for — Lord  Palmerston's  Second  Administration — The  Queen  confers  the  Garter 
on  Lord  Derby— Successful  Progress  of  the  French  in  Italy— Causes  of  Lord  Gran- 
ville's  Failure — Lord  John  claims  the  Foreign  Office — Lord  Clarendon  declines  to  take 
Office — Lord  Clarendon's  Interview  with  the  Queen — Mr.  Cobden  declines  to  take  Office 
—The  Armistice  of  Villafranca- Peace  Concluded— The  Terms  of  Peace- Position  of 
the  Pope — Disappointment  of  Italy — Conference  of  the  Emperors — Alleged  Sensitive- 
ness of  the  Emperor  Napoleon— Details  of  the  War— A  Visit  to  Ireland— Irish  National 
Education — Dublin — Howth  Castle — Waterford — Killarney — Return  from  Ireland — 
Numerous  Cabinets— A  Dispute  with  China— Lord  Palmerston  and  Lord  John  Russell 
—Lord  Clarendon  at  Osborne — Spain  and  Morocco — The  Due  d'Anmale—  Perplexity 
of  the  Emperor  Napoleon— The  Emperor  Napoleon  and  the  *'  Times."  .  .  p.  4»1 

CHAPTER  XIX. 


x  CONTENTS. 

cratic  Opinions  of  Mr.  Gladstone— Introduction  of  the  Reform  Bill— The  Annexation 
of  Savoy  and  Nice — Annexation  of  Tuscany  to  Piedmont — The  Denouement  of  the 
Plot — Complete  Apathy  of  the  Country  as  to  Keform — Lord  Derby  declines  to  inter- 
fere— Lord  John's  adverse  Declaration" to  France — Consequences  of  Lord  John's  Speech 
•gainst  France — Our  Position  in  Europe — Anecdote  of  the  Crimean  War— Designs  of 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  in  1858 — Lord  Palmerston's  Distrust  of  Napoleon  III. — Lord 
John's  Indifference  to  his  own  Ketorm  Bill — Mr.  Gladstone's  Ascendency— Designs  of 
the  Emperor  and  Cavour — Unpopularity  of  the  Reform  Bill— Correspondence  of  Lord 
Grey  and  Lord  John  Russell — Reaction  against  Mr.  Gladstone's  Measure*— Opposition 
to  the  Repeal  of  the  Paper  Duties — Coolness  with  France — Garibaldi's  Expedition — 
Lord  Palmerston  attacks  the  Neapolitan  Minister— The  Paper  Duties  Bill  rejected  by 
the  Lords — The  Reform  Bill  withdrawn — Lord  Palmerston  adjusts  the  Difference  be- 
tween the  two  Houses — Mr.  Gladstone  supported  by  the  Radicals — Mr.  Senior's  Con- 
versations In  Paris — A  Letter  from  the  Speaker— Mr.  C'obden's  Faith  in  the  Emperor 
Napoleoa — Conclusion  of  these  Journals PAGE  MI 

INDEX  547 


A  JOUEJ^AL 

or  THE 

REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA, 

FKOM  1852  TO  1860. 


CHAPTER    I. 

Divisions  of  the  Liberal  Party— Lord  Lansdowne  as  Head  of  a  Liberal  Government— 
Hostility  of  the  Radicals— National  Defences— Lord  John  Russell  s  Literary  Pursuits 
— The  Queen's  Speech — The  Peelitt-s — Protection  abandoned — Duke  of  Wellington's 
Funeral— Mr.  Villiers'  Motion— Disraeli's  Panegyric  on  Wellington— Death  of  Miss 
Berry  -The  Division  on  the  Resolution — Disraeli's  Budget— Lorti  Palmerston's  Posi- 
tion—The  Division  on  the  Budget— Lord  Derby  resigns— Liberal  Negotiations— For- 
mation of  Lord  Aberdeen's  Government— Lord  St.  Leonard's  -  Tone  of  the  Conserva- 
tives—Lord Clanricarde  and  the  Irish  Brigade  -Violence  of  the  Tories — Lord  Palmer- 
ston  agrees  to  join  the  Government— The  Aberdeen  Cabinet  -  First  Appearance  of  the 
New  Ministry— Irritation  of  the  Whigs 

October  22d,  1852. — As  usual,  a  long  interval,  for  since 
the  Duke's  death  I  have  had  nothing  to  write  about.  The 
distribution  of  his  offices  and  honors  has  not  given  satisfac- 
tion. The  appointment  of  Fitzroy  Somerset  would  have 
been  more  popular  than  that  of  Hardinge  to  the  command 
of  the  army,  especially  with  the  army  ;  but  I  have  no  doubt 
the  Court  insisted  on  having  Hardinge,  who  is  a  great  favor- 
ite there. 

Matters  in  politics  remain  much  as  they  were.  There 
has  been  a  constant  interchange  of  letters  between  Lord  John 
Russell  and  his  leading  friends  and  adherents,  and  conversa- 
tions and  correspondence  between  these  and  Palmerston,  the 
result  of  the  whole  being  a  hopeless  state  of  discord  and  dis- 
agreement in  the  Liberal  party,  so  complete  that  there  ap- 
pears no  possibility  of  all  the  scattered  elements  of  opposition 
being  combined  into  harmonious  action,  the  consequence  of 
which  can  hardly  fail  to  be  the  continuance  in  office  of  the 
present  Government.  The  state  of  things  may  be  thus 


2  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [Cn\r.I. 

summed  up :  Lord  Jolm  Russell  declares  he  will  take  no 
office  but  that  of  Premier,  considering  any  other  a  degrada- 
tion ;  but  he  says  he  does  not  want  office,  and  if  a  Liberal 
Government  cati  be  formed  under  anybody  else  he  will  give 
it  his  best  support.  He  resents  greatly  the  expressed  senti- 
ments of  those  who  would  put  him  by  and  choose  another 
Prime  Minister,  and  this  resentment  his  belongings  foster  as 
much  as  they  can.  Palmerston  professes  personal  regard  for 
Lord  John,  but  declares  he  will  never  again  serve  under  him, 
though  he  would  with  him,  and  his  great  object  has  been  to 
induce  Lord  Lansdowne  to  consent  to  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  Government  (if  this  falls)  under  whom  he  would 
be  willing  to  serve,  and  he  would  consent  to  Lord  John's 
leading  the  House  of  Commons  as  heretofore.  This  he  com- 
municated to  the  Duke  of  Bedford  in  conversation  at  Brocket, 
and  he  afterward  wrote  a  detailed  account  of  that  conversa- 
tion to  Lansdowne  himself,  which  was  an  invitation  to  him 
to  act  the  part  he  wished  to  allot  to  him.  Lord  Lansdowne 
wrote  him  an  answer  in  which  he  positively  declined  to  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  Government,  stating  various  reasons 
why  he  oould  not,  and  his  conviction  that  John  Russell  was 
the  only  man  who  could  be  at  the  head  of  one  hereafter. 
With  regard  to  other  opinions,  Graham  is  heart  and  soul 
with  Lord  John,  and  decidedly  in  favor  of  his  supremacy. 
The  Whig  party  are  divided,  some  still  adhering  to  him  ; 
others,  resenting  his  conduct  in  the  past  Session  and  dis- 
trusting his  prudence,  are  anxious  for  another  chief,  but 
without  having  much  considered  how  another  is  to  be  found, 
nor  the  consequences  of  deposing  him.  The  Radicals  are  in 
an  unsettled  and  undecided  state,  neither  entirely  favorable 
nor  entirely  hostile  to  Lord  John  ;  the  Peelites  are  pretty 
unanimously  against  him,  and  not  overmuch  disposed  to  join 
with  the  Whig  party,  being  still  more  or  less  deluded  with 
the  hope  and  belief  that  they  may  form  a  Government  them- 
selves. Graham  has  always  maintained  (and,  as  I  thought, 
with  great  probability)  that  it  would  end  in  Palmerston's 
joining  Derby,  and  at  this  moment  such  an  arrangement 
seems  exceedingly  likely  to  happen.  There  were  two  or 
three  articles  not  long  ago  in  the  "  Morning  Post"  (his  own 
paper),  which  tended  that  way.  I  have  just  been  for  two 
days  to  Broadlands,  where  I  had  a  good  deal  of  talk  with 
him  and  with  Lady  Palmerston,  and  I  came  away  with  the 
conviction  that  it  would  end  in  his  joining  this  Government. 


1852.]  MINISTERIAL  COMBINATIONS.  3 

He  admitted  it  to  be  a  possible  contingency,  but  said  he  could 
not  come  in  alone,  and  only  in  the  event  of  a  remodelling  of 
the  Cabinet  and  a  sweep  of  many  of  the  incapables  now  in  it. 
Sidney  Herbert,  who  was  there',  told  me  he  had  talked  to 
him  in  the  same  tone,  and  spoke  of  eight  seats  being  vacated 
in  the  Cabinet,  and  as  if  he  expected  that  nobody  should  cer- 
tainly remain  there  but  Derby,  Disraeli,  and  the  Chancellor. 
It  is  evident  from  this  that  it  depends  on  Derby  himself  to 
have  him,  and  if  he  frames  measures  and  announces  princi- 
ples such  as  would  enable  Palmerston  with  credit  and  con- 
sistency to  join  him,  and  if  he  will  throw  over  a  sufficient 
number  of  his  present  crew,  he  may  so  strengthen  his  Gov- 
ernment as  to  make  it  secure  for  some  time.  It  may,  how- 
ever, be  a  matter  of  considerable  difficulty  to  turn  out  a  great 
many  colleagues,  and  not  less  so  for  Palmerston  to  find  peo- 
ple to  bring  m  with  him  ;  for  though  he  is  very  popular,  and 
can  excite  any  amount  of  cheering  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
he  has  no  political  adherents  whatever,  and  if  Derby  was  to 
place  seats  in  the  Cabinet  at  his  disposal  he  has  nobody  to 
put  into  them,  unless  he  could  prevail  on  Gladstone  and 
Herbert  to  go  with  him,  which  does  not  seem  probable.1 

November  3d. — Since  writing  the  above,  circumstances 
have  occurred  which  may  have  an  important  influence  on 
future  political  events.  John  Russell,  whether  moved  by 
his  own  reflections  or  the  advice  or  opinions  of  others  I  know 
not.  has  entirely  changed  his  mind  and  become  more  rea- 
sonable, moderate,  and  pliable  than  he  has  hitherto  shown 
himself.  He  has  announced  that  if  it  should  hereafter  be 
found  practicable  to  form  a  Liberal  Government  under  Lord 
Lansdowne,  he  will  not  object  to  serve  under  him,  only  re- 
serving to  himself  to  judge  of  the  expediency  of  attempting 
such  an  arrangement,  as  well  as  of  the  Government  that 
may  be  formed.  The  letter  in  which  he  announced  this  to 
Lord  Lansdowne  was  certainly  very  creditable  to  him,  and 
evinced  great  magnanimity.  He  desired  that  it  might  be 
made  known  to  Palmerston,  which  was  done  by  Lord  Lans- 
downe, and  Palmerston  replied  with  great  satisfaction,  say- 
ing, ''for  the  first  time  he  now  saw  daylight  in  public 
affairs."  Lord  Lansdowne  was  himself  gratified  at  Lord 
John's  conduct  to  him,  but  he  said  that  it  would  expose  him 
to  fresh  importunities  on  the  part  of  Palmerston,  and  he 

1  [A  list  of  the  members  of  Lord  Derby's  Administration  will  be  found  in 
the  second  volume  of  the  Second  Part  of  this  Journal,  p.  547.] 


4  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

seems  by  no  means  more  disposed  than  be  was  before  to 
tike  the  burden  on  himself,  while  he  is  conscious  that  it 
will  be  more  difficult  for  him  to  refuse.  lie  has  been  suf- 
fering very  much,  and  is  certainly  physically  unequal  to 
th?  task,  and  le  cas  echeant  he  will  no  doubt  try  to  make  his 
escape  ;  but,  from  what  I  hear  of  him,  I  do  not  think  he  will 
be  inexorable  if  it  is  made  clear  to  him  that  there  is  no  other 
way  of  forming  a  Liberal  Government,  and  especially  if  Lord 
John  himself  urges  him  to  undertake  it. 

The  other  important  matter  is  a  correspondence,  or  rather 
a  letter  from  Cobden  to  a  friend  of  his,  in  which  he  expresses 
himself  in  very  hostile  terms  toward  John  Russell  and 
Graham  likowise,  abuses  the  Whig  Government,  and  an- 
nounces his  determination  to  fight  for  Radical  measures, 
and  especially  the  Ballot.  This  letter  was  sent  to  Lord 
Yarborough,  by  him  to  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  and  by  the 
Duke  to  Lord  John.  He  wrote  a  reply,  or,  more  properly, 
a  comment  on  it,  which  was  intended  to  be,  and  I  conclude 
wai,  sent  to  Cobden  ;  a  very  good  letter,  I  am  told,  in  which 
he  vindicat?!  his  own  Government,  and  declared  his  un- 
alterable resolution  to  oppose  the  Ballot,  which  he  said  was 
with  him  a  question  of  principle,  on  which  he  never  would 
give  way.  The  result  of  all  this  is  a  complete  separation 
between  Lord  John  and  Cobden,  and  therefore  between  the 
Whigs  and  the  Radicals.  What  the  ultimate  consequences 
of  this  may  be  it  is  difficult  to  foresee,  but  the  immediate  one 
will  probably  be  the  continuation  of  Derby  in  office.  Lord 
John  is  going  to  have  a  parliamentary  dinner  before  the 
meeting,  which  many  of  his  friends  think  he  had  better 
have  left  alone,  lie  wrote  to  Graham  and  invited  him  to  it. 
Graham  declined,  and  said  he  should  not  come  up  to  the 
mooting.  To  this  Lord  John  responded  that  he  might  do  as 
he  pleased  about  dining,  but  he  assured  him  that  his  absence 
at  the  opening  of  the  Session  would  give  great  umbrage  to 
the  party  and  be  injurious  to  himself.  Graham  replied  that 
he  would  come  up,  but  he  has  expressed  to  some  of  his  cor- 
respondents his  di -approval  of  tbe  dinner.  Charles  Villiers 
agre?3  with  him  about  it,  and  so  do  I,  but  the  Johnians  are 
vary  indignant  with  Graham,  and  consider  his  conduct  very 
baso,  though  I  do  not  exactly  see  why. 

The  question  of  national  defence  occupies  everybody's 
mind,  but  it  seems  very  doubtful  if  any  important  measures 
will  be  taken.  The  Chancellor  told  Senior  that  the  Govern- 


1582.]  NATIONAL   DEFENCES.  5 

mer»t  were  quite  satisfied  with  Louis  Napoleon's  pacific  as- 
surances, and  saw  no  danger.  It  is  not  clear  that  John. 
Kussell  partakes  of  the  general  alarm,  and  whether  he  will 
be  disposed  (as  many  wish  that  he  should)  to  convey  to  Lord 
Derby  an  intimation  that  he  will  support  any  measure  he 
may  propose  for  the  defence  of  the  country,  nor  is  it  certain 
that  Derby  would  feel  any  reliance  on  such  assurances  after 
what  passed  when  he  came  into  office.  On  that  occasion 
Derby  called  on  Lord  John  (who  had  just  advised  the  Queen 
to  send  for  him)  and  said,  on  leaving  him,  "I  suppose  you 
are  not  going  to  attack  me  and  turn  me  out  again,"  which 
Lord  John  assured  him  he  had  no  thoughts  of,  and  directly 
after  he  convoked  his  Chesham  Place  meeting,  which  was 
certainly  not  very  consistent  with  his  previous  conduct,  nor 
with  his  engagement  to  Derby. 

London,  November  llth.  1852. — I  passed  two  days  at  The 
Grove  with  John  Russell  the  end  of  last  and  beginning  of 
this  week,  when  he  was  in  excellent  health  and  spirits,  and 
in  a  very  reasonable  composed  state  of  mind.  There  were 
Wilson,  Panizzi,  George  Lewis,  and  the  Duke  of  Bedford  ; 
very  little  talk  about  politics,  except  in  a  general  way.  Lord 
John  has  been  engaged  in  literary  pursuits,  as  the  executor 
of  Moore  and  the  depositary  of  Fox's  papers,  and  he  is  about 
to  bring  out  two  volumes  of  Moore  and  one  of  Fox,  biit  in 
neither  is  there  to  be  much  of  his  own  composition  ;  he  has 
merely  arranged  the  materials  in  each. 

There  has  been  great  curiosity  about  the  Queen's  Speech, 
and  a  hundred  reports  of  difficulties  in  composing  it,  and  of 
dissensions  in  the  Cabinet  with  regard  to  the  manner  in 
which  the  great  question  should  be  dealt  with.  As  I  know 
nothing  certain  on  the  subject,  I  will  spare  myself  the 
trouble  of  putting  down  the  rumors,  which  may  turn  out 
to  be  groundless  or  misrepresented.  A  great  fuss  has  been 
made  about  keeping  the  Speech  secret.  They  refused  to 
communicate  it  to  the  newspapers,  and  strict  orders  were 
given  at  the  Treasury  to  allow  nobody  whatever  to  see  it. 
Derby,  however,  wrote  to  Lord  John  that  as  he  had  always 
sent  it  to  him,  he  should  do  the  same,  and  accordingly  Lord 
John  received  it,  and  read  it  at  his  dinner,  but  those  present 
were  bound  on  honor  not  to  communicate  the  contents  of  it. 
Lord  John  and  his  friends  have  been  all  along  determined, 
if  possible,  to  avoid  proposing  an  amendment. 

There  was  a  Peelite  gathering  at  a  dinner  at  Hay  ward's 


6  REIGN    OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

the  day  before  yesterday,  at  which  Gladstone,  Sidney  Her- 
bert, Newcastle,  Francis  Charteris,  Sir  John  Young,  and 
others  were  present ;  and  Hayward  told  me  they  were  all 
united,  resolved  to  act  together,  and  likewise  averse  to  an 
amendment  if  possible  ;  but  from  the  manner  in  which  they 
have  dealt  with  Free  Trade,  it  is  very  doubtful  whether 
Cobden  at  least,  if  not  Gladstone,  will  not  insist  on  moving 
an  amendment.  A  very  few  hours  will  decide  this  point.1 

November  \%th. — The  question  of  Protection  or  Free 
Trade,  virtually  settled  long  ago,  was  formally  settled  last 
night,  Derby  having  announced  in  terms  the  most  clear  and 
unequivocal  his  final  and  complete  abandonment  of  Protec- 
tion, and  his  determination  to  adhere  to,  and  honestly  to 
administer,  the  present  system.  His  speech  was  received  in 
silence  on  both  sides.  There  has  not  yet  been  time  to  ascer- 
tain the  effect  of  this  announcement  "on  the  various  parties 
and  individuals  interested  by  it. 

November  IQth. — I  went  yesterday  to  the  lying  in  state  of 
the  Duke  of  Wellington  ;  it  was  fine  and  well  done,  but  too 
gaudy  and  theatrical,  though  this  is  unavoidable.  Afterward 
to  St.  Paul's  to  see  it  lit  up.  The  effect  was  very  good,  but 
it  was  like  a  great  rout ;  all  London  was  there  strolling  and 
staring  about  in  the  midst  of  a  thousand  workmen  going  on 
with  their  business  all  the  same,  and  all  the  fine  ladies  scram- 
bling over  vast  masses  of  timber,  or  ducking  to  avoid  the 
great  beams  that  were  constantly  sweeping  along.  These 
public  funerals  are  very  disgusting  mcd  scntentid.  On  Sat- 
urday several  people  were  killed  and  wounded  at  Chelsea ; 
yesterday  everything  was  orderly  and  well  conducted,  and  I 
heard  of  no  accidents. 

Charles  Villiers'  motion,  after  much  consultation  and 
debate,  whether  it  should  be  brought  on  or  not,  is  settled  in 
the  affirmative,  and  was  concocted  by  the  Peelites  at  a  meet- 
ing at  Aberdeen's,  Graham  present.  Nothing  could  be  more 
moderate,  so  moderate  that  it  appeared  next  to  impossible 
the  Government  could  oppose  it.  Yesterday  morning  there 
\\.-H  ;i  Ministerialist  meeting  in  Downing  Street,  when  Derby 
harangued  his  followers. 

November  21st. — I  saw  the  Duke's  funeral  from  Devon- 
shire House.  Rather  a  fine  sight,  and  all  well  done,  except 
the  car,  which  was  tawdry,  cumbrous,  and  vulgar.  It  was 

1  [The  new  Parliament  was  opened  by  the  Queen  in  person  on  November 


1852.]  MR.  VILLIERS'   MOTION.  7 

contrived  by  a  German  artist  attached  to  the  School  of  De- 
sign, and  under  Prince  Albert's  direction — no  proof  of  his 
good  taste.  The  whole  ceremony  within  St.  Paul's  and  with- 
out went  off  admirably,  and  without  mistakes,  mishaps,  or 
accidents ;  but  as  all  the  newspapers  overflow  with  the  de- 
tails. I  may  very  well  omit  them  here. 

Now  that  this  great  ceremony  is  over,  we  have  leisure  to 
turn  our  thoughts  to  political  matters.  I  have  already  said 
thut  Villiers  proposed  a  mild  resolution  which  was  drawn  up 
bv  Graham  at  Aberdeen's  house,  and  agreed  to  by  the  Peelites.1 
Then  came  Derby's  meeting,  where  he  informed  his  followers 
that  he  must  reserve  to  himself  entire  liberty  of  dealing  with 
Villiers'  resolution  as  he  thought  best,  but  if  he  contested  it, 
and  was  beaten,  he  should  not  resign.  He  then  requested 
that  if  any  one  had  any  objection  to  make,  or  remarks  to 
offer,  on  his  proposed  course,  they  would  make  them  then 
and  there,  and  not  find  fault  afterward.  They  all  cheered, 
and  nobody  said  a  word  ;  in  fact  they  were  all  consenting  to 
his  abandonment  of  Protection,  many  not  at  all  liking  it, 
but  none  recalcitrant.  After  this  meeting  there  was  a  recon- 
sideration of  Villiers'  resolution.  Cobden  and  his  friends 
complained  that  it  was  too  milk  and  water,  and  required 
that  it  should  be  made  stronger.  After  much  discussion 
Villiers  consented  to  alter  it,  and  it  was  eventually  put  on 
the  table  of  the  House  in  its  present  more  stringent  form. 
Lord  John  Russell  was  against  the  alteration,  and  Gladstone 
and  the  Peelites  still  more  so  ;  but  Charles  Villiers  thought 
he  could  not  do  otherwise  than  defer  to  Cobden,  after  hav- 
ing prevailed  on  the  latter  to  consent  to  no  amendment  be- 
ing moved  on  the  Address.  There  is  good  reason  to  believe 
that  the  Government  would  have  swallowed  the  first  resolu- 
tion, but  they  could  not  make  up  their  minds  to  take  the 
second ;  and  accordingly  Disraeli  annouced  an  amendment 
in  the  shape  of  another  resolution,  and  the  battle  will  be 
fought  on  the  two,  Dizzy's  just  as  strongly  affirming  the 
principle  of  Free  Trade  as  the  other,  but  it  omits  the  decla- 
ration that  the  measure  of  '46  was  "  wise  and  just."  At  this 
moment  nobody  has  the  least  idea  what  the  division  will  be, 

1  [On  November  23,  Mr.  Charles  Villiers  moved  Resolutions  in  the  House  of 
Oommon-»,  declaring  the  adherence  of  Parliament  to  tho  principles  of  Free  Trade 
and  approving  the  Repeal  of  the  Corn  Lawn.  Mr.  Disraeli  moved  an  amend- 
ment, not  directly  adverse.  But  this  amendment  was  withdrawn  in  fevor  of 
one  more  skilfully  drawn  by  Lord  Palmereton.  On  this  occasion  Lord  Palmer- 
ston  rendered  an  essential  service  to  Lord  Derby's  Government.] 


8  REIGN   OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

nor  how  many  of  the  most  conspicuous  men  will  vote,  nor 
what  the  Government  will  do  if  they  are  beaten.  Moderate 
men  on  the  Liberal  side  regret  that  the  original  resolution 
was  changed,  deprecate  the  pitched  battle,  and  above  all 
dread  that  the  Government  may  resign  if  they  are  beaten, 
which  would  cause  the  greatest  confusion,  nothing  being 
ready  for  forming  a  government  on  the  Liberal  side,  and  the 
Government  would  go  out  with  the  advantage  of  saying 
that  they  were  prepared  with  all  sorts  of  good  measures 
which  the  factious  conduct  of  their  opponents  would  not  let 
them  produce.  Things  have  not  been  well  managed,  and  I 
expect  the  result  of  all  these  proceedings  will  be  damaging 
to  the  Liberal  interest,  and  rather  advantageous  to  Lord 
Derby. 

An  incident  occurred  the  other  night  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  which  exposed  Disraeli  to  much  ridicule  and  se- 
vere criticism.  He  pronounced  a  pompous  funeral  oration 
on  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  and  the  next  day  the  "  Globe" 
showed  that  half  of  it  was  taken  word  for  word  from  a  pane- 
gyric of  Thiers  on  Marshal  Gouvion  de  St.  Cyr.  Disraeli 
has  been  unmercifully  pelted  ever  since,  and  well  deserves  it 
for  such  a  piece  of  folly  and  bad  taste.  His  excuse  is,  that 
he  was  struck  by  the  passage,  wrote  it  down,  and,  when  he 
referred  to  it  recently,  forgot  what  it  was,  and  thought  it 
was  his  own  composition.  But  this  poor  apology  does  not 
save  him.  Derby  spoke  very  well  on  the  same  subject  a 
few  nights  after  in  the  House  of  Lords,  complimenting  the 
authorities,  the  people,  and  foreign  nations,  particularly 
France.  It  is  creditable  to  Louis  Napoleon  to  have  ordered 
Walewski  to  attend  the  funeral.1 

On  Saturday  night,  about  twelve  o'clock,  Miss  Mary  Berry 
died  after  a  few  weeks'  illness,  without  suffering,  and  in  pos- 
session of  her  faculties,  the  machine  worn  out,  for  she  was  in 
her  90th  year.2  As  she  was  born  nearly  a  century  ago,  and  was 

1  [Count  Walewski.  then  French  Ambassador  in  London,  expressed  some 
reluctance  to  attend  trie  funeral  of  the  conqueror  of  Napoleon  I.,  upon  which 
Baron  Bninno-v  said  to  him,  "  If  this  ceremony  were  intended  to  brim*  the 
Duke  to  life  ajain,  I  can  conceive  your  reluctance  to  appear  at  it ;  but  as  it  is 
only  to  burv  him.  I  don't  see  you  have  nnvthing  to  complain  of."] 

9  [Miss  Mary  Berry  was  oorn  at  Kirkbridjre,  in  Yorkshire,  on  March  16, 
1763 ;  her  sister  Acrnes,  who  wan  her  inseparable  companion  for  eitrlity-eisht 
years,  fourteen  months  later.  Her  father,  Robert  Berry,  was  the  nephew  of  a 
Scotch  merchant  named  Ferjruson,  who  purchased  the  e-tatc  of  Raith,  in  Fife- 
shire.  William  Berry,  the  brother  of  Robert,  and  uncle  of  these  ladies,  suc- 
ceeded to  this  property,  and  took  the  name  of  Ferguson.  The  Miss  Berrys  first 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Horace  Walpole  in  1788,  when  he  was  seventy  years 


1852.]  DEATH  OF   MISS  BERRY.  9 

the  contemporary  of  my  grandfathers  and  grandmothers,  she 
was  already  a  very  old  woman  when  I  first  became  acquainted 
with  her,  and  it  was  not  till  a  later  period,  about  twenty 
years  ago.  that  I  began  to  live  in  an  intimacy  with  her 
which  continued  uninterrupted  to  the  last.  My  knowledge 
of  her  early  life  is  necessarily  only  traditional.  She  must 
have  been  exceedingly  good-looking,  for  I  can  remember  her 
with  a  fine  commanding  figure  and  a  very  handsome  face, 
full  of  expression  and  intelligence.  It  is  well  known  that 
she  was  the  object  of  Horace  "Walpole's  octogenarian  attach- 
ment, and  it  has  been  generally  believed  that  he  was  anxious 
to  marry  her  for  the  sake  of  bestowing  upon  her  a  title  and 
a  jointure,  which  advantages  her  disinterested  and  independ- 
ent spirit  would  not  allow  her  to  accept.  She  continued 
nevertheless  to  make  the  charm  and  consolation  of,  his  latter 
days,  and  at  his  death  she  became  his  literary  executrix,  in 
which  capacity  she  edited  Madame  du  Detfand's  letters. 
She  always  preserved  a  great  veneration  for  the  memory  of 
Lord  Orford,  and  has  often  talked  to  me  about  him.  I 
gathered  from  what  she  said  that  she  never  was  herself 
quite  sure  whether  he  wished  to  marry  her,  but  inclined  to 
believe  that  she  might  have  been  his  wife  had  she  chosen 
it.  She  seems  to  have  been  very  early  initiated  into  the  best 
and  most  refined  society,  was  a  constant  inmate  of  Devon- 
shire House  and  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Duchess,  a  friend- 
ship which  descended  to  her  children,  all  of  whom  treated 
Miss  Berry  to  the  last  with  unceasing  marks  of  attention, 
respect,  and  affection.  She  had  been  very  carefully  educated, 
and  was  full  of  literary  tastes  and  general  information,  so 
that  her  conversation  was  always  spirited,  agreeable,  and 
instructive  ;  her  published  works,  without  exhibiting  a  high 
order  of  genius,  have  considerable  merit,  and  her  "Social 
Life  in  England  and  France  "  and  "  The  Life  of  Eachel,  Lady 
Kussell,"  will  always  be  read  with  pleasure,  and  are  entitled 
to  a  permanent  place  in  English  literature  ;  but  her  greatest 
merit  was  her  amiable  and  benevolent  disposition,  which 
secured  to  her  a  very  large  circle  of  attached  friends,  who 
were  drawn  to  her  as  much  by  affectionate  regard  as  by  the 
attraction  of  her  vigorous  understanding  and  the  vivacity 
and  variety  of  her  conversational  powers.  For  a  great  many 
years  the  Misses  Berry  were  among  the  social  celebrities  of 

of  a?e,  and  they  became  the  objects  of  his  devoted  attachment  and  regard.  Seo 
u  National  Biography,"  vol.  iv.  p.  397-1 


IQ  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

London,  and  their  hou~e  was  the  continual  resort  of  the  most 
distinguished  people  of  both  sexes  in  politics,  literature,  and 
fashion.  She  ranked  among  her  friends  and  associates  all 
the  most  remarkable  literary  men  of  the  day,  and  there 
certainly  was  no  house  at  which  so  many  persons  of  such 
various  qualities  and  attainments,  but  all  more  or  less  dis- 
tinguished, could  bo  found  assembled.  She  continued  her 
usual  course  of  life,  and  to  gather  her  friends  about  her,  till 
within  a  few  weeks  of  her  death,  and  at  last  she  sank  by 
gradual  exhaustion,  without  pain  or  suffering,  and  with  the 
happy  consciousness  of  the  affectionate  solicitude  and  care  of 
the  friends  who  had  cheered  and  comforted  the  last  declin- 
ing years  of  her  existence.  To  those  friends  her  loss  is  irrep- 
arable, and  b3sid33  the  private  and  individual  bereavement 
it  is  impossible  not  to  be  affected  by  the  melancholy  con- 
sideration that  her  death  has  deprived  the  world  of  the  sole 
survivor  of  a  once  brilliant  generation,  who  in  her  person 
was  a  link  between  the  present  age  and  one  fertile  in  great 
intellectual  powers,  to  which  our  memories  turn  with  never- 
failing  curiosity  and  interest. 

December  ith. — Last  week  the  House  of  Commons  was 
occupied  with  the  "  Resolutions,"  the  whole  history  of  which 
was  given  by  Graham,  and  which  need  not  be  repeated  here.1 
The  divisions  were  pretty  much  what  were  expected,  and  the 
only  interesting  consideration  is  the  effect  produced,  and  the 
influence  of  the  debate  on  the  state  of  parties.  Palmerston 
is  highly  glorified  by  his  small  clique,  and  rather  smiled  on 
by  the  Tories,  but  he  has  given  great  offence  to  both  Whigs 
and  Itariicals,  and  removed  himself  further  than  ever  from  a 
coalition  with  John  Russell  and  the  Liberal  party.  Lord 
John  himself,  who  made  a  very  good  speech,  rather  gained 
reputation  by  his  behavior  throughout  the  transaction,  and 
is  on  better  terms  both  with  Cobden,  Bright,  and  his  own 
party,  than  he  has  been  for  some  time  past.  Disraeli  made 
a  very  imprudent  speech,  which  disgusted  many  of  his  own 
adherents,  and  exposed  him  to  vigorous  attacks  and  a  tre- 
mendous castigation  on  the  part  of  his  opponents,  by  Bernal 
Osborne  in  tho  coarser,  and  Sidney  Herbert  in  more  pol- 
ished style.  The  Protectionists  generally  cut  a  very  poor 

1  [After  three  nights'  debate,  the  Resolutions  moved  by  Mr.  Villiers  were 
negatived  by  'J.V,  to  '2W.  and  the  motion  adroitly  substituted  for  them  by  Lord 
Palmerston  in  favor  of  "  unrestricted  competition"  was  carried  by  468  ngainst 
53,  being  accepted  by  the  Government.] 


1852.]  MR.  DISRAELI'S  BUDGET.  H 

figure,  and  had  nothing  to  say  for  themselves.  "If  people 
wish  for  humiliation,"  said  Sidney  Herbert,  "let  them  look 
at  the  benches  opposite."  But  all  the  dirt  they  had  to  eat, 
and  all  .the  mortification  they  had  to  endure,  did  not  pre- 
vent the  Derbyites  from  presenting  a  compact  determined 
phalanx  of  about  three  hundred  men,  all  resolved  to  support 
the  Government,  and  to  vote  through  thick  and  thin,  with- 
out reference  to  their  past  or  present  opinions.  The  Minis- 
terial papers  and  satellites  toss  their  caps  up  and  proclaim 
a  great  victory,  but  it  is  difficult  to  discover  in  what  the 
victory  consists.  It  certainly  shows  that  they  are  strong 
and  devoted  if  not  united. 

After  the  division  there  was  a  good  deal  of  speculation 
rife  as  to  Palmerston's  joining  the  Government,  which  his 
friends  insist  he  will  not  do.  I  am  disposed  to  think  he 
will.  Since  that  we  have  had  Beresford's  affair  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  Clanricarde's  folly  in  the  Lords. 
Cockburn  produced  a  strong  primd  facie  case  against  Beres- 
ford.  and  the  committee  has  been  appointed  on  his  case,  and 
proceeds  to  business  on  Monday.1  Clanricarde  chose  de  son 
chef  to  propose  a  resolution  like  that  of  the  Commons,  which 
Derby  refused  to  take  and  offered  another  in  its  place,  which 
Clanricarde  has  accepted.  He  gave  Derby  the  opportunity 
he  wanted  of  setting  himself  right  with  his  own  party,  who, 
albeit  resolved  to  support  him,  are  smarting  severely  under 
his  complete  abandonment  of  Protection,  and  the  necessity 
to  which  they  are  reduced  of  swallowing  the  nauseous  Free 
Trade  pill.  He  will  make  the  dose  more  palatable  by 
soothing  their  wounded  pride.  Clanricarde  went  to  Lord 
Lansdowne  and  told  him  what  he  proposed  to  do.  Lans- 
downe  objected,  but  Clanricarde  said  he  did  it  individually 
and  would  take  all  the  responsibility  on  himself,  on  which 
Lansdowne  very  unwisely  ceased  to  object.  His  purpose  is 
to  take  no  responsibility  on  himself. 

December  6th. — Ever  since  the  termination  of  the  "  Reso- 
lutions" debate  the  world  has  been  in  a  state  of  intense  curi- 
osity to  hear  the  budget,  so  long  announced,  and  of  which 
such  magnificent  things  were  predicted.  The  secret  was  so 
well  kept  that  nobody  knew  anything  about  it,  and  not  one 
of  the  hundred  guesses  and  conjectures  turned  out  to  be 
correct.  At  length  on  Friday  night  Disraeli  produced  his 

1  [This  related  to  proceedings  with  reference  .to  the  recent  election  at  Derby.  ] 


12  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

measure  in  a  house  crowded  to  suffocation  with  members 
and  strangers.  He  spoke  for  five  and  a  half  hours,  much 
too  diffusely,  spinning  out  what  he  might  have  said  in  half 
the  time.  The  budget  has  been  on  the  whole  tolerably  well 
received,  and  may,  I  think,  be  considered  successful,  though 
it  is  open  to  criticism,  and  parts  of  it  will  be  fiercely  at- 
tacked, and  he  will  very  likely  be  obliged  to  change  some 
parts  of  it.  But  though  favorably  received  on  the  whole, 
it  by  no  means  answers  to  the  extravagant  expectations  that 
were  raised,  or  proves  so  entirely  satisfactory  to  all  parties 
and  all  interests  as  Disraeli  rather  imprudently  gave  out  that 
it  would  be.  The  people  who  regard  it  with  the  least  favor 
are  those  who  will  be  obliged  to  give  it  the  most  unqualified 
support,  the  ex-Protectionists,  for  the  relief  or  compensation 
to  the  landed  interest  is  very  far  from  commensurate  with 
their  expectations.  It  is  certainly  of  a  Free  Trade  charac- 
ter altogether,  which  does  not  make  it  the  more  palatable  to 
them.  He  threw  over  the  West  Indians,  and  (Pukington, 
their  advocate,  sitting  beside  him)  declared  they  had  no 
claim  to  any  relief  beyond  that  which  he  tendered  them, 
viz.,  the  power  of  refining  sugar  in  bond — a  drop  of  water 
to  one  dying  of  thirst.  I  think  it  will  go  down,  and  make 
the  Government  safe.  This  I  have  all  along  thought  they 
would  be,  and  every  day  seems  to  confirm  this  opinion. 
They  have  got  from  three  hundred  to  three  hundred  and 
fifteen  men  in  the  House  of  Commons  who,  though  dissatis- 
fied and  disappointed,  are  nevertheless  determined  to  swal- 
low everything  and  support  them  through  thick  and  thin, 
and  they  have  to  encounter  an  opposition,  the  scattered 
fractions  of  which  are  scarcely  more  numerous,  but  which  is 
in  a  state  of  the  greatest  confusion  and  disunion,  and  with- 
out any  prospect  of  concord  among  them. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  came  to  me  yesterday,  and  told 
me  he  had  never  been  so  disheartened  about  politics  in  his 
life,  or  so  hopeless  of  any  good  result  for  his  party,  in  which 
he  saw  nothing  but  disagreement  and  all  sorts  of  pretensions 
and  jealousies  incompatible  with  any  common  cause,  and 
Aberdeen,  whom  I  met  at  dinner  yesterday,  is  of  much  the 
same  opinion.  The  principal  object  of  interest  and  curios- 
ty  seems  now  to  be  whether  Palmerston  will  join  them  or 
not.  On  this  the  most  opposite  opinions  and  reports  pre- 
vail. Just  now  it  is  said  that  he  has  resolved  not.  At  all 
events,  if  he  does,  he  will  have  to  go  alone,  for  he  can  take 


1832.]  DEFEAT   OF  THE  BUDGET.  13 

nobody  with  him,  as  it  certainly  is  his  object  to  do.  But  it 
does  not  appear  now  as  if  there  was  the  least  chance  of  Glad- 
stone or  Sidney  Herbert  joining  him.  The  Duke  of  Bed- 
ford told  me  that  both  Derby  and  Palmerston  were  in  better 
odor  at  Windsor  than  they  were,  and  that  the  Queen  and 
Prince  approve  of  Pam's  move  about  the  Resolutions,  and 
think  he  did  good  service.  Aberdeen  also  thinks  that  though 
the  Whigs  and  Radicals  are  angry  with  Lord  Palmerstou, 
and  that  his  proceeding  was  unwarrantable,  he  stands  in  a 
better  position  in  the  country,  and  has  gained  credit  and 
influence  by  what  he  did.  Abroad,  where  nobody  under-, 
stands  our  affairs,  he  is  supposed  to  have  played  a  very  great 
part,  and  to  have  given  indubitable  proof  of  great  political 
power. 

December  9th. — Within  these  few  days  the  Budget,  which 
was  not  ill  received  at  first,  has  excited  a  strong  opposition, 
and  to-morrow  there  is  to  be  a  pitched  battle  and  grand  trial 
of  strength  between  the  Government  and  Opposition  upon 
it,  and  there  is  much  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  result. 
The  Government  have  put  forth  that  they  mean  to  resign  if 
beaten  upon  it.  Derby  and  Disraeli  were  both  remarkably 
well  received  at  the  Lord  Mayor's  dinner  the  night  before 
last,  and  this  is  an  additional  proof  that,  in  spite  of  all  their 
disreputable  conduct,  they  are  not  unpopular,  and  I  believe, 
if  the  country  were  polled,  they  would  as  soon  have  these 
people  for  Ministers  as  any  others.  Nobody  knows  what  part 
Palmerston  is  going  to  take. 

December  18th. — The  last  few  days  have  been  entirely 
occupied  by  the  interest  of  the  Budget  debate  and  specula- 
tions as  to  the  result.  We  received  the  account  of  the 
division  at  Panshanger  yesterday  morning,  not  without  as- 
tonishment ;  for  although  the  opinion  had  latterly  been 
gaining  ground  that  the  Government  would  be  beaten,  no- 
body expected  such  a  majority  against  them.1  Up  to  the 
last  they  were  confident  of  winning.  The  debate  was  all 
against  them,  and  only  exhibited  their  weakness  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  It  was  closed  by  two  very  fine  speeches 
from  Disraeli  and  Gladstone,  very  different  in  their  style, 
but  not  unequal  in  their  merits. 
Panshanyer,  December  19£A. — I  went  to  town  yesterday 

1  [The  division  on  the  Budget  t^ok  place  on  December  16  after  five  nights' 
debate,  the  numbers  being — for  the  Government,  286 ;  against,  305 ;  adverse 
majority,  19.] 


14  R2IGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [Ciur.  L 

morning  to  hear  what  was  going  on.  Lord  Derby  returned 
from  Osborne  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  and  the  Queen  hud 
sent  for  Lords  Lansdowne  and  Aberdeen.  She  had  been 
gracious  to  Derby,  and  pressed  him  to  stay  on,  if  it  were 
only  for  a  short  time.  I  saw  Talbot,  and  from  the  fe\v 
words  he  let  drop  I  gathered  that  they  have  already  resolved 
to  keep  together,  and  to  enter  on  a  course  of  bitter  and  de- 
termined opposition.  Not  that  he  said  this,  of  course,  but 
he  intimated  that  he  had  no  idea  of  any  new  Government 
that  might  be  formed  being  able  to  go  on  even  for  a  short 
time,  and  that  they  would  very  speedily  be  let  in  again, 
The  language  of  the  Carlton  corresponds  with  this,  and  I 
have  no  doubt  they  will  be  as  virulent  and  as  mischievous 
as  they  can.  It  remains  to  be  seen,  if  a  good  Government 
is  formed,  whether  some  will  not  be  more  moderate,  and 
disposed  to  give  the  new  Cabinet  a  fair  trial. 

Clarendon  writes  me  word  that  the  meeting  at  Woburn 
between  John  Russell,  Aberdeen,  Newcastle,  and  himself 
hasv  been  altogether  satisfactory,  everybody  ready  to  give  and 
take,  and  anxious  to  promote  the  common  cause,  without 
any  selfish  views  or  prejudices.  Newcastle  is  particularly 
reasonable,  disclaiming  any  hostility  to  John  Russell,  and 
only  objecting  to  his  being  at  present  the  nominal  head  of 
the  Government,  because  there  is  rightly  or  wrongly  a  preju- 
dice against  him,  which  would  prevent  some  Liberals  arid 
some  Peelites  joining  the  Government  if  he  was  placed  in 
that  position  ;  but  he  contemplates  his  ultimately  resuming 
that  post,  and  he  (Newcastle)  is  ready  to  do  anything  in 
office  or  out.  There  is  no  disposition  to  take  in  Cobden 
and  Bright,  but  they  would  not  object  to  Molesworth. 

I  went  over  to  Brocket  just  now,  and  found  the  Palmer- 
stons  there.  He  is  not  pleased  at  the  turn  matters  have 
taken,  would  have  liked  the  Government  to  go  on  at  all 
events  some  time  longer,  and  is  disgusted  at  the  thought  of 
Aberdeen  being  at  the  head  of  the  next  Ministry.  This  is 
likewise  obnoxious  to  the  Whigs  at  Brooks's,  and  there  will 
be  no  small  difficulty  in  bringing  them  to  consent  to  it,  if 
Lansdowne  refuses.  Beauvale  said  if  Palmerston  had  not 
been  laid  up,  and  prevented  going  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, he  thinks  this  catastrophe  would  not  have  happened, 
for  Palmerston  meant  to  have  done  in  a  friendly  \vay  what 
Charles  Wood  did  in  an  unfriendly  one,  and  advised  l3israeli 
to  postpone  and  remake  his  Budget,  and  this  advice  so 


1852.]  TEE   COALITION   MINISTRY.  15 

tendered  he  thinks  Dizzy  would  have  taken,  and  then  the 
issue  would  have  been  changed  and  deferred  till  after  the 
recess.  But  I  don't  believe  this  fine  scheme  would  have 
taken  effect,  or  that  Dizzy  would  or  could  have  adopted 
such  a  course.  Beauvale  says  he  is  pretty  sure  Palmerston 
will  not  take  office  under  Aberdeen's  Premiership  ;  on  the 
other  hand,  Aberdeen  has  no  objection  to  him,  and  will  in- 
vite Palmerston,  if  the  task  devolves  upon  him.  Ellice 
fancies  Lansdowne  will  decline,  and  that  Aberdeen  will  fail, 
and  that  it  will  end  in  Derby  coming  back,  reinforced  by 
Palmerston  and  some  Peelites.  The  difficulties  are  certainly 
enormous,  but  by  some  means  or  other  I  think  a  Government 
will  be  formed.  The  exclusions  will  be  very  painful,  and 
must  be  enormous.  Lord  Derby  met  Granville  and  others 
at  the  station  on  Friday,  and  he  "said  he  calculated  the  new 
Cabinet  could  not  consist  of  less  than  thirty-two  men,  and 
many  then  left  out.  It  will  be  a  fine  time  to  test  the 
amount  of  patriotism  and  unselfishness  that  can  be  found  in 
the  political  world. 

London,  December  2lst. — I  came  to  town  yesterday  morn- 
ing, and  heard  that  the  day  before  (Sunday)  a  very  hostile 
feeling  toward  Aberdeen  had  been  prevailing  at  Brooks's, 
but  no  doubt  was  entertained  that  the  Government  would 
be  formed.  In  the  afternoon  Clarendon  came  to  me  on  his 
way  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and  told  me  all  that  had  passed 
up  to  that  time.  On  receiving  the  Queen's  summons,  a 
meeting  took  place  between  Laiisdowne  and  Aberdeen  at 
Lansdowne  House,  at  which  each  did  his  best  to  persuade 
the  other  to  accept  the  commission  to  form  a  Government. 
Lansdowne  pleaded  absolute  physical  inability,  and  his 
friends  seem  to  be  quite  satisfied  that  he  really  could  not 
undertake  it.  Accordingly  Aberdeen  gave  way,  and  de- 
parted for  Osborne  on  a  reiterated  summons,  and,  after  tell- 
ing the  Queen  all  that  had  passed  between  Lansdowne  and 
himself,  undertook  the  task.  Nothing  could  be  more  cordial 
all  this  time  than  the  relations  between  himself  and  John 
Russell ;  but  as  soon  as  it  became  known  that  Aberdeen  was 
to  form  the  new  Government,  certain  friends  of  John  Russell 
set  to  work  to  persuade  him  that  it  would  be  derogatory  to 
his  character  to  have  any  concern  in  it,  and  entreated  him 
to  refuse  his  concurrence.  These  were  David  Dundas  and 
Romilly,  and  there  may  have  been  others.  This  advice  was 
probably  the  more  readily  listened  to,  because  it  corresponded 


10  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

with  his  original  view  of  the  matter  and  his  own  natural  dis- 
position, and  it  produced  so  much  effect  that  yesterday  morn- 
ing he  went  to  Lansdowne  and  told  him  that  he  had  resolved 
to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  new  Government.  Lans- 
downe was  thunderstruck,  and  employed  every  argument  he 
could  think  of  to  change  this  resolution.  It  so  happened 
that  he  had  written  to  Macaulay  and  aiked  him  to  call  on 
him  to  talk  matters  over,  and  Macaulay  was  announced  while 
Lord  John  was  still  there.  Lansdowne  told  him  the  subject 
of  their  discussion,  and  the  case  was  put  before  Macaulay 
with  all  its  pros  and  cons  for  his  opinion.  He  heard  all 
Lansdowne  and  Lord  John  had  to  say,  and  then  delivered 
his  opinion  in  a  very  eloquent  speech,  strongly  recommend- 
ing Lord  John  to  go  on  with  Aberdeen,  and  saying  that,  at 
such  a  crisis  as  this,  the  refusal  of  his  aid,  which  was  indis- 
pensable for  the  success  of  the  attempt,  would  be  little  short- 
of  treason.  Lord  John  went  away  evidently  shaken,  but 
without  pronouncing  any  final  decision.  Clarendon  then 
called  at  Lansdowne  House,  and  heard  these  particulars,  and 
Lansdowne  entreated  him  to  go  and  see  Lord  John  and  try 
his  influence  over  him.  Clarendon  had  the  day  before  given 
him  his  opinion  in  writing  to  the  same  effect  as  Macaulay. 
He- went,  saw  him,  and  repeated  all-  he  had  before  written. 
Lord  John  took  it  very  well,  and,  when  he  left  him,  said, 
"  I  suppose  it  will  be  as  you  wish,"  and  when  I  saw  Claren- 
don he  seemed  reassured,  and  tolerably  confident  that  this 
great  peril  of  the  whole  concern  being  thus  shipwrecked  in 
limine  had  passed  away.  After  the  House  of  Lords,  where 
I  heard  Derby's  strange  and  inexcusable  speech,  we  again 
discussed  the  matter,  when  he  said  Lord  John  had  raised 
another  difficulty,  for  he  said  he  would  not  take  the  Foreign 
Office,  alleging,  not  without  truth,  that  it  was  impossible  for 
him  or  any  man  to  perform  the  duties  of  so  laborious  an 
office  and  lead  the  House  of  Commons.  Lord  John  also 
signified  to  Clarendon  that  he  should  insist  on  his  being  in 
the  Cabinet,  which  Clarendon  entreated  him  not  to  require. 
Newcastle,  who  was  there,  suggested  that  Lord  John  might 
take  the  Foreign  Office  for  a  time,  and  if  he  found  the  two 
duties  incompatible  he  might  give  it  up,  and  Clarendon 
seemed  to  think  this  mi^ht  be  done,  and  at  all  events  he 
means  to  persuade  Lord  John  (as  ro  doubt  he  will)  to  make 
up  his  mind  to  take  it,  for  his  not  doing  so  would  certainly 
be  very  inconvenient.  Should  Lord  John  prove  obstinate 


1852.]  LORD  ST.   LEONARDS.  17 

in  this  respect,  I  have  no  douht  Clarendon  will  himself  be 
put  there. 

We  talked  about  the  Great  Seal,  and  Senior  had  heen 
with  Lord  Lansdowne,  who  appeal's  to  incline  very  much  to 
getting  Lord  St.  Leonards1  to  stay  if  he  will,  but  Senior 
thinks  he  will  not ;  certainly  not,  unless  with  the  concur- 
rence of  his  present  colleagues,  which  it  is  doubtful  if  Derby 
in  his  present  frame  of  mind  would  give.  The  Chancellor 
was  at  Derby's  meeting  in  the  morning,  which  looks  like  a 
resolution  to  go  out  with  them.  It  will  be  a  good  thing  if 
he  will  remain,  but  it  will  do  good  to  the  new  Government 
to  invite  him,  whether  he  accepts  or  refuses.  We  talked  of 
Brougham,  but  Clarendon,  though  anxious  to  have  Brough- 
am in  as  President  of  the  Council,  thinks  he  would  not  do 
for  the  Woolsack,  and  that  it  will  be  better  to  have  Cran- 
worth  if  Lord  St.  Leonards  will  not  stay.  There  is  a  great 
difficulty  in  respect  to  the  retiring  pension.  There  can  only 
be  four,  and  Sugden's  will  make  up  the  number,  so  that  a 
fresh  Chancellor  could  have  none  except  at  the  death  of  one 
of  the  others.  The  worst  part  of  the  foregoing  story  is,  that 
Lord  John  will  not  join  cordially  and  heartily,  and  it  is  im- 
possible to  say,  during  the  difficult  adjustment  of  details, 
what  objections  he  may  not  raise  and  what  embarrassments 
he  may  not  cause. 

There  was  a  meeting  at  Lord  Derby's  yesterday  morning, 
at  which  he  told  his  friends  he  would  continue  to  lead  them, 
and  he  recommended  a  moderation,  in  which  he  probably 
was  not  sincere,  and  which  they  will  not  care  to  observe. 
Lord  Delawarr  got  up  and  thanked  him.  Nothing  can  be 
more  rabid  than  the  party  and  the  ex-ministers,  and  they 
are  evidently  bent  on  vengeance  and  a  furious  opposition. 
I  fell  in  with  Lord  Dmmlanrig  and  Onsely  Higgins  yester- 
day morning,  one  a  moderate  Derbyite  (always  Free  Trader), 
the  other  an  Irish  Brigadier.  Dramlanrig  told  me  he  knew 
of  several  adherents  of  Derby  who  were  resolved  to  give  the 
new  Government  fair  play,  and  would  not  rush  into  opposi- 

1  [Sir  Edward  Burtenshaw  Sugden  was  one  of  the  most  eminent  equity 
hiwyors  of  the  day,  distinguished  as  an  advocate  in  the  Court  of  Chancery  and 
by  his  important  lecral  writings.  He  was  twice  Lord  Chancellor  of  Ireland 
under  the  two  Administrations  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  and  he  received  the  Great 
Seal  of  England  on  the  formation  of  Lord  Derby's  Administration  in  1852, 
with  a  peerage  under  the  title  of  Baron  St.  Leonards.  But  he  owed  his 
celebrity  and  his  promotion  to  his  eminence  as  a  lawyer  far  more  than  to  his 
activity  as  a  politician.] 


18  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

tion,  and  Ousely  Higgins  said  he  thought  the  Irish  would  be 
all  right,  especially  if,  as  the  report  ran,  Granville  was  sent 
to  Ireland  ;  but  there  is  no  counting  on  the  Irish  Brigade, 
whose  object  it  is  to  embarrass  every  Government.  If  they 
could  be  friendly  to  any,  it  would,  however,  be  one  com- 
posed of  Aberdeen,  Graham,  and  Gladstone,  the  opponents 
of  the  Ecclesiastical  Titles  Bill. 

December  22d. — On  going  to  The  Grove  yesterday  after- 
noon, I  found  a  letter  Clarendon  had  received  from  Lans- 
downe  in  bad  spirits  enough.  He  had  seen  Aberdeen,  who 
had  received  no  answer  from  John  Russell,  and  Aberdeen 
was  prepared,  if  he  did  not  get  his  acceptance  the  next 
morning,  to  give  the  thing  up.  Lansdowne  was  greatly 
alarmed  and  far  from  confident  Lord  John  would  agree,  at 
all  events,  that  he  would  not  take  the  Foreign  Office,  in 
which  case  Lansdowne  said  he  (Clarendon)  must  take  it. 
Nothing,  could  look  worse.  This  morning  Clarendon  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Aberdeen  announcing  that  Lord  John 
had  agreed  to  lead  the  House  of  Commons,  either  without 
an  office  or  with  a  nominal  one,  and  asking  Clarendon  to 
take  the  Foreign  Office.  We  came  up  to  town  together,  he 
meaning  to  accept  unless  he  can  prevail  on  Lord  John  to 
take  it,  if  it  be  only  for  a  time,  and  he  is  gone  to  see  what 
he  can  do  with  him.  He  told  me  last  night  that  when  he 
was  at  Woburn  last  week,  the  Duke  informed  him  that  he 
had  had  a  confidential  communication  from  Stockmar,  ask- 
ing for  his  advice,  whom  the  Queen  should  send  for  if  the 
Government  was  beaten  and  if  Derby  resigned.  He  had 
just  received  this  letter,  and  had  not  answered  it,  and  con- 
sulted Clarendon  what  he  should  say.  Clarendon  advised 
him  to  recommend  Lansdowne  and  Aberdeen,  and  he  wrote 
to  that  effect.  The  very  morning  after  the  division,  just  as 
they  were  going  hunting,  the  hounds  meeting  at  the  Torr,  a 
Queen's  messenger  arrived  with  another  letter,  requesting  he 
would  communicate  more  fully  his  sentiments  at  the  present 
crisis.  The  messenger  was  ordered  to  keep  himself  secret, 
and  not  to  let  his  mission  transpire.  The  Duke,  under 
Clarendon's  advice,  wrote  a  long  letter  back,  setting  forth 
in  detail  all  that  had,  not  long  ago,  passed  about  Palmerston 
and  Lansdowne,  and  his  notions  of  the  difficulties  and  exi- 
gencies of  the  present  time.  He  said  that  it  was  evident 
Lord  John  could  not  make  a  Government,  and  that  he  was 
himself  conscious  of  it. 


1852.]  ABERDEEN  AND   PALMERSTON.  19 

December  23d. — It  appears  that  on  Tuesday  (21st)  Aber- 
deen went  to  Palmerston,  who  received  him  very  civilly, 
even  cordially,  talked  of  old  times,  and  reminded  him  that 
they  had  been  acquainted  for  sixty  years  (since  they  were 
at  Harrow  together),  and  had  lived  together  in  the  course  of 
their  political  lives  more  than  most  men.  Aberdeen  offered 
him  the  Admiralty,  saying  he  considered  it  in  existing  cir- 
cumstances the  most  important  office,  and  the  one  in  which 
he  could  render  the  greatest  service  to  the  country,  but  if 
he  for  any  reason  objected  to  that  office,  he  begged  him  to 
say  what  other  office  he  would  have.  Palmerston  replied 
that  he  had  no  hostile  feeling  toward  him,  but  they  had  for 
so  many  years  been  in  strong  opposition  to  each  other,  that 
the  public  would  never  understand  his  taking  office  in  Aber- 
deen's Government,  and  he  was  too  old  to  expose  himself  to 
such  misconceptions.  And  so  they  parted,  on  ostensibly 
very  friendly  terms,  which  will  probably  not  prevent  Palm- 
erston's  joining  Derby  and  going  into  furious  opposition.  In 
the  course  of  the  day  yesterday  both  Clarendon  and  Lans- 
downe  called  on  Palmerston,  and  he  expressed  great  satis- 
faction at  Clarendon's  appointment  to  the  Foreign  Office. 

In  the  afternoon  I  called  on  Lady  Clanricarde,  who  gave 
me  to  understand  that  Clanricarde  was  likely  to  become  a 
personage  of  considerable  influence  and  power  (and  therefore 
worth  having),  inasmuch  as  the  Irish  Band  had  made  over- 
tures to  him,  and  signified  their  desire  to  act  under  his 
guidance.  She  said  this  was  not  the  first  overture  he  had 
received  of  the  kind  from  the  same  quarter  ;  that  for  various 
reasons  he  had  declined  the  others,  but  she  thought  at  the 
present  time  he  might  very  well  listen  to  it ;  that  they  were 
very  anxious  to  be  led  by  a  gentleman,  and  a  man  of  con- 
sideration ,and  station  in  the  world.  All  this,  to  which  I 
attach  very  little  credit,  was  no  doubt  said  to  me  in  order  to 
be  repeated,  and  that  it  might  impress  on  Aberdeen  and  his 
friends  and  colleagues  the  importance  of  securing  Clanri- 
carde's  services  and  co-operation  ;  and  I  am  the  more  con- 
firmed in  this  by  receiving  a  note  from  the  Marchioness 
in  the  evening,  begging  I  would  not  repeat  what  she  had 
told  me. 

There  was  nothing  new  yesterday  in  the  purlieus  of 
Whiggism,  but  I  think  somewhat  more  of  acquiescence,  and 
a  disposition  to  regard  this  combination  as  inevitable.  The 
Derbyites  quite  frenzied,  and  prepared  to  go  any  lengths. 


20  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

Lonsdale  told  me  the  party  were  delighted  with  Derby's  in- 
temperate speech  in  the  House  of  Lords,  which  seems  to  have 
been  rehearsed  at  his  own  meeting  the  same  morning  ;  and 
the  other  day  twenty  ruffians  of  the  Carl  ton  Club  gave  a 
dinner  there  to  Beresford,  to  celebrate  what  they  consider 
his  acquittal !  After  dinner,  when  they  got  drunk,  they 
went  upstairs,  and  finding  Gladstone  alone  in  the  drawing- 
room,  some  of  them  proposed  to  throw  him  out  of  the  win- 
dow. This  they  did  not  quite  dare  to  do,  but  contented  them- 
selves with  giving  some  insulting  message  or  order  to  the 
waiter,  and  then  went  away. 

Hatch  ford,  Friday,  24:ih. — The  great  event  of  yesterday 
was  Palmerston's  accession  to  the  Government.  Lord  Lans- 
downe  had  called  on  him  the  day  before,  and  had,  I  suspect, 
little  difficulty  in  persuading  him  to  change  his  determina- 
tion and  join  the  new  Cabinet.  He  said  he  would  place 
himself  in  Lord  Lansdowne's  hands,  and  yesterday  morning 
I  heard  as  a  secret,  though  it  was  speedily  published,  that 
he  had  agreed  to  take  the  Home  Office.  The  next  thing 
was  Lord  John's  consent  to  take  the  Foreign  Office.  This 
he  was  persuaded  to  do  by  Clarendon,  who  engaged  to  help 
him  in  the  work,  and  relieve  him  by  taking  it  himself  the 
moment  Lord  John  should  find  himself  unequal  to  it,  and 
on  these  conditions  he  consented.  It  was  settled  that  Glad- 
stone should  be  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  but  Delano 
went  to  Aberdeen  last  night  for  the  purpose  of  getting  him 
to  change  this  arrangement  on  the  ground  of  the  difficulty 
there  would  be  about  the  Income  Tax. 

The  important  part  of  forming  the  Cabinet  is  now  done, 
and  nothing  remains  but  the  allotment  of  the  places.  It 
will  be  wonderfully  strong  in  point  of  ability,  and  in  this 
respect  exhibit  a  marked  contrast  with  the  last ;  but  its  very 
excellence  in  this  respect  may  prove  a  source  of  weakness, 
and  eventually  of  disunion.  The  late  Cabinet  had  two  para- 
mount chiefs,  and  all  the  rest  nonentities,  and  the  nominal 
head  was  also  a  real  and  predominant  head.  In  the  pres- 
ent Cabinet  arc  five  or  six  first-rate  men  of  equal  or  nearly 
equal  pretensions,  none  of  them  likely  to  acknowlege  the 
superiority  or  defer  to  the  opinions  of  any  other,  and  every 
one  of  these  five  or  six  considering  himself  abler  and  more 
important  than  their  Premier.  They  are  all  at  present  on 
very  good  terms  and  perfectly  satisfied  with  each  other  ;  but 
this  satisfaction  does  not  extend  beyond  the  Cabinet  itself  ; 


1852.]  THE   ABERDEEN   CABINET.  21 

murmurings  and  grumblings  are  already  very  loud.  The 
Whigs  have  never  looked  with  much  benignity  on  this  coali- 
tion, and  they  are  now  furious  at  the  unequal  and,  as  they 
think,  unfair  distribution  of  places.  These  complaints  are 
not  without  reason,  nor  will  it  make  matters  better  that 
John  Russell  has  had  no  communication  with  his  old  friends 
and  adherents,  nor  made  any  struggle,  as  it  is  believed,  to 
provide  for  them,  although  his  adhesion  is  so  indispensable 
that  he  might  have  made  any  terms  and  conditions  he  chose. 
Then  the  Radicals,  to  judge  from  their  press,  are  exceeding- 
ly sulky  and  suspicious,  and  more  likely  to  oppose  than  to 
support  the  new  Government.  The  Irish  also  seem  disposed 
to  assume  a  menacing  and  half  hostile  attitude,  and,  having 
contributed  to  overthrow  the  last  Government,  are  very 
likely  (according  to  the  policy  chalked  out  for  them  after 
the  election)  to  take  an  early  opportunity  of  aiding  the 
Derbyites  to  turnout  this.  Thus  hampered  with  difficulties 
and  beset  with  dangers,  it  is  impossible  to  feel  easy  about 
their  prospects.  If,  however,  they  set  to  work  vigorously 
to  frame  good  measures  and  remove  practical  and  crying 
evils,  they  may  excite  a  feeling  in  their  favor  in  the  country, 
and  may  attract  support  enough  from  different  quarters  in 
the  House  of  Commons  to  go  on,  but  I  much  fear  that  it 
will  at  best  be  a  perturbed  and  doubtful  existence.  Such 
seems  the  necessary  condition  of  every  Government  now- 
adays, and  unfortunately  there  is  a  considerable  party  which 
rejoices  in  such  a  state  of  things,  and  only  desires  to  ag- 
gravate the  mischief,  because  they  think  its  continuance  and 
the  instability  of  every  Government  will  be  most  conducive 
to  the  ends  and  objects  which  they  aim  at. 

London,  December  28th. — The  remonstrances  against 
Gladstone's  being  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  were  unavail- 
ing, but  he  says  he  is  not  tied  up  by  anything  he  said  about 
the  Income  Tax.  This  will  nevertheless  be  a  great  difficulty, 
for  Graham  and  Wood,  though  not  perhaps  so  much  com- 
mitted as  Gladstone,  are  both  against  the  alteration,  which 
the  public  voice  undoubtedly  demands.  Last  night  the  new 
Ministers  took  their  places  on  the  Treasury  bench,  and  the 
Tories  moved  over  to  the  opposite  side.  Aberdeen  made 
his  statement,  which  was  fair  enough  and  not  ill  received, 
but  it  was  ill  delivered,  and  he  omitted  to  say  all  he  might 
and  ought  to  have  said  about  Lord  Lansdowne,  nor  did  he 
say  enough  about  John  Russell.  He  said,  on  the  other  hand, 


22  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

more  than  enough  about  foreign  policy,  and  gave  Derby 
a  good  opportunity  of  attacking  that  part  of  his  speech. 
Derby  was  more  moderate  and  temperate  than  on  the  first 
night,  and  made  a  pretty  good  speech.  He  was  wrong  in 
dilating  so  much  on  what  had  passed  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, and  he  made  very  little  of  the  case  of  combination  ; 
he  was  severe  on  Graham  and  his  speech  at  his  election  at 
Carlisle,  and  Graham  heard  it  all.  Nobody  else  said  a  word. 
The  Government  is  now  complete,  except  some  of  the 
minor  appointments  and  the  Household.  It  has  not  been 
a  smooth  and  easy  business  by  any  means,  and  there  is 
anything  but  contentment,  cordiality,  and  zeal  in  the  con- 
federated party.  The  Whigs  are  excessively  dissatisfied  with 
the  share  of  places  allotted  to  them,  and  complain  that 
every  Peelite  without  exception  has  been  provided  for,  while 
half  the  Whigs  are  excluded.  Though  they  exaggerate  the 
case,  there  is  a  good  deal  of  justice  in  their  complaints,  and 
they  have  a  right  to  murmur  against  Aberdeen  for  not  doing 
more  for  them,  and  John  Russell  for  not  insisting  on  a 
larger  share  of  patronage  for  his  friends.1  Clarendon  told 
me  last  night  that  the  Peelites  have  behaved  very  ill,  and 
have  grasped  at  everything,  and  he  mentioned  some  very 
flagrant  case?,  in  which,  after  the  distribution  had  been 
settled  between  Aberdeen  and  John  Russell,  Newcastle  and 
Sidney  Herbert,  for  they  appear  to  have  been  the  most 
active  in  the  matter,  persuaded  Aberdeen  to  alter  it  and 
bestow  or  offer  offices  intended  for  Whigs  to  Peelites  and 
in  some  instances  to  Derbyites  who  had  been  Peelites. 
Clarendon  has  been  all  along  very  anxious  to  get  Brougham 
into  the  Cabinet  as  President  of  the  Council,  and  he  pro- 
posed it  both  to  Lord  John  and  Aberdeen,  and  the  latter 
acquiesced,  and  Clarendon  thought  it  was  going  to  be 
arranged  that  Granville  should  be  President  of  the  Board  of 
Trade,  and  Brougham  President  of  Council ;  but  Newcastle 
and  Sidney  Herbert  not  only  upset  this  plan,  but  proposed 
that  Ellenborough  should  be  President  of  Council,  and  then, 
when  he  was  objected  to,  Harrowby.  They  also  wanted 
that  Jersey  should  remain  Master  of  the  Horse,  Jonathan 
Peel  go  again  to  the  Ordnance,  and  Chandos  continue  a 
Lord  of  the  Treasury.  With  what  object  they  wished  for 

1  [It  was.  however,  Lord  John  who  prevented  Mr.  Cardwell,  the  President 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  from  having  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  on  the  ground  that 
there  were  already  too  many  Peelitos  in  it.] 


1852.1  THE   CLAIMS   OF   THE   PEELITES.  23 

these  appointments  I  have  not  an  idea,  but  the  very  notion 
of  them  is  an  insult  to  the  Whigs,  and  will  be  resented 
accordingly. 

Lord  Lausdowne  seems  to  have  taken  little  or  no  part  in 
all  this.  He  hooked  Palmerston,  and,  having  rendered,  this 
great  service,  he  probably  thought  he  had  done  enough. 
The  Whigs  at  Brooks's  are  very  angry,  and  Bessborough 
told  me  that  he  thought  his  party  so  ill  used,  that  he  had 
implored  Lord  John  to  withdraw  even  now  rather  than  be 
a  party  to  such  injustice.  Lord  John  seems  to  have  been 
very  supine,  and  while  the  Peelites  were  all  activity,  and 
intent  on  getting  all  they  could,  he  let  matters  take  their 
course,  and  abstained  from  exercising  the  influence  in  behalf 
of  his  own  followers  which  his  position  and  the  indispen- 
sability  of  his  co-operation  enabled  him  to  do.  This  puts 
them  out  of  humor  with  him  as  much  as  with  Aberdeen  and 
his  friends. 

We  had  a  great  reunion  here  (at  Lord  Granville's)  last 
night,  with  half  the  Cabinet  at  dinner  or  in  the  evening.  I 
told  Graham  what  the  feelings  of  the  Whigs  were.  He 
said  they  had  a  very  large  and  important  share,  the  Chan- 
cellors of  England  and  of  Ireland,  etc.,  and  he  defended 
some  of  the  appointments  and  consequent  exclusions  on 
special  grounds.  They  have  made  Monsell,  an  Irish  Catholic 
convert,  Clerk  of  the  Ordnance,  together  with  some  other 
Irish  Catholic  appointments,  and  he  said  that  these  were 
necessary  in  order  to  reconquer  in  Ireland  what  had  been 
lost  by  the  Ecclesiastical  Titles  Bill,  and  that  it  was  of  more 
consequence  to  conciliate  that  large  part  of  the  Empire  than 
to  provide  for  the  Ansons  and  the  Pagets  ;  and  on  the  same 
ground  he  justified  the  appointment  of  St.  Germans  instead 
of  Lord  Carlisle  as  Lord  Lieutenant.  All  this  may  be  very 
true,  but  the  Whigs  to  be  left  out  to  make  room  for  these 
substitutes  will  not  be  convinced  or  pacified  by  the  political 
expediency  which  Graham  sets  forth,  nor  will  such  appoint- 
ments be  at  all  popular  here.  If,  however,  they  really  should 
be  the  moans  of  rallying  the  Irish  Brigade  to  the  support 
of  the  Government,  it  may  be  patronage  well  bestowed. 
But  this  makes  it  a  disagreeable  start,  and  may  be  hereafter 
productive  of  serious  consequences.  Nothing  can  be  more 
shortsighted,  as  well  as  unfair,  than  the  conduct  of  the  Peel- 
ites in  trying  to  thrust  their  own  people  instead  of  Whigs 
into  the  offices,  for  they  can  only  hope  to  keep  their  places 


24  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  I. 

at  all  by  the  zealous  support  of  the  whole  AVhig  force,  them- 
selves bringing  next  to  nothing  in  point  of  numbers,  and  to 
encounter  such  a  numerous  and  compact  Opposition  will 
require  the  zealous  co-operation  of  all  who  wish  well  to  the 
Liberal  cause,  and  who  are  against  Derby.  Newcastle  talked 
to  me  last  night  about  Aberdeen's  speech,  acknowledged 
its  deficiencies,  and  said  he  had  told  Aberdeen  what  he 
thought  of  it.  Aberdeen  acknowledged  it  all,  said  he  was 
so  unaccustomed  to  make  such  statements,  that  he  had  for- 
gotten or  overlooked  it,  and  wished  he  could  have  spoken  it 
again  to  repair  the  omission.  They  all  seem  at  present  very 
harmonious  in  their  intercourse. 

After  dinner  last  night  John  Hussell  and  Charles  Wood 
went  off  to  meet  Aberdeen,  for  the  purpose,  I  believe,  of 
settling  some  of  the  arrangements  not  yet  fixed.  Clarendon 
told  me  that  Charles  Wood  had  been  of  use  in  stimulating 
John  Russell  to  interfere  and  prevent  some  of  the  proposed 
changes  which  the  Peelites  wished  Aberdeen  to  make  in  the 
list  as  originally  settled  between  him  and  Lord  John,  and 
it  is  very  well  that  he  did.  It  is  impossible  not  to  see  that 
Lord  John  himself,  though  now  willing  to  co-operate  and 
do  his  best,  has  never  been  hearty  in  the  cause,  nor  entirely 
satisfied  with  his  own  position  ;  and  this  has  probably  made 
him  more  lukewarm,  and  deterred  him  from  taking  a  more 
active  and  decided  part  in  the  formation  of  the  Government. 
We  are  just  going  down  to  Windsor,  the  old  Government  to 
give  up  seals,  wands,  etc.,  the  new  to  be  sworn  in.  They 
go  by  different  railways,  that  they  may  not  meet.  It  is  sin- 
gular that  I  have  never  attended  a  Council  during  the  nine 
months  Lord  Derby  was  in  office,  not  once ;  consequently 
there  are  several  of  his  Cabinet  whom  I  do  not  know  by 
sight — Pakington,  Walpole,  and  Henley.  With  my  friends 
I  resume  my  functions. 

December  29th. — I  went  down  to  the  Council  yesterday 
at  Windsor  with  the  ins,  and  we  saw  nothing  of  the  outs, 
who  went  by  another  train  and  railway.  Palmerston  was 
there,  looking  very  ill  indeed.  They  all  seem  on  very  cor- 
dial terms.  Graham  told  me  he  had  had  a  very  friendly 
conversation  with  Palmerston,  and  was  greatly  rejoiced  at 
being  again  united  to  his  old  colleague.  He  acknowledged 
that  it  was  a  great  mistake  in  Aberdeen  to  have  offered  the 
Mastership  of  the  Horse  to  Lord  Jersey.  Aberdeen  has  now 
proposed  the  Lord  Steward's  place  to  Carlisle,  which  he  will 


1853.]  LORD   ABERDEEN'S  ADMINISTRATION.  25 

probably  not  take,  and  possibly  be  offended  at  the  offer.  I 
suppose  Aberdeen  has  been  subjected  to  pressure  from  vari- 
ous quarters,  but  might  have  made  a  better  selection  and 
distribution  than  he  has  done. 

January  5th,  1853. — The  elections  are  all  going  on  well, 
except  Gladstone's,  who  appears  in  great  jeopardy.  Nothing 
could  exceed  the  disgraceful  conduct  of  his  opponents,  lying, 
tricking,  and  shuffling,  as  might  be  expected  from  such  a 
party.  The  best  thing  that  could  happen  for  Gladstone 
would  be  to  be  beaten,  if  it  were  not  for  the  triumph  it 
would  be  to  the  blackguards  who  have  got  up  the  contest ; 
for  the  representation  of  Oxford  is  always  an  embarrassment 
to  a  statesman,  and  Peel's  losing  his  election  there  in  1829 
was  the  most  fortunate  event  possible  for  him.  The  only 
spsech  of  the  new  Ministers  calling  for  special  notice  is 
Palmerston's  at  Tiverton,  which  appears  to  me  to  conceal 
an  arriere-pensee.  He  spoke  in  civil,  even  complimentary, 
torms  of  the  Derby  Government,  so  much  so,  that  if  any 
break-up  or  break-down  should  occur  in  this,  and  Lord 
Derby  return  to  office,  there  appears  no  reason  why  Palm- 
erston  should  not  form  a  fresh  coalition  with  him ;  and  it 
looks  very  much  as  if  he  was'  keeping  this  contingency  in 
view,  and  putting  himself  in  such  an  attitude  as  should  en- 
able him  with  some  plausibility  to  join  the  camp  of  such  a 
restoration. 

The  Cabinet  of  Lord  Aberdeen's  Administration  consisted 
of  the  following  Ministers  : 

Earl  of  Aberdeen          .        .        .  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury. 

Lord  Gran  worth  ....  Lord  Chancellor. 

Earl  Granville      ....  Lord  President  of  the  Council. 

The  Duke  of  Argyll     .         .        .  Lord  Privy  Seal. 

Mr.  Gladstone      ....  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer. 

Viscount  Palinerston    .         .         .  Home  Secretary  of  State. 

The  Duke  of  Newcastle        .        .  Secretary  for  Colonies  and  War. 

Lord  John  Russell  (and  later  the 

Earl  of  Clarendon)    .         .        .  Foreign  Secretary. 

Sir  James  Graham        .         .        .  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty. 

Mr.  Sidney  Herbert      .         .         .  Secretary  at  War. 

Sir  Charles  Wood         .        .        .  President  of  the  Indian  Board. 

Sir  William  Molesworth       .         .  First  Commissioner  of  Works. 
The  Marquis  of  tansdowne  without  office. 


26  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IL 


CHAPTER  II. 

A  Royal  Commission  on  Reform — M.  de  Flahault  on  the  Emperor  Napoleon— Lord  John's 
IJliiiiili-r—  Disraeli's  Negotiation  with  the  Irish  Members— Lord  Beauvale  s  Death- 
Lady  Beauvole's  Grief— Napoleon  III.  and  Mdile.de  Monti  jo — Parliament  meets — The 
Emperor's  Marriage— Disraeli's  Attack  on  Sir  C.  Wood — Dislike  of  Mr.  Disraeli- 
Lord  John  Russell  leaves  the  Foreign  Office — Lord  Stanley's  Liberal  Votes— Disraeli's 
Opinion  of  his  Colleagues — The  Government  in  Smooth  Water — England  unpopular 
abroad — Massimo  d'Azeg-Iio — The  Austrians  in  Italy — The  Bishop  of  Lincoln— Tho 
Duke  of  Bedford's  Paper- — Lord  Palmerston  leads  the  House— Social  Amenities — 
Rancor  of  Northern  Powers  apainst  England—  Friendly  Resolution  of  the  Kmpcror 
Napoleon  III.— Difficulties  at  Home— The  India  Bill— The  Eastern  Question— The 
Czar's  Proposals — Russian  Assurances — The  Royal  Family. 

Bowood,  January  ~L2th,  1853. — I  came  here  on  Monday 
to  meet  the  Cannings,  Harcourt,1  and  Lady  Waldegrave, 
the  Bessboroughs,  Elphinstone,  Senior,  and  the  family. 
Senior  talked  to  me  about  the  Government  and  Reform,  and 
the  danger  of  their  splitting  on  the  latter  question  and  pro- 
pounded a  scheme  he  has  for  obviating  this  danger.  He 
wants  to  have  a  Royal  Commission  to  inquire  into  the  prac- 
tice of  bribery  at  elections  and  the  means  of  preventing  it, 
or,  if  possible,  to  have  an  inquiry  of  a  more  extensive  and 
comprehensive  character  into  the  state  of  the  representation 
and  the  working  of  the  Reform  Bill.  We  talked  it  over,  and 
I  told  him  I  thought  this  would  not  be  a  bad  expedient. 
He  had  already  spoken  to  Lord  Lansdowne  about  it,  who 
seemed  not  adverse  to  the  idea,  and  promised  to  talk  to  Lord 
John  Russell  on  the  subject.  Senior,  when  he  went  away, 
begged  me  to  talk  to  Lord  Lansdowne  also,  which  I  at- 
tempted to  do,  but  without  success,  for  he  seemed  quite  in- 
disposed to  enter  upon  it. 

Beaudesert,  January  13th. — To  town  on  Saturday  and 
here  on  Monday,  with  the  Flahaults,  Bessboroughs,  Ansons, 
my  brothers,  and  the  family.  Lord  Anglesey  and  M.  de 
Flahault  talk  over  their  campaigns,  and  compare  notes  on  the 
events  of  Sir  John  Moore's  retreat  and  other  military  opera- 
tions, in  which  they  have  served  in  opposing  armies.  Fla- 
hault was  aide-de-camp  to  Marshal  Berthier  till  the  middle 
of  the  Russian  campaign,  when  he  became  aide-de-camp  to 
Napoleon,  whom  he  never  quitted  again  till  the  end  of  his 
career.  His  accounts  of  what  be  has  seen  and  known  are 
curious  and  interesting.  He  says  that  one  of  the  Emperor's 

T_'P  Oranvillo  Jlnrc/nirt,  Esq.,  M.  P.,  eldest  son  of  the  Archbishop  of 
York,  and  third  husband  of  Frances,  Counters  of  Waldegrave.] 


1853.]        LORD  JOHN'S  ARRANGEMENT  DISAPPROVED.  27 

greatest  mistakes  and  the  causes  of  his  misfortunes  was  his 
habit  of  ordering  everything,  down  to  the  minutest  arrange- 
ment, himself,  and  leaving  so  little  to  the  discretion  and  re- 
sponsibility of  his  generals  and  others  that  they  became  mere 
machines,  and  were  incapable  of  acting,  or  afraid  to  act,  on 
their  own  judgments.  On  several  occasions  great  calamities 
were  the  consequence  of  this  unfortunate  habit  of  Napo- 
leon's. 

London,  January  21th. — The  Duke  of  Bedford  called 
here  this  morning.  I  had  not  seen  him  for  an  age  ;  he  was 
just  come  from  Windsor  with  a  budget  of  matter,  which  as 
usual  he  was  in  such  a  hurry  that  he  had  not  time  to  tell  me. 
I  got  a  part  of  it,  however.  I  began  by  asking  him  how  he 
had  left  them  all  at  Windsor,  to  which  he  replied  that  the 
state  of  things  was  not  very  satisfactory.  The  Queen  dis- 
approved Lord  John's  arrangement  for  giving  up  the  seals 
of  the  Foreign  Office  on  a  given  day  (the  15th  February) 
which  had  not  been  previously  explained  to  her  Majesty,  as 
'it  ought  to  have  been.  She  said  that  she  should  make  no 
objection  if  any  good  reason  could  be  assigned  for  what  was 
proposed,  either  of  a  public  or  a  private  nature,  any  reason 
connected  with  his  health  or  with  the  transaction  of  business, 
but  she  thought,  and  she  is  right,  that  fixing  beforehand 
a  particular  day,  without  any  special  necessity  occurring,  is 
very  unreasonable  and  absurd.  Then  they  are  all  very  angry 
with  Lord  John  for  an  exceeding  piece  of  folly  of  his,  in  an- 
nouncing to  the  Foreign  Ministers,  the  day  he  received  them, 
that  he  was  only  to  be  at  the  Foreign  Office  for  a  few  weeks. 
This,  as  the  Duke  said,  was  a  most  unwise  and  improper 
communication,  particularly  as  it  was  made  without  any 
concert  with  Aberdeen,  and  without  his  knowledge,  and,  in 
fact,  blurted  out  with  the  same  sort  of  levity  that  was  ap- 
parent in  the  Durham  letter  and  the  Reform  announcement, 
with  both  of  which  he  has  been  so  bitterly  reproached,  and 
which  have  proved  so  inconvenient  that  it  might  have  been 
thought  he  would  not  fall  again  into  similar  scrapes.  The 
Foreign  Ministers  themselves  were  exceedingly  astonished, 
and  not  a  little  annoyed.  Brunnow  said  it  was  a  complete 
mockery,  and  they  all  felt  that  it  was  unsatisfactory  to  be 
put  in  relation  with  a  Foreign  Secretary  who  was  only  to  be 
there  for  a  few  weeks. 

The  Queen  is  delighted  to  have  got  rid  of  the  late  Minis- 
ters. She  felt,  as  everybody  else  does,  that  thqir  Govern- 


28  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  II, 

ment  was  disgraced  by  its  shuffling  and  prevarication,  and 
she  said  that  Harcourt's  pamphlet  (which  was  all  true)  was 
sufficient  to  show  what  they  were.1  As  she  is  very  honora- 
ble and  true  herself,  it  was  natural  she  should  disapprove 
their  conduct. 

Yesterday  Delaue  called  on  me,  and  gave  me  an  account 
of  a  curious  conversation  he  had  had  with  Disraeli.  Disraeli 
asked  him  to  call  on  him,  which  he  did,  when  they  talked 
over  recent  events  and  the  fall  of  the  late  Government,  very 
frankly,  it  would  seem,  on  Disraeli's  part.  He  acknowledged 
that  he  had  been  bitterly  mortified.  When  Delane  asked 
him,  "now  it  was  all  over,"  what  made  him  produce  such  a 
Budget,  he  said,  if  he  had  not  been  thwarted  and  disap- 
pointed, he  should  have  carried  it  by  the  aid  of  the  Irish 
Brigade  whom  he  had  engaged  for  that  purpose.  Just  before 
the  debate,  one  of  them  came  to  him  and  said,  if  he  would 
agree  to  refer  Sharman  Crawford's  Tenant  Eight  Bill  to  the 
Select  Committee  with  the  Government  Bill,  they  would  all 
vote  with  him.  He  thought  this  too  good  a  bargain  to  miss, 
and  he  closed  with  his  friend  on  those  terms,  told  Walpole 
what  he  had  arranged,  desired  him  to  carry  out  the  bargain, 
and  the  thing  was  done.  No  sooner  was  the  announcement 
made  than  Lord  Naas  and  Sir  Joseph  Napier8  (who  had 
never  been  informed)  came  in  a  great  fury  to  Disraeli  and 
Walpole,  complained  of  the  way  they  had  been  treated,  and 
threatened  to  resign.  With  great  difficulty  he  pacified  or 
rather  silenced  them,  and  he  was  in  hopes  the  storm  had 
blown  over,  but  the  next  day  he  found  Naas  and  Napier  had 
gone  to  Lord  Derby  with  their  complaints,  and  he  now 
found  the  latter  full  of  wrath  and  indignation  likewise  ;  for 
Lord  Roden,  who  had  heard  something  of  this  compromise 
(i.  e.,  of  the  Tenant  Right  Bill  being  referred  to  Committee), 
announced  his  intention  of  asking  Lord  Derby  a  question  in 
the  House  of  Lords.  Added  to  this,  as  soon  as  the  news 
rea'ched  Dublin,  Lord  Eglinton  and  Blackburne  testified  the 
same  resentment  as  Naas  and  Napier  had  done,  and  threat- 
ened to  resign  likewise.  All  this  produced  a  prodigious 

1  [Mr.  William  Haroourt  published  a  pamphlet  at  this  time  on  "  The  Morality 
of  Public  Men,"  in  which  he  censured  with  great  severity  the  conduct  of  the 
late  Ministers.] 

1  [Lord  Naas  was  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  and  Sir  Joseph  Napier  Attor- 
ney-General for  Ireland,  in  Lord  Derby's  Administration  of  1852.  Lord  Eglin- 
ton  was  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  and  the  Kight  Hon.  Francis  Blackburne 
Irish  Lord  Chancellor.] 


1853.]  DISRAELI  AND  THE  IRISH  BRIGADE.  29 

flare-up.  Disraeli  represented  that  it  was  his  business  to 
make  the  Budget  succeed  by  such  means  as  he  could,  that 
the  votes  of  the  Brigade  would  decide  it  either  way,  and 
that  he  had  made  a  very  good  bargain,  as  he  had  pledged 
himself  to  nothing  more,  and  never  had  any  intention  of 
giving  any  suite  to  what  had  been  done,  so  that  it  could  not 
signify.  He  did  not  succeed  in  appeasing  Lord  Derby,  who, 
a  night  or  two  after  in  the  Lords,  repudiated  all  participa- 
tion in  what  had  been  done,  and  attacked  the  Irishmen  very 
bitterly.  Disraeli  heard  this  speech,  and  saw  at  once  that 
it  would  be  fatal  to  the  Budget  and  to  them,  as  it  proved, 
for  the  whole  Brigade  voted  in  a  body  against  the  Govern- 
ment, and  gave  a  majority  to  the  other  side.  He  seemed  in 
pretty  good  spirits  as  to  the  future,  though  without  for  the 
present  any  definite  purpose.  He  thinks  the  bulk  of  the 
party  will  keep  together.  Delane  asked  him  what  he  would 
have  done  with  such  a  Budget  if  he  had  carried  it.  He  said 
they  should  have  remodelled  their  Government,  Palmerston 
and  Gladstone  would  have  joined  them  (Gladstone  after  the 
debate  and  their  duel  !) ;  during  the  intervening  two  or 
three  months  the  Budget  would  have  been  discussed  in  the 
country,  what  was  liked  retained,  what  was  unpopular  al- 
tered, and  in  the  end  they  should  have  produced  a  very  good 
Budget  which  the  country  would  have  taken  gladly.  He 
never  seems  to  have  given  a  thought  to  any  consideration  of 
political  morality,  honesty,  or  truth  in  all  that  he  said. 
The  moral  of  the  whole  is,  that  let  what  will  happen  it  will 
be  very  difficult  to  bring  Lord  Derby  and  Disraeli  together 
again.  They  must  regard  each  other  with  real,  if  not 
avowed,  distrust  and  dislike.  Disraeli  said  that  Derby's  po- 
sition in  life  and  his  fortune  were  so  different  from  his,  that 
their  several  courses  must  be  influenced  accordingly.  It  is 
easy  to  conceive  how  Lord  Derby,  embarked  (no  matter  how 
or  why)  in  such  a  contest,  should  strain  every  nerve  to  suc- 
ceed and  fight  it  out ;  but  the  thing  once  broken  up,  he 
would  not  be  very  likely  to  place  himself  again  in  such  a 
situation,  and  to  encounter  the  endless  difficulties,  dangers, 
and  mortifications  attendant  upon  the  lead  of  such  a  party, 
and  above  all  the  necessity  of  trusting  entirely  to  such  a  col- 
league as  Disraeli  in  the  House  of  Commons  without  one 
other  man  of  a  grain  of  capacity  besides.  As  it  is,  he  will 
probably  betake  himself  to  the  enjoyment  of  his  pleasures 
and  pursuits,  till  he  is  recalled  to  political  life  by  some  fresh 


30  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  II. 

excitement  and  interest  that  time  and  circumstances  may 
throw  in  his  way  ;  but  let  what  will  happen,  I  doubt  his 
encountering  again  the  troubles  and  trammels  of  office.1 

January  30th. — Yesterday  morning  Frederic  Lamb,  Lord 
Beauvale  and  Melbourne,  with  whom  both  titles  cease,  died 
at  Brocket  after  a  short  but  severe  attack  of  influenza,  fever, 
and  gout.  He  was  in  his  seventy-first  year.  Lady  Palmer- 
ston  thus  becomes  a  rich  heiress.  He  was  not  so  remarkable 
a  man  in  character  as  his  brother  William,  less  peculiar  and 
eccentric,  more  like  other  people,  with  much  less  of  literary 
acquirement,  less  caustic  humor  and  pungent  wit ;  but  he 
had  a  vigorous  understanding,  great  quickness,  a  good  deal 
of  general  information  ;  he  was  likewise  well  versed  in  busi- 
ness and  public  affairs,  and  a  very  sensible  and  intelligent 
converser  and  correspondent.  He  took  a  deep  and  lively  in- 
terest in  politics  to  the  last  moment  of  his  life,  was  insatiably 
curious  about  all  that  was  going  on,  and  was  much  confided 
in  and  consulted  by  many  people  of  very  different  parties 
and  opinions.  lie  never  was  in  Parliament,  but  engaged  all 
his  life  in  a  diplomatic  career,  for  which  he  was  very  well 
fitted,  having  been  extremely  handsome  in  his  youth,  and 
always  very  clever,  agreeable,  and  adroit.  He  consequently 
ran  it  with  great  success,  and  was  in  high  estimation  at- 
Vienna,  where  his  brother-in-law,  Palmerston,  sent  him  as 
Ambassador.  He  was  always  much  addicted  to  gallantry, 
and  had  endless  liaisons  with  women,  most  of  whom  contin- 
ued to  be  his  friends  long  after  they  had  ceased  to  be  his 
mistresses,  much  to  the  credit  of  all  parties.  After  having 
led  a  very  free  and  dissolute  life,  he  had  the  good  fortune 
at  sixty  years  old,  and  with  a  broken  and  enfeebled  constitu- 
tion, to  settle  (as  it  is  called),  by  marrying  a  charming  girl 
of  twenty,  the  daughter  of  the  Prussian  Minister  at  -Vienna, 
Count  Maltzahn.  This  Adine,  who  was  content  to  unite 
her  May  to  his  December,  was  to  him  a  perfect  angel,  devot- 
ing her  youthful  energies  to  sustain  and  cheer  his  valetudi- 
narian existence  with  a  cheerful  unselfishness,  which  he  re- 
paid by  a  grateful  and  tender  affection,  having  an  air  at  once 
marital  and  paternal.  She  never  cared  to  go  anywhere,  gave 
up  all  commerce  with  the  world  and  all  its  amusements  and 
pleasures,  contenting  herself  with  such  society  as  it  suited 

1  [A  singularly  unfortunate  prediction !  The  alliance  of  Lord  Derby  and  Mr. 
Disraeli  remained  unbroken,  and  continued  long  enough  to  enable  them  (after  a 
second  lailure)  to  bring  the  Conservative  party  back  to  power.] 


1853.]  LADY   BEAUVALE.  31 

him  to  gather  about  them — his  old  friends  and  some  new 
ones — to  whom  she  did  the  honors  with  infinite  grace  and 
cordiality,  and  who  all  regarded  her  with  great  admiration 
and  respect.  In  such  social  intercourse,  in  political  gossip, 
and  in  her  untiring  attentions,  his  last  years  glided  away, 
not  without  enjoyment.  He  and  his  brother  William  had 
always  been  on  very  intimate  terms,  and  William  highly 
prized  his  advice  and  opinions  ;  but,  as  Frederic  was  at  heart 
a  Tory,  and  had  a  horror  of  ^Radicalism  in  every  shape,  he 
was  not  seldom  disgusted  with  the  conduct  of  the  Whig  Gov- 
ernment, and  used  sorely  to  perplex  and  mortify  William  by 
his  free  and  severe  strictures  on  him  and  his  colleagues.  He 
nominally  belonged  to  the  Liberal  party,  but  in  reality  he 
was  strongly  Conservative,  and  he  always  dreaded  the  prog- 
ress of  democracy,  though  less  disturbed  than  he  would 
otherwise  have  been  by  reflecting  that  no  material  alteration 
could  possibly  overtake  him.  His  most  intimate  friends- 
abroad  were  the  Metternichs  and  Madame  de  Lieven,  and  his 
notions  of  foreign  policy  were  extremely  congenial  to  theirs. 
Here,  his  connections  all  lying  with  people  of  the  Liberal 
side,  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Tories,  for  most  of  whom 
he  entertained  great  contempt.  Brougham,  Ellice,  and  my- 
self were  the  men  he  was  most  intimate  with.  He  was  very 
fond  of  his  sister,  but  never  much  liked  Palmerston,  and 
was  bitterly  opposed  to  his  policy  when  he  was  at  the  For- 
eign Office,  which  was  a  very  sore  subject  between  himself 
and  them,  and  for  a  long  time,  and  on  many  occasions,  em- 
bittered or  interrupted  their  intercourse ;  but,  as  he  was 
naturally  affectionate,  had  a  very  good  temper,  and  loved 
an  easy  life,  such  clouds  were  always  soon  dispersed,  and  no 
permanent  estrangement  ever  took  place.  He  was  largely 
endowed  with  social  merits  and  virtues,  without  having  or 
affecting  any  claim  to  those  of  a  higher  or  moral  character. 
I  have  no  doubt  he  was  much  more  amiable  as  an  old  man 
than  he  ever  had  been  when  he  was  a  young  one ;  and, 
though  the  death  of  one  so  retired  from  the  world  can  make 
little  or  no  sensation  in  it,  except  as  being  the  last  of  a  re- 
markable family,  he  will  be  sincerely  regretted,  and  his  loss 
will  be  sensibly  felt  by  the  few  who  enjoyed  the  intimacy  of 
*his  declining  years. 

February  8th. — Yesterday  I  went  to  see  the  unhappy 
Lady  Beauvale,  and,  apart  from  the  sorrow  of  witnessing  so 
much  bodily  and  mental  suffering,  it  is  really  a  singular  and 


32  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  II. 

extraordinary  case.  Here  is  a  woman  thirty-two  years  old, 
and  therefore  in  the  prime  of  life,  who  has  lost  a  husband  of 
seventy-one,  deprived  of  the  use  of  his  limbs,  and  whom  she 
had  nursed  for  ten  years,  the  period  of  their  union,  with  the 
probable  or  possible  fatal  termination  of  his  frequent  attacks 
of  gout  constantly  before  her  eyes,  and  she  is  not  merely 
plunged  in  great  grief  at  the  loss  she  has  sustained,  but  in  a 
blank  and  hopeless  despair,  which  in  its  moral  and  physical 
effects  seriously  menaces  her  own  existence.  She  is  calm, 
reasonable  and  docile,  talks  of  him  and  his  illness  without 
any  excitement,  and  is  ready  to  do  everything  that  her 
friends  advise  ;  but  she  is  earnestly  desirous  to  die,  considers 
her  sole  business  on  earth  as  finished,  and  talks  as  if  the  pro- 
longation of  her  own  life  could  only  be  an  unmitigated  evil 
and  intolerable  burden,  and  that  no  ray  of  hope  was  left  for 
her  of  any  possibility  of  happiness  or  even  peace  and  ease 
for  the  future.  She  is  in  fact  brokenhearted,  and  that  for  a 
man  old  enough  to  be  her  grandfather,  and  a  martyr  to  dis- 
ease and  infirmity ;  but  to  her  he  was  everything  ;  she  had 
consecrated  her  life  to  the  preservation  of  his,  and  she  kept 
his  vital  flame  alive  with  the  unwearied  watching  of  a  Vestal 
priestess.  She  had  made  him  an  object  and  an  idol  round 
which  all  the  feelings  and  even  passion  of  an  affectionate 
heart  had  entwined  themselves,  till  at  last  she  had  merged 
her  very  existence  in  his,  and.  only  lived  in,  with,  and  for 
him.  She  saw  and  felt  that  he  enjoyed  life,  and  she  made  it 
her  object  to  promote  and  prolong  this  enjoyment.  "  Why," 
Bhe  says,  "could  I  not  save  him  now,  as  I  saved  him  hereto- 
fore ?  "  and  not  having  been  able  to  do  so,  she  regards  her 
own  life  as  utterly  useless  and  unnecessary,  and  only  hopes 
to  be  relieved  of  it  that  she  may  (as  she  believes  and  expects) 
be  enabled  to  join  him  in  some  other  world.1 

February  Vth. — Yesterday  Clarendon  told  me  a  curious 
thing  about  the  Emperor  Napoleon  and  his  marriage,  which 
came  jn  a  roundabout  way,  but  which  do  doubt  is  true. 
Madame  de  Montijo's  most  intimate  friend  is  the  Marchion- 
ess of  Santa  Cruz,  and  to  her  she  wrote  an  account  of  what 
had  passed  about  her  daughter's  marriage  and  the  Emperor's 
proposal  to  her.  When  he  offered  her  marriage,  she  expressed 
her  sense  of  the  greatness  of  the  position  to  which  he  pro* 
posed  to  raise  her.  He  replied,  f '  It  is  only  fair  that  I  should 

1  [She  lived,  however,  and  married  Lord  Forester,  en  eecondee  noces.  in 
1856.] 


1853.]  PARLIAMENT  MEETS.  33 

set  before  you  the  whole  truth,  and  let  you  know  that  if  the 
position  is  very  high,  it  is  also  perhaps  very  dangerous  and 
insecure."  He  then  represented  to  her  in  detail  all  the  dan- 
gers with  which  he  was  environed,  his  unpopularity  with  the 
higher  classes,  the  malveillance  of  the  Great  Powers,  the 
possibility  of  his  being  any  day  assassinated  at  her  side,  his 
popularity  indeed  with  the  masses,  but  the  fleeting  character 
of  their  favor,  but  above  all  the  existence  of  a  good  deal  of 
disaffection  and  hostility  in  the  army,  the  most  serious  thing 
of  all.  If  this  latter  danger,  he  said,  were  to  become  more 
formidable,  he  knew  very  well  how  to  avert  it  by  a  war  ;  and 
though  his  earnest  desire  was  to  maintain  peace,  if  no  other 
means  of  self-preservation  should  remain,  he  should  not 
shrink  from  that,  which  would  at  once  rally  the  whole  army 
to  one  common  feeling.  All  this  he  told  her  with  entire 
frankness,  and  without  concealing  the  perils  of  his  position, 
or  his  sense  of  them,  and  it  is  one  of  the  most  creditable 
traits  I  have  ever  heard  of  him.  It  was,  of  course,  calcu- 
lated to  engage  and  attach  any  woman  of  high  spirit  and 
generosity,  and  it  seems  to  have*  had  that  effect  upon  her. 
It  is,  however,  curious  in  many  ways  ;  it  reveals  a  sense  of 
danger  that  is  not  apparently  suspected,  and  his  conscious- 
ness of  it ;  and  it  shows  how,  in  spite  of  a  sincere  wish  to 
maintain  peace,  he  may  be  driven  to  make  war  as  a  means  of 
self-preservation,  and  therefore  how  entirely  necessary  it  is 
that  we  should  be  on  our  guard,  and  not  relax  our  defensive 
preparations.  I  was  sure  from  the  conversations  I  had  with 
M.  de  Flahault  at  Beaudesert,  that  he  feels  the  Emperor's 
situation  to  be  one  of  insecurity  and  hazard.  He  said  that 
it  remained  to  be  seen  whether  it  was  possible  that  a  Govern- 
ment could  be  maintained  permanently  in  France  on  the 
principle  of  the  total  suppression  of  civil  and  political  lib- 
erty, which  had  the  support  of  the  masses,  but  which  was 
abhorred  and  opposed  by  all  the  elevated  and  educated 
classes.  The  limbs  of  the 'body  politic  are  with  the  Emperor, 
and  the  head  against  him. 

February  \\th. — Parliament  met  again  last  night.  Lord 
Derby  threw  off  in  the  Lords  by  asking  Lord  Aberdeen  what 
the  Government  meant  to  do,  which  Aberdeen  awkwardly 
and  foolishly  enough  declined  to  give  any  answer  to.  The 
scene  was  rather  ridiculous,  and  not  creditable,  I  think,  to 
Aberdeen.  He  is  unfortunately  a  very  bad  speaker  at  all 
times,  and,  what  is  worse  in  a  Prime  Minister,  has  no  readi- 


34  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  II. 

ness  whatever.  Lord  Lansdowne  would  have  made  a  very 
pretty  and  dexterous  flourish,  and  answered  the  question. 
Lord  John  did  announce  in  the  House  of  Commons  what 
the  Government  mean  to  do  and  not  to  do,  but  they  say  he 
did  it  ill,  and  it  was  very  flat,  not  a  brilliant  throw-off  at  all. 
February  16th. — Yesterday  Cowley  arrived  from  Paris. 
He  called  on  me,  and  gave  me  an  account  of  the  state  of 
things  there  and  some  curious  details  about  the  Emperor's 
marriage  and  his  abortive  matrimonial  projects.  He  con- 
firms the  account  of  Louis  Napoleon's  position  set  forth  in 
Madame  do  Montijo's  letter.  The  effect  of  his  marriage  has 
been  very  damaging  everywhere,  and  the  French  people  were 
not  at  all  pleased  at  his  calling  himself  a  "parvenu,"  which 
mortified  their  vanity,  inasmuch  as  they  did  not  like  to 
appear  as  having  thrown  themselves  at  the  feet  of  a  parvenu. 
For  some  time  before  the  marriage  was  declared,  Cowley, 
from  what  he  saw  and  the  information  he  received,  began 
to  suspect  it  would  take  place,  and  reported  it  to  John 
Russell.  Just  about  this  time  Walewski  went  to  Paris,  and 
when  Cowley  saw  him  he  told  him  so.  Walewski  expressed 
the  greatest  surprise  as  well  as  mortification,  and  imparted 
to  Cowley  that  a  negotiation  had  been  and  still  was  going 
on  for  the  Emperor's  marriage  with  the  Princess  Adelaide 
of  Hohenlohe,  the  Queen's  niece,  at  that  time  and  still  with 
the  Queen  in  England.  This  was  begun  by  Lord  Malmes- 
bury,  and  the  Emperor  had  regularly  proposed  to  her  through 
her  father.  A  very  civil  answer  had  been  sent  by  the 
Prince,  in  which  he  said  that  he  would  not  dispose  of  his 
daughter's  hand  without  her  consent,  and  that  he  had  re- 
ferred the  proposal  to  her,  and  she  should  decide  for  herself. 
The  Queen  had  behaved  very  well,  and  had  abstained  from 
giving  any  advice  or  expressing  any  opinion  on  the  subject. 
They  were  then  expecting  the  young  Princess's  decision. 
This  being  the  case,  Cowley  advised  Walewski  to  exert  his 
influence  to  stop  the  demonstrations  that  were  going  on 
between  the  Emperor  and  Mile,  de  Montijo,  which  might 
seriously  interfere  with  this  plan.  The  next  day  Walewski 
told  Cowley  that  he  had  seen  the  Emperor,  who  took  him 
by  both  hands,  and  said,  "  Mon  cher,  je  suis  pris,"  and*  then 
told  him  he  had  resolved  to  marry  Mile,  de  Montijo.  How- 
ever, on  Walewski  representing  the  state  of  the  other  affair, 
he  agreed  to  wait  for  the  Princess  Adelaide's  answer,  but 
said,  if  it  was  unfavorable,  he  would  conclude  the  other 


1853.]        MARRIAGE  OF  THE   EMPEROR   NAPOLEON  HI.  35 

affair,  but  if  the  Princess  accepted  him  he  would  marry 
her.  The  day  following  the  answer  came  :  very  civil,  but 
declining  on  the  ground  of  her  youth  and  inexperience,  and 
not  feeling  equal  to  such  a  position.  The  same  day  the 
Emperor  proposed  to  the  Empress.  Cowley  says  he  is  evi- 
dently much  changed  since  his  marriage,  and  that  he  is 
conscious  of  his  unpopularity  and  the  additional  insecurity 
in  which  it  has  involved  his  position. 

February  19th. — Lord  Cowley  told  me  something  more 
about  the  marriage.  He  saw  the  Queen  on  Thursday  (17th), 
who  told  him  all  about  it.  The  first  step  was  taken  by  Moray, 
who  wrote  to  Malmesbury,  and  requested  him  to  propose  it, 
stating  that  the  Emperor's  principal  object  in  it  was  to 
"resserrer  lea  liens  entre  les  deux  pays."  Malmesbury 
accordingly  wrote  to  the  Queen  on  the  subject.  She  was  an- 
noyed, justly  considering  that  the  proposal,  with  the  reason 
given,  placed  her  in  a  very  awkward  situation,  and  that  it 
ought  not  to  have  been  mentioned  to  her  at  all.  The  result 
was  what  has  been  already  stated,  but  with  this  difference, 
that  the  Queen  set  her  face  against  the  match,  although  the 
girl,  if  left  to  herself,  would,  have  accepted  the  offer.  How- 
ever, nobody  knows  this,  and  they  are  very  anxious  these 
details  should  not  transpire.  The  two  accounts  I  have  given 
of  this  transaction  seem  to  me  to  afford  a  good  illustration 
of  the  uncertainty  of  the  best  authenticated  historical  state- 
ments. Nothing  could  appear  more  to  be  relied  on  than  the 
accuracy  of  Cowley's  first  account  to  me,  and  if  I  had  not 
seen  him  again,  or  if  he  had  not  imparted  to  me  his  conver- 
sation with  the  Queen,  that  account  would  have  stood  un- 
corrected,  and  an  inaccurate  version  of  the  story  would  have 
been  preserved,  and  might  hereafter  have  been  made  public, 
and,  unless  corrected  by  some  other  contemporaneous  narra- 
tive, would  probably  have  been  taken  as  true.  The  matter 
in  itself  is  not  very  important,  but  such  errors  unquestion- 
ably are  liable  to  occur  in  matters  of  greater  moment,  and 
actually  do  occur,  fully  justifying  the  apocryphal  character 
which  has  been  ascribed  to  almost  every  historical  work.1 

The  Queen  seems  to  be  intensely  curious  about  the  Court 
of  France  and  all  details  connected  with  it,  and  on  the  other 
hand  Louis  Napoleon  has  been  equally  curious  about  the 

1  f  Further  details  with  reference  to  the  marriace  of  the  Emperor  will  he  found 
in  Lord  Malmcsbury  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  pp.  374  and  378,  which  confirm  Mr.  Gre- 
villo's  narrative.] 


36  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  II. 

etiquette  observed  in  the  English  Court,  and  desirous  of  as- 
similating his  to  ours,  which  in  great  measure  he  appears  to 
have  done. 

Last  night  there  was  the  first  field  day  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  Disraeli  having  made  an  elaborate  and  bitter 
attack  on  the  Government,  but  especially  on  Charles  Wood 
and  Graham,  under  the  pretence  of  asking  questions  respect- 
ing our  foreign  relations,  and  more  particularly  with  France.1 
His  speech  was  very  long,  in  most  parts  very  tiresome,  but 
with  a  good  deal  of  ability,  and  a  liberal  infusion  of  that 
sarcastic  vituperation  which  is  his  great  forte,  and  which 
always  amuses  the  House  of  Commons  more  or  less.  It  was, 
however,  a  speech  of  devilish  malignity,  quite  reckless  and 
shamelessly  profligate  ;  for  the  whole  scope  of  it  was,  if  pos- 
sible, to  envenom  any  bad  feeling  that  may  possibly  exist 
between  France  and  England,  and,  by  the  most  exaggerated 
representations  of  the  offence  given  by  two  of  the  Ministers 
to  the  French  Government  and  nation,  to  exasperate  the 
latter,  and  to  make  it  a  point  of  honor  with  them  to  resent 
it,  even  to  the  extent  of  a  quarrel  with  us.  Happily  its 
factious  violence  was  so  great  as  to  disgust  even  the  people 
on  his  own  side,  and  the  French  Government  is  too  really 
desirous  of  peace  and  harmony  to  pay  any  attention  to  the 
rant  of  a  disappointed  adventurer,  whose  motives  and  object 
are  quite  transparent. 

February  20th. — Disraeli's  speech  on  Friday  night  was 
evidently  a  political  blunder,  which  has  injured  him  in  the 
general  opinion,  and  disgusted  his  own  party.  It  is  as- 
serted that  he  communicated  his  intention  to  his  followers, 
who  disapproved  of  it,  but  he  nevertheless  persisted.  The 
speech  itself  was  too  long  ;  it  was  dull  and  full  of  useless 
truisms  in  the  first  part,  but  clever  and  brilliant  in  the  last  ; 
and  his  personalities  were  very  smart  and  well  aimed  ;  but 
there  was  not  a  particle  of  truth  and  sincerity  in  it ;  it  was  a 
mere  vituperation  and  factious  display,  calculated  to  do 
mischief  if  it  produced  any  effect  at  all,  and  quite  unbecom- 
ing a  man  who  had  just  been  a  Minister  of  the  Crown  and 
leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  who  ought  to  have 

1  [Sir  Charles  "Wood,  President  of  the  Board  of  Control,  made  a  speech  to  his 
constituents  at  Halifax  on  February  3,  in  which  he  commented  in  severe  lan- 
guage on  the  despotic  character  of' the  Imperial  Government  of  France.  The 
eneech  was  thought  to  be  unbecoming  in  the  mouth  of  a  Cabinet  minister,  and 
Sir  Charles  apologized  for  it.  But  Mr.  Disraeli  made  it  the  subject  of  a  tierce 
attack  in  the  House  of  Commons.] 


1853.]  LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL  LEAVES  THE  FOREIGN  OFFICE.     37 

been  animated  by  higher  motives  and  more  patriotic  views. 
This  was  what  the  more  sensible  men  of  the  party  felt,  and 
Tom  Baring,  the  most  sensible  and  respectable  of  the  Derby- 
ites,  and  the  man  of  the  greatest  weight  among  them,  told 
me  himself  that  he  was  so  much  disgusted  that  he  was  on  the 
point  of  getting  up  to  disavow  him,  and  it  is  much  to  be 
regretted,  as  I  told  him,  that  such  a  rebuke  was  not  admin- 
istered from  such  a  quarter.  It  does  not  look  as  if  the 
connection  between  Disraeli  and  the  party  could  goon  long. 
Their  dread  and  distrust  of  him  and  his  contempt  of  them 
render  it  difficult  if  not  impossible.  Pakington  is  already 
talked  of  as  their  leader,  and  some  think  Disraeli  wants  to 
shake  them  off  and  trade  on  his  own  bottom,  trusting  to 
his  great  abilities  to  make  his  way  to  political  power  with 
somebody  and  on  some  principles,  about  neither  of  which 
he  would  be  very  nice.  Tom  Baring  said  to  me  last  night, 
"  Can't  you  make  room  for  him  in  this  Coalition  Govern- 
ment ?  "  I  said,  "  Why,  will  you  give  him  to  us  ?  "  "  Oh, 
yes,"  he  said,  "  you  shall  have  him  with  pleasure." 

Lord  John  Eussell  has  taken  leave  of  the  Foreign  Office, 
and  has  had  an  interview  with  the  Queen  and  Prince,  satis- 
factory to  both.  She  has  been  all  along  considerably  an- 
noyed at  the  arrangement  made  about  his  taking  the  Foreign 
Office  only  to  quit  it,  and  his  leading  the  House  of  Com- 
mons without  any  office,  which  she  fancies  is  unconstitu- 
tional, and  the  arrangement  was  announced  in  the  news- 
papers without  any  proper  communication  to  her.  The 
consequence  has  been  some  little  soreness  on  both  sides,  but 
this  has  now  been  all  removed  by  explanations  and  amicable 
communication.  The  Queen  attacked  him  on  the  constitu- 
tional ground,  but  here  elle  Va  pris  par  son  fort,  and  he 
easily  bowled  over  this  objection.  Then  she  expressed  her 
fear  lest  it  should  be  drawn  into  a  precedent,  which  might 
be  inconvenient  in  other  cases,  to  which  he  replied  that  he 
thought  there  was  little  fear  of  anybody  wishing  to  follow 
the  precedent  of  a  man  taking  upon  himself  a  vast  amount 
of  labor  without  any  pay  at  all.  Then  she  said  that  a  man 
independent  of  office  might  consider  himself  independent 
of  the  Crown  also,  and  postpone  its  interests  to  popular  re- 

1  [The  objection  taken  by  Her  Majesty  was  to  Lord  John  Russell's  proposal  that 
he  should  retain  his  seat  in  the  Cabinet  and  the  leadership  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons without  holding  any  special  office  in  the  Government.  But  in  fact,  as  a 
Privy  Councillor  of  the  Crown,  n  Mini>ter,  with  or  without  office,  is  under  pre- 
cisely the  same  obligations  to  the  Sovereign  and  to  Parliament.] 

/ 

64043 


38  KEIGN   OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  II. 

quirements ;  which  he  answered  by  saying  that  he  did  not 
think  any  Minister,  as  it  was,  thought  very  much  of  the 
Crown  as  contradistinguished  from  the  people,  and  that  he 
was  not  less  likely  to  take  such  a  part  as  she  apprehended 
by  holding  an  office  of  £5,000  a  year,  from  which  a  vote  of 
the  House  of  Commons  could  at  any  moment  expel  him. 
He  appears  to  have  satisfied  them  both,  and  to  be  satisfied 
himself,  which  is  still  more  important. 

February  25th. — The  Jew  question  and  the  Maynooth 
question  have  been  got  over  in  the  House  of  Commons  with- 
out much  debate,  but  by  small  majorities.  The  most  re- 
markable incident  was  young  Stanley1  voting  with  the  ma- 
jority in  both  questions,  and  speaking  on  Maynooth,  and 
well.  As  he  is  pretty  sure  to  act  a  conspicuous  part,  it  is 
good  to  see  him  taking  a  wise  and  liberal  line.  Disraeli 
voted  for  the  Jews  but  did  not  speak,  which  was  very  base 
of  him.  Last  night  I  met  Tomline  at  dinner,  who  is  a 
friend  of  his,  and  told  me  a  great  deal  about  him.  He  has  a 
good  opinion  of  him,  that  is,  that  he  has  a  good  disposition, 
but  his  personal  position  perverts  him  in  great  measure. 
He  says  he  dislikes  and  despises  Derby,  thinks  him  a  good 
"  Saxon"  speaker  and  nothing  more,  has  a  great  contempt 
for  his  party,  particularly  for  Pakington,  whom  they  seem 
to  think  of  setting  up  as  leader  in  his  place.  The  man  in 
the  House  of  Commons  whom  he  most  fears  as  an  opponent 
is  Gladstone.  He  has  the  highest  opinion  of  his  ability,  and 
he  respects  Graham  as  a  statesman.  Tomline  told  me  that 
his  system  of  attacking  the  late  Sir  Eobert  Peel  was  settled 
after  this  manner.  When  the  great  schism  took  place,  three 
of  the  seceders  went  to  Disraeli  (Miles,  Tyrrel,  and  a  third 
whom  I  have  forgotten),  and  proposed  to  him  to  attack  and 
vilify  Peel  regularly,  but  with  discretion  ;  not  to  fatigue  and 
disgust  the  House,  to  make  a  speech  against  him  about  once 
a  fortnight  or  so,  and  promised  if  he  would  that  a  constant 
and  regular  attendance  of  a  certain  number  of  men  should 
be  there  to  cheer  and  support  him,  remarking  that  nobody 
was  ever  efficient  in  the  House  of  Commons  without  this 
support  certain.2  He  desired  twenty  minutes  to  consider 

1  [The  present  Earl  of  Derby,  who  succeeded  his  father  as  fifteenth  Earl  in 
1  Sf>9.  He  entered  public  life  as  Under  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Aiiairs  in 
1852.1 

4  [This  anecdote  is  related  on  the  authority  of  Mr.  Tomline  as  stated  in  the 
text.  It  was  mentioned  in  the  lifetime  of  Lord  Beaconsfield,  and  in  justice  to 
him  it  mu.st  be  said  that  he  altogether  denied  the  truth  of  the  story.] 


1853.J  WHIG   MALCONTENTS.  39 

of  this  offer,  and  finally  accepted  it.  We  have  seen  the  re- 
sult, a  curious  beginning  of  an  important  political  career, 
now  they  dread  and  hate  him,  for  they  know  in  his  heart  he 
has  no  sympathy  with  them,  and  that  he  has  no  truth  or 
sincerity  iu  his  conduct  or  speeches,  and  would  throw  them 
over  if  he  thought  it  his  interest. 

March  1st. — The  Government  seem  upon  the  whole  to  be 
going  on  prosperously.  They  have  at  present  no  difficulty 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  where  there  is  no  disposition  to 
oppose  their  measures,  and  an  appearance  of  moderation 
generally,  which  promises  an  easy  Session.  John  Russell 
has  spoken  well,  and  seems  to  have  recovered  a  great  share 
of  the  popularity  he  had  lost.  Aberdeen  has  done  very  well 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  his  answers  to  various  "questions" 
having  been  discreet,  temperate,  and  judicious  ;  in  sliort,  up 
to  this  time  the  horizon  is  tolerably  clear.  On  the  other 
hand  the  divisions  have  presented  meagre  majorities,  and  the 
Government  have  no  poiver  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
live  on  the  good-will  or  forbearance  of  the  several  fractions 
of  which  it  is  composed.  John  Russell  is  in  his  heart  not 
satisfied  with  his  present  position,  and  not  animated  with 
any  spirit  of  zeal  or  cordiality,  though  he  is  sure  to  act  hon- 
estly and  fairly  the  part  he  has  undertaken.  There  is  still  a 
good  deal  of  lurking  discontent  and  resentment  on  the  part 
of  those  who  were  left  out,  and  of  the  Whig  party  generally, 
who  are  only  half  reconciled  to  following  the  banner  of  a 
Peelite  premier ;  of  the  malcontents  the  principal  are  Car- 
lisle and  Clanricarde,  who  are  both  in  different  ways  very 
sore ;  Normanby  is  dissatisfied,  Labouchere,  Seymour,  and 
George  Grey  not  pleased,  but  except  Clanricarde  none  have 
shown  any  disposition  to  withhold  their  support  from  the 
Government,  or  even  to  carp  at  them.  Aberdeen  seems  to 
have  no  notion  of  being  anything  but  a  real  Prime  Minister. 
He  means  to  exercise  a  large  influence  in  the  management 
of  foreign  affairs,  which  he  considers  to  be  the  peculiar,  if 
not  exclusive,  province  of  himself  and  Clarendon.  Palmer- 
ston  does  not  interfere  with  them  at  all,  but  he  must  do  so, 
if  any  important  questions  arise  for  the  Cabinet  to  decide, 
and  then  it  is  very  likely  some  dissension  will  be  the  conse- 
quence. There  are  four  ex-Secretaries  for  Foreign  Affairs  in 
this  Cabinet,  all  of  whom  will  naturally  take  part  in  any  dis- 
cussion of  moment.  Argyll  began  rather  unluckily,  running 
his  head  indiscreetly  against  Ellenborough  on  an  Indian  pe- 


40  REIGN  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  II. 

tition.  He  is  burning  with  impatience  to  distinguish  him- 
self, and  broke  out  too  soon,  and  out  of  season  ;  but  he  was 
not  unconscious  of  his  error,  and  it  will  probably  be  of  use 
to  him  to  have  met  with  a  little  check  at  his  outset,  and 
teach  him  to  be  more  discreet.  He  spoke  again  last  night, 
and  very  well,  on  the  Clergy  reserves,  when  there  was  a 
brilliant  passage  of  arms  in  the  Lords,  in  which  Lord  Derby 
and  the  Bishops  of  Exeter  and  Oxford  distinguished  them- 
selves. 

News  came  by  telegraph  last  night  that  the  dispute  be- 
tween Turkey  and  Austria  is  settled,  which  will  relieve  us 
from  a  great  difficulty.  If  it  had  gone  on,  we  should  have 
had  a  difficult  part  to  play,  and  unluckily  the  good  under- 
standing that  was  reviving  between  us  and  Vienna  has  all 
been  upset  by  the  late  attempt  on  the  Emperor's  life,1  which 
has  thrown  the  Austrians  into  a  ferment,  and  renewed  all 
their  bitter  resentment  against  us  for  harboring  Kossuth  and 
Mazzini,  to  whom  they  attribute  both  the  emeute  at  Milan 
and  the  assassination  at  Vienna  severally.  They  are  no  doubt 
right  about  Mazzini  and  wrong  about  Kossuth,  but  fortu- 
nately for  us  the  first  is  not  in  England  and  has  been  abroad 
for  some  time,  and  it  will  probably  be  impossible  to  bring 
any  evidence  against  Kossuth  to  connect  him  with  the  Hun- 
garian assassin.  But  these  troubles  and  attempts,  the  origin 
of  which  is  attributed  to  men  residing  here,  and,  though 
neglected  by  the  Government,  more  or  less  objects  of  popu- 
lar favor  and  sympathy,  render  all  relations  of  amity  impos- 
sible between  our  Government  and  theirs,  and  the  disunion 
is  aggravated  by  our  absurd  meddling  with  such  cases  as  the 
Madiai  and  Murray  at  Florence  and  at  Rome,  which  are  no 
concern  of  ours,  and  which  our  Government  does  in  compli- 
ance with  Protestant  bigotry.  What  makes  our  conduct  the 
more  absurd  is  that  we  do  more  harm  than  good  to  the  ob- 
jects of  our  interest,  for  no  Government  can,  with  anv  regard 
to  its  own  dignity  and  independence,  yield  to  our  dictation 
and  impertinent  interference.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany 
said  that  the  Madiai  would  have  been  let  out  of  prison  long 
ago  but  for  our  interference.  John  Russell's  published  let- 
ter on  this  subject,  which  was  very  palatable  to  the  public, 

1  [The  Emperor  of  Austria  was  Ptnbbed  in  tho  neok  on  February  18,  by 
Joseph  Lisbcny,  on  the  ramparts  of  Vienna,  fortunately  without  serious  conse- 
quences. The  assassin  had  not  the  remotest  connection  with  anyone  in  this 
country.] 


1853.]  AUSTRIAN  OPPRESSION  IN  ITALY.  41 

was  as  objectionable  as  possible,  and  quite  as  insolent  and 
presumptuous  as  any  Palmerston  used  to  write. 

Last  night  the  Marquis  Massimo  d'Azcglio  came  here. 
He  was  Prime  Minister  in  Piedmont  till  replaced  by  Count 
Cavour,  and  is  come  to  join  his  nephew,  who  is  Minister  here. 
He  is  a  tall,  thin,  dignified-looking  man,  with  very  pleasing 
manners.  He  gave  us  a  shocking  account  of  the  conduct  of 
the  Austrians  at  Milan  in  consequence  of  the  recent  outbreak. 
Their  tyranny  and  cruelty  have  been  more  like  the  deeds 
in  the  middle  ages  than  those  in  our  own  time  ;  wantonly 
putting  people  to  death  without  trial  or  even  the  slightest 
semblance  of  guilt,  plundering  and  confiscating,  and  in  every 
respect  acting  in  a  manner  equally  barbarous  and  impolitic. 
They  have  thrown  away  a  good  opportunity  of  improving 
their  own  moral  status  in  Italy,  and  completely  played  the 
game  of  their  enemies  by  increasing  the  national  hatred 
against  them  tenfold.  If  ever  France  finds  it  her  interest 
to  go  to  war,1  Italy  will  be  her  mark,  for  she  will  now  find 
the  whole  population  in  her  favor,  and  would  be  joined  by 
Sardinia,  who  would  be  too  happy  to  revenge  her  former 
reverses  with  French  aid  ;  nor  would  it  be  possible  for  this 
country  to  support  Austria  in  a  war  to  secure  that  Italian 
dominion  which  she  has  so  monstrously  abused. 

March  3d. — Lord  Aberdeen  has  gained  great  credit  by 
making  Mr.  Jackson,  Rector  of  St.  James's,  Bishop  of  Lin- 
coln. He  is  a  man  without  political  patronage  or  connec- 
tion, and  with  no  recommendation  but  his  extraordinary 
merit  both  as  a  parish  priest  and  a  preacher.  Such  an 
appointment  is  creditable,  wise,  and  popular,  and  will 
strengthen  the  Government  by  conciliating  the  moderate 
and  sincere  friends  of  the  Church. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  writes  to  me  about  his  papers  and 
voluminous  correspondence,  which  he  has  been  thinking  of 
overhauling  and  arranging,  but  he  shrinks  from  such  a 
laborious  task.  He  says  :  "  With  respect  to  my  political  cor- 
respondence, it  has  .been  unusually  interesting  and  remark- 
able. I  came  so  early  into  public  life,  have  been  so  mixed 
up  with  everything,  have  known  the  political  chief  of  my  own 
party  so  intimately,  and  of  the  Tory  party  also  to  a  limited 
extent,  that  there  is  no  great  affair  of  my  own  time  I  have 
not  been  well  acquainted  with."  This  is  very  true,  and  his 

/*  [Remarkable  prediction,  verified  in  1859.] 


42  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IL 

correspondence,  whenever  it  sees  the  light,  will  be  more 
interesting,  and  contribute  more  historical  information,  than 
that  of  any  other  man  who  has  been  engaged  in  public  life. 
The  papers  of  Peel  and  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  may  be 
more  important,  but  I  doubt  theirs  being  more  interesting, 
because  the  Duke  of  Bedford's  will  be  of  a  more  miscellane- 
ous and  comprehensive  character ;  and  though  his  abilities 
are  not  of  a  very  high  order,  his  judgment  is  sound,  his  mind 
is  unprejudiced  and  candid,  and  he  is  a  sincere  worshipper 
of  truth. 

For  the  last  few  days  John  Russell  has  been  kept  away 
from  the  House  of  Commons  by  the  death  of  the  Dowager 
Duchess  of  Bedford,  when  Palmerston  has  been  acting  as 
leader,  taking  that  post  as  naturally  and  undoubtedly  be- 
longing to  him,  and  his  right  to  it  being  entirely  acquiesced 
in  by  his  colleagues  of  both  camps.  They  say  that  he  has 
given  great  satisfaction  to  the  House,  where  he  is  regarded 
with  the  same  favor  and  inclination  as  heretofore,  and  per- 
sonally much  more  acceptable  than  Lord  John.  Cobden 
dined  with  John  Russell  the  other  day,  and,  what  is  more 
remarkable,  Bessborough  told  me  he  met  Roden  at  dinner 
the  other  day  at  the  Castle  at  Dublin,  St.  Germans  and  he 
on  very  good-humored  terms.  These  are  striking  examples 
of  the  compatibility  of  the  strongest  political  difference  with 
social  amenities.  Cobden,  however,  is  not  in  regular  oppo- 
sition to  the  Government,  but  in  great  measure  a  supporter. 

March  10th. — I  met  M.  de  Flahault  last  night,  just  re- 
turned from  Paris.  He  said  that  he  found  there  a  rancor 
and  violence  against  us  among  the  Austrians,  and  Russians 
and  Prussians  no  less,  quite  inconceivable.  He  talked  to 
them  all  and  represented  to  them  the  absurdity  of  their  sup- 
positions and  exigencies,  but  without  the  slightest  effect ;  he 
found  the  Emperor,  however,  in  a  very  different  frame  of 
mind,  understanding  perfectly  the  position  of  the  English 
Government,  and  completely  determined  to  maintain  his 
alliance  with  us,  and  not  to  yield  to  the  tempting  cajolery 
of  the  Continental  Powers,  who  want  him  to  make  common 
cause  with  them  against  us.  Such  is  their  madness  and 
their  passion,  and  such  the  necessity,  real  or  fancied,  in  which 
they  arc  placed  by  the  revolutionary  fire  which  is  still  smoul- 
dering everywhere,  and  their  own  detestable  misgovern  men  t 
(at  least  that  of  Austria,  which  the  others  abet),  that  they 
are  ready  to  co-operate  with  France  in  coercing  and  weaken- 


1853.]  ALLIANCE  OF  FRANCE   AND  ENGLAND.  43 

ing  us,  and  to  sacrifice  all  the  great  and  traditional  policy  of 
Europe,  in  order  to  wage  war  against  the  stronghold  and 
only  asylum  of  constitutional  principles  and  government. 

Flahault  said  that  the  Emperor  has  had  an  opportunity 
of  placing  himself  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign  in  a  situation 
which  was  the  great  object  of  his  uncle's  life,  and  which  he 
never  could  attain.  He  might  have  been  at  the  head  of  a 
European  league  against  us,  for  these  powers  have  signified 
to  him  their  willingness  to  follow  him  in  such  a  crusade,  the 
Emperor  of  Russia  and  he  being  on  the  best  terms,  and  a 
cordial  interchange  of  letters  having  taken  place  between 
them.  But  Napoleon  has  had  the  wisdom  and  the  magna- 
nimity to  resist  the  bait,  to  decline  these  overtures,  and  to 
resolve  on  adherence  to  England.  Flahault  said  that  he  had 
had  an  audience,  at  which  he  frankly  and  freely  told  the 
Emperor  his  own  opinion,  not  being  without  apprehension 
that  it  would  be  unpalatable  to  him,  and  not  coincident 
with  his  own  views.  While  he  was  talking  to  him,  he  saw 
him  smile,  which  he  interpreted  into  a  sentiment  that  he 
(Flahault)  was  too  English  for  him  in  his  language  and  opin- 
ions, and  he  said  so.  The  Emperor  said,  "I  smiled  because 
you  so  exactly  expressed  my  own  opinions,"  and  then  he  told 
him  that  he  took  exactly  the  same  view  of  what  his  true 
policy  was  that  Flahault  himself  did.  Flahault  suggested  to 
him  that,  in  spite  of  the  civilities  shown  him  by  the  North- 
ern Powers,  they  did  not,  and  never  would,  consider  him  as 
one  of  themselves,  and  they  only  wanted  to  make  him  the 
instrument  of  their  policy  or  their  vengeance ;  and  he  re- 
minded him  that  while  England  had  at  once  recognized  him, 
they  were  not  only  in  no  hurry  to  do  so,  but  if  England  had 
not  recognized  him  as  she  did,  he  would  not  have  been  rec- 
ognized by  any  one  of  those  Powers  to  this  day,  all  which 
he  acknowledged  to  be  true. 

The  prevailing  feeling  against  England  which  Flahault 
found  at  Paris  has  been  proved  on  innumerable  occasions. 
Clarendon  is  well  aware  of  it,  and  does  his  best,  but  with 
very  little  success,  to  bring  the  foreign  Ministers  and  others 
to  reason.  Madame  de  Lieven  writes  to1  me  in  this  strain, 
and  even  liberal  and  intelligent  foreigners  like  Alfred  Po- 
tocki,  who  has  been  accused  of  being  a  rebel  in  Austria, 
writes  that  we  ought  to  expel  the  refugees.  At  Vienna  the 
people  are  persuaded  that  there  is  some  indirect  and  unde- 
fiuable  participation  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government 


44  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHIP.  II. 

in  the  insurrectionary  and  homicidal  acts  of  Milan  and 
Vienna,  and  they  have  got  a  story  that  the  assassin  Libeny 
had  a  letter  of  Palmerston's  in  his  shoe.  Unreasonable  as 
all  this  is,  we  ought  to  make  great  allowance  for  their  ex- 
cited feelings,  for  they  have  a  case  against  us  of  a  cumulative 
character.  It  goes  back  a  long  way,  and  embraces  many 
objects  and  details,  and  is  principally  attributable  to  Palmer- 
ston,  partly  to  his  doings,  and  perhaps  more  to  his  sayings. 
They  can  not  forget  that  he  has  long  been  the  implacable 
enemy  of  Austria,  that  he  advised  her  renunciation  of  her 
Italian  dominions,  and  that  he  and  his  agents  have  always 
sympathized  with,  and  sometimes  aided  and  abetted,  most  of 
the  revolutionary  movements  that  have  taken  place.  Then 
there  was  the  Haynau  affair,  and  the  lukewarmness  and  in- 
difference which  the  Government  of  that  day,  and  Palmer- 
ston  particularly,  exhibited  about  it ;  then  the  reception  of 
Kossuth,  the  public  meetings  and  his  speeches,  together 
with  the  speeches  at  them  of  Cobden  and  others  of  which 
no  notice  was  ever  taken,  and  finally  the  transaction  about 
Palmerston's  receiving  Kossuth  and  his  famous  answer  to  the 
addresses  presented  to  him  from  Finsbury  and  Islington. 
All  these  things  satisfy  the  foreign  Governments  that  we  are 
not  only  politically  but  nationally  their  enemies,  and  that 
we  harbor  their  rebellious  subjects  out  of  hatred  to  them, 
and  that  we  regard  with  sympathy  and  a  secret  satisfaction 
the  plots  which  they  concoct  in  safety  here  and  go  forth  to 
execute  abroad.  And  when  they  are  told  that  our  laws 
afford  these  people  an  asylum,  which  no  Government  has 
the  power  to  deny  them,  and  that  Parliament  and  public 
opinion  will  not  consent  to  arm  the  Government  with  the 
powers  of  restraint  or  coercion  they  do  not  possess,  they  only 
explode  the  more  loudly  in  denunciations  against  that  free 
and  constitutional  system  which  is  not  only  a  perpetual  re- 
proach, but,  as  they  think,  a  source  of  continual  danger  to 
their  own.  So  much  for  foreign  affairs. 

At  home,  while  the  political  sky  is  still  serene  enough, 
there  are  some  rocks  ahead,  and  I  think  the  Government  in 
peril  from  more  than  one  cause.  First  and  foremost  there 
is  the  Indian  question.  There  is  something  ominous  in  the 
conjunction  between  a  Coalition  Government  and  an  India 
Bill,  and  if  they  don't  take  care,  they  will  get  into  a  scrape.1 

1  [The  Charter  of  the  East  India  Company  beiucr  about  to  expire.  Sir  Charles 
Wood,  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Control,  introduced  in  an  elaborate  speech 


1853.]  THE  INDIAN  QUESTION.  45 

The  Opposition  is  broken  and  disorganized,  and  at  present 
there  is  no  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  extreme  Liberals  to 
join  in  any  strong  measures  against  the  Government ;  but 
this  is  a  question  on  which  all  the  scattered  fractions  might 
be  made  easily  to  combine,  and  there  are  already  symptoms 
of  a  possible  combination  ad  hoc  in  the  Indian  Committee  of 
the  House  of  Commons.  Lowe  is  very  much  dissatisfied 
with  Charles  Wood,  and  with  the  intentions  of  Government, 
and  even  talks  of  resigning ;  and  the  "  Times  "  is  going  into 
furious  opposition  on  the  Indian  question,  and  is  already 
attacking  the  Government  for  their  supposed  intentions. 
This,  therefore,  is  assuming  a  serious  aspect.  There  is 
besides  the  Budget  and  the  difficulty  of  the  Income  Tax, 
and  these  two  questions  are  enough  to  put  them  in  great 
perplexity. 

March  \%th. — The  question  of  Indian  government  and  the 
renewal  of  the  Charter  is  every  day  increasing  in  importance 
and  attracting  more  and  more  of  public  attention.  It  is  a 
matter  of  great  difficulty  for  the  Government  to  deal  with. 
They  are  threatened  by  enemies,  and  pressed  by  friends  and 
half  friends,  who  want  them  to  postpone  any  measure  for 
another  year  or  two  years.  They,  on  the  contrary,  stand 
pledged,  and  think  they  ought  to  propose  something  this 
year.  It  presents  a  field  on  which  the  various  fractions  of 
hostility  and  semi-hostility  to  the  Government  may  meet 
and  combine,  and  perhaps  place  them  in  great  difficulty. 
The  Committees  are  going  on  taking  evidence  with  the 
knowledge  that  the  Government  will  probably  not  wait  for 
their  several  reports  before  proceeding  to  legislation.  Gran- 
ville  has  got  the  management  of  the  Government  measures 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  is  working  very  hard  at  Indian 
affairs.  Yesterday  I  met  at  dinner  at  Ellice's  two  able  men 
just  arrived  from  India  for  the  purpose  of  giving  evidence, 
a  Mr.  Halliday  and  a  Mr.  Marchmont.  They  are  for  main- 
taining the  present  system,  but  with  many  reforms  and 
alterations  ;  they  spoke  highly  of  Lord  Dalhousie  as  a  man 
of  business. 

March  "Z^th. — As  I  never  see  Clarendon  now,  who  is 
entirely  absorbed  in  the  duties  of  his  office,  he  engaged 
me  to  go  and  dine  with  him  alone  yesterday,  that  we  might 

a  Bill  for  the  future  erovernment  of  India  bv  the  Company,  which  changed  the 
Con-titution  and  limited  the  patronage  of  the  Court  of  Directors.  The  Bill  was 
finally  passed  on  July  28.] 


46  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  II. 

have  a  talk  about  all  that  is  going  on,  and  he  told  me  a 
great  deal  of  one  sort  or  another.  I  learned  the  state  of  our 
relations  with  France  and  Russia  in  reference  to  the  Turkish 
business,  and  he  gave  me  to  read  a  very  curious  and  inter- 
esting despatch  (addressed  to  John  Russell)  from  Seymour, 
giving  an  account  of  a  long  conversation  he  had  had  with 
the  Emperor  Nicholas  about  Turkey  and  her  prospects  and 
condition,  and  his  own  intentions  and  opinions,  which  were 
amicable  toward  us,  and  very  wise  and  moderate  in  them- 
selves, contemplating  the  dissolution  of  the  Turkish  Empire, 
disclaiming  in  the  strongest  terms  any  design  of  occupying 
Constantinople — more  than  that,  declaring  that  he  would 
not  do  it — but  supposing  the  event  to  happen,  not  thinking 
the  solution  of  the  problem  so  difficult  as  it  is  generally  re- 
garded. He  threw  out  that  he  should  have  no  objection,  if 
a  partition  was  ever  to  take  place,  that  we  should  appropriate 
Egypt  and  Candia  to  ourselves.  He  seems  to  have  talked 
very  frankly,  and  he  said  one  curious  thing,  which  was  that 
Russia  was  not  without  a  revolutionary  substratum,  which 
was  only  less  apparent  and  less  menacing  than  in  other  parts 
because  he  possessed  greater  means  of  repression,  but  never- 
theless that  the  seeds  were  there.  It  is  lucky  Dundas  is  a 
prudent  man,  and  refused  to  carry  his  fleet  up  to  the  vicinity 
of  the  Dardanelles  at  Rose's  invitation,  or  mischief  might 
have  ensued.  As  it  is,  we  disapprove  of  Rose's  proceedings 
and  have  approved  Dundas's,  at  the  same  time  ordering  him 
not  to  move  without  express  orders  from  home,  and  more- 
over Clarendon  refused  to  give  Stratford  Canning  any  discre- 
tionary authority  to  send  for  the  fleet  (though  it  was  after- 
ward given),  which  he  had  asked  to  be  entrusted  with. 
Clarendon  is  much  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the 
French  Government,  who  were  in  a  great  hurry  to  send  off 
their  fleet,  and  they  sent  orders  to  sail  on  the  mere  report  of 
what  Rose  had  done,  and  without  waiting  to  learn  the  result 
of  his  application  to  the  Admiral ;  and  they  did  this,  although 
they  knew  the  despatches  were  on  the  road,  and  that  a  very 
few  hours  would  put  them  in  possession  of  the  actual  state 
of  the  case.  Moreover,  Cowley  moved  heaven  and  earth  to 
induce  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  to  withdraw  the  order  to  sail,  but 
without  effect.  They  persisted  in  it,  after  they  knew  we 
were  not  going  to  stir,  and  Cowley  could  not  see  the  Em- 
peror, who  he  says  was  evidently  avoiding  any  communica- 
tion with  him.  Still  very  friendly  language  continues  to 


1853.]  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.  47 

pass  between  us,  and  our  Government  are  inclined  to  attrib- 
ute this  unwise  proceeding  to  the  vanity  of  the  French,  their 
passion  for  doing  something,  and  above  all  the  inexperience 
and  want  of  savoir  faire  in  high  matters  of  diplomacy  of  the 
Emperor  and  his  ministers.  There  is  not  one  among  them 
who  is  fit  to  handle  such  delicate  and  important  questions, 
the  Emperor,  who  governs  everything  by  his  own  will,  Jess 
than  any ;  and  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  who  has  been  for  many 
years  engaged  more  or  less  in  the  Foreign  Office,  is  a  very 
poor  and  inefficient  minister. 

Clarendon  told  me  he  had  seen  Brunnow,  and  after  reca- 
pitulating to  him  all  the  various  causes  for  alarm,  resting  on 
facts  or  on  rumors,  especially  with  regard  to  Russia  and  her 
intentions,  he  said  that  our  Government  had  received  the 
word  of  honor  of  the  Emperor  that  he  had  no  sinister  or  hos- 
tile intentions,  and  disclaimed  those  that  had  been  imputed 
to  him,  and  that  on  his  word  they  relied  with  such  implicit 
confidence  that  he  had  not  the  slightest  fear  of  disquietude. 
Brunnow  was  exceedingly  pleased,  and  said  that  was  the  way 
to  treat  the  Emperor,  who  would  be  excessively  gratified, 
nothing  being  dearer  to  him  than  the  confidence  and  good 
opinion  of  this  country,  and  he  said  he  would  send  off  a  cou- 
rier the  next  day,  and  Clarendon  should  dictate  his  despatch. 
The  instructions  given  to  Menschikoff  have  been  enormously 
exaggerated,  the  most  serious  and  offensive  parts  that  have 
been  stated  (the  nomination  of  the  Greek  Patriarch,  etc.)  being 
totally  false.1  I  asked  what  they  were,  and  he  said  nothing  but 

1  ['While  these  pacific  assurances  were  given  in  London,  Prince  Menschikoff 
arrived  in  Constantinople  on  March  2,  and  commenced  that  arrogant  and  ag- 
gressive policy  which  led  in  the  course  of  the  year  to  hostilities  between  Russia 
and  the  Porte.  It  has,  however,  only  recently  transpired,  by  the  publication  of 
Lord  Malmcsbury's  "  Memoirs"  (vol.  L  p.  402),  that  when  the  Emperor  Nich- 
olas came  to  England  in  1844,  he,  Sir  Robert  Peel,  then  Prime  Minister,  the 
Duke  of  Wellington,  and  Lord  Aberdeen,  then  Foreign  Secretary,  drew  up  and 
Mirm-d  a  Memorandum,  the  spirit  and  scope  of  which  was  to  support  Russia  in 
her  legitimate  protection  of  the  Greek  religion  and  the  holy  shrines,  and  to  do 
so  without  consulting  France.  To  obtain  this  agreement  was  doubtless  the  ob- 
ject of  the  Emperor's  journey.  It  bore  his  own  personal  signature.  The  exist- 
ence of  this  Memorandum  was  a  profound  secret  known  only  to  the  Queen  and 
to  tho«e  Ministers  who  held  in  succession  the  seals  of  the  Fo'reign  Department, 
each  of  whom  transmitted  it  privately  to  his  successor.  Lord  Malmesbury  re- 
ceived the  document  from  Lord  Granville,  and  on  leaving  office  in  1853  handed 
it  to  Lord  John  Russell.  This  fact,  hitherto  unknown,  throws  an  entirely  new 
lisrht  on  the  causes  of  the  Crimean  War.  The  Emperor  of  Russia  naturally 
relied  on  the  support  of  the  very  ministers  who  had  signed  the  agreement  and 
were  again  in  power,  while  Lord  Aberdeen  was  conscious  of  having  entered 
into  an  engagement  wholly  at  variance  witli  the  course  of  policy  into  which  he 
was  reluctantly  driven. — fl.  R.] 


48  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IL 

a  string  of  conditions  about  shrines  and  other  ecclesiastical 
trifles.  Walewski  seems  to  have  done  well  here,  condemning 
the  conduct  of  his  own  Government,  and  not  concealing  from 
them  his  own  opinion,  and  entirely  going  along  with  us.  It 
was  on  Saturday  night  that  the  courier  arrived  with  Rose's 
and  Dundas's  despatches,  and  a  few  of  the  Cabinet  met  on 
Sunday  at  the  Admiralty  to  talk  the  matter  over.  Clarendon 
sent  for  John  Russell  from  Richmond,  and  he  thought  it 
advisable  to  summon  Palmerston  to  this  conciliabule,  to  keep 
him  in  good  humor,  which  it  had  the  effect  of  doing.  There 
were  himself,  Palmerston,  John  Russell,  Aberdeen,  and 
Graham.  He  had  written  to  Lord  John  on  Saturday  night, 
and  sent  him  the  despatches  ;  he  got  an  answer  from  him, 
full  of  very  wild  talk  of  strong  measures  to  be  taken,  and  a 
fleet  sent  to  the  Baltic  to  make  peremptory  demands  on  the 
Emperor  of  Russia.  This,  however,  he  took  no  notice  of, 
and  did  not  say  one  word  to  Aberdeen  about  it,  quietly 
letting  it  drop,  and  accordingly  he  heard  no  more  about  it, 
nobody,  he  said,  but  me,  knowing  what  Lord  John  had  pro- 
posed. I  asked  him  what  were  Palmerston's  views.  He  re- 
plied that  he  did  not  say  much,  and  acquiesced  in  his  and 
Aberdeen's  prudent  and  reserved  intentions,  but  he  could 
see,  from  a  few  words  that  casually  escaped  him,  that  he 
would  have  been  ready  to  join  in  more  stringent  and  violent 
measures  if  they  had  been  proposed.  His  hatred  of  Russia 
is  not  extinguished,  but  as  it  was,  there  was  no  expressed 
difference  of  opinion,  and  a  general  agreement.  He  said  he 
had  had  a  prejudice  against  Gladstone,  but  he  now  liked  him 
very  much,  and  Granville  had  already  told  mo  the  same  thing. 
Aberdeen  likes  his  post  and  enjoys  the  consciousness  of  hav- 
ing done  very  well  in  it.  He  is  extremely  liberal,  but  of  a 
wise  and  well-reasoned  liberality.  As  it  has  turned  out,  he 
is  far  fitter  for  the  post  he  occupies  than  Lansdowne  would 
have  been,  both  morally  and  physically. 

The  Queen  is  devoted  to  this  Government,  and  expressed 
to  Aberdeen  the  liveliest  apprehension  lest  they  should  get 
themselves  into  some  scrape  with  the  India  Bill,  and  en- 
treated he  would  run  no  risks  in  it.  Aberdeen,  in  announc- 
ing this  one  day  to  the  Cabinet,  said  that  the  best  thing  for 
them  to  do  was  to  bring  forward  a  measure  of  so  liberal  and 
popular  a  character  as  to  make  any  serious  opposition  im- 
possible. Clarendon  agreed  in  this,  and  I  told  him  that  this 
had  long  been  my  own  idea,  and  that  what  they  ought  to  do 


18fi3.]  THE   ROYAL   CHILDREN.  49 

•was  to  throw  open  the  civil  and  military  appointments  to 
competition,  and  to  grant  appointments  after  examination 
to  qualified  candidates,  just  as  degrees  are  given  at  the  uni- 
versities. We  passed  the  whole  evening  together,  talking 
over  all  matters  of  interest,  and  he  told  me  everything  he 
knew  himself. 

April  ±th. — I  went  to  Al  thorp  last  week,  and  returned 
for  a  Council  on  Friday.  After  it  Graham  and  I  stayed  be- 
hind, when  he  talked  about  the  Government  and  their  pros- 
pects, which  he  thought  pretty  good  ;  they  were  going  on 
in  great  harmony,  and  the  greater,  he  thought,  because  they 
had  originally  had  such  diversities  of  opinion.  This  led  to 
a  disposition  "to  mutual  concession,  and  feelings  of  delicacy 
toward  each  other.  The  Queen  is  extremely  attached  to 
Aberdeen,  more  than  to  any  minister  she  had  ever  had. 
Lord  John's  position  anomalous  and  unsatisfactory,  and  al- 
ways a  question  whether  he  would  not  become  disgusted  and 
back  out.  Graham  said  that  Clarendon  was  doing  admirably 
— better  than  he  had  anticipated. 

Lady  Lyttelton,  whom  I  met  at  Althorp.  told  me  a  great 
deal  about  the  Queen  and  her  children  ;  nothing  particularly 
interesting.  She  said  the  Queen  was  very  fond  of  them,  but 
severe  in  her  manner,  and  a  strict  disciplinarian  in  her 
family.  She  described  the  Prince  of  Wales  to  be  extremely 
shy  and  timid,  with  very  good  principles,  and  particularly 
an  exact  observer  of  truth  ;  the  Princess  Royal  is  remarkably- 
intelligent.  I  wrote  this  because  it  will  hereafter  be  curious 
to  see  how  the  boy  grows  up,  and  what  sort  of  performance 
follows  this  promise,  though  I  shall  not  live  to  see  it.  She 
spoke  in  very  high  terms  of  the  Queen  herself,  of  the  Prince, 
and  of  the  simplicity  and  happiness  of  her  private  and 
domestic  life. 


50  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 


CIIAPTEE    III. 

Weakness  of  the  Government— Gladstone's  Budget— A  Conversation  with  Disraeli— Sui- 
cidal Conduct  of  the  lories  —Their  liritation — A  Charge  agamst  Mr.  Gladstone  de- 
feated— The  Stafford  Committee — Harmony  of  the  Government -Electoral  Corruption 
Impending  War — Success  of  the  Government  -Macaulay's  Speech  on  the  Judges' 
Exclusion  Bill— Erroneous  Predictions  Irom  Paris— Unsettled  Policy  as  to  the  War- 
Lord  John's  Anti-Catholic  Speech — The  English  and  Jrench  Fleets  sail  for  the  Darda- 
nelles—Conduce of  Austria — Kussia  means  War — Attacks  by  the  Opposition— Ex- 
planations desired — Attempted  Mediation — Lord  Abeideen's  Confiueuce  shaken  - 
Divisions  of  Opinion — Terms  of  Accommodation — Lord  ralmerston's  Views — 1-rospect 
of  Peace — Division  in  the  Lords  on  the  Succession  Duties  Bill— Friendly  Kelations  of 
Lord  Pahnerston  and  Lord  l/larendon — Fears  of  War — Hopes  of  Peace— Lord  i  aluier- 
stonand  Mr.  Cobden— liejection  or  toe  Vienna  Note— Lord  Palmerston  courted  by  the 
Tones  -Lord  John  Kusseli's  Position — The  Duke  of  Bedtord  s  Part  in  the  lasi  Crfsis — 
Dangers  at  Constantinople — Lord  Strattords  Influence— Suspected  Intrigue  of  France 
with  Russia — Lord  Palmerston  goes  to  Balmoral— Sir  James  Graham's  View — Lord 
Stratford  s  Conduct — Importance  of  the  Vienna  Note — A  Cabinet  summoned. 

London,  April  21st,  1853. — I  have  had  such  a  bad  fit  of 
gout  in  my  hand,  that  I  have  been  unable  for  some  time  past 
to  write  at  all,  though  there  has  been  plenty  to  write  about. 
The  Government  has  been  sustaining  defeats  in  the  House 
of  Commons  on  detached  questions  of  taxation,  much  to 
their  annoyance  and  embarrassment,  and  which  were  more 
serious  from  the  inference  to  be  drawn  from  them  than 
for  their  intrinsic  importance.  They  were  caused  by  the 
meddling  and  absurd  crotchets  of  some  of  their  friends,  and 
the  malignity  and  unprincipled  conduct  of  their  enemies  : 
the  first  bringing  forward  motions  for  reduction  of  certain 
items,  merely  to  gratify  clients  or  constituents,  and  the 
Tories  joining  with  the  Radicals  in  voting  for  things  which 
they  opposed  when  they  were  themselves  in  office,  reckless 
of  consistency  or  of  consequences.  But  the  whole  affair 
was  unpleasant,  as  it  displayed  strikingly  how  little  author- 
ity the  Government  has  over  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
the  difficulty,  if  not  impossibility,  of  carrying  on  the  service 
of  the  country. 

These  little  battles  were,  however,  of  little  moment  com- 
pared with  the  great  event  of  Gladstone's  Budget,  which 
came  off  on  Monday  night.  He  had  kept  his  secret  so  well, 
that  nobody  had  the  least  idea  what  it  was  to  be,  only  it 
oozed  out  that  the  Income  Tax  was  not  to  be  differentiated. 
He  spoke  for  five  hours,  and  by  universal  consent  it  was  one 
of  the  grandest  displays  and  most  able  financial  statement 
that  ever  was  heard  in  the  House  of  Commons ;  a  great 
scheme,  boldly,  skilfully,  and  honestly  devised,  disdaining 


1883.]  MR.   GLADSTONE'S   CUBGET.  51 

popular  clamor  and  pressure  from  without,  and  the  execu- 
tion of  it  absolute  perfection.  Even  those  who  do  not  -ad- 
mire the  Budget,  or  who  are  injured  by  it,  admit  the  merit 
of  the  performance.  It  has  raised  Gladstone  to  a  great 
political  elevation,  and,  what  is  of  far  greater  consequence 
than  the  measure  itself,  has  given  the  country  assurance  of 
a  man  equal  to  great  political  necessities,  and  fit  to  lead 
parties  and  direct  governments. 

April  22d. — I  met  Gladstone  last  night,  and  had  the  pleas- 
Tire  of  congratulating  him  and  his  wife,  which  I  did  with 
great  sincerity,  for  his  success  is  a  public  benefit.  They 
have  been  overwhelmed  with  compliments  and  congratula- 
tions. Prince  Albert  and  the  Queen  both  wrote  to  him,  and 
John  Russell,  who  is  spitefully  reported  to  have  been  jealous, 
has,  on  the  contrary,  shown  the  warmest  interest  and  satis- 
faction in  his  success.  The  only  one  of  his  colleagues  \\ho 
may  have  been  mortified  is  Charles  Wood,  who  mutt  have 
compared  Gladstone's  triumph  with  his  own  failures.  Fnm 
all  one  can  see  at  present,  it  promises  ceitain  success,  though 
many  parts  of  the  Budget  are  cavilled  at.  It  will  be  diffi- 
cult, if  not  impossible,  to  find  any  con.mon  ground  on  which 
Radicals  or  Irish  can  join  the  Derbyites  to  overthrow  it,  and 
the  sanguine  expectations  which  the  latter  have  been  enter- 
taining for  some  time,  of  putting  the  Government  into  some 
inextricable  fix,  have  given  way  to  perplexity  and  despond- 
ency ;  and  they  evidently  do  not  know  what  to  do,  nor  how 
to  give  effect  to  their  rancor  and  spite.  Lord  Derby  had  a 
great  meeting  not  many  days  ago,  at  which  he  recommended 
union,  and  cheered  them  on  in  opposition,  cf  course  for  form's 
sake,  talking  of  moderation  and  principles,  neither  of  which 
he  cares  a  fig  for.  Mischief  and  confusion,  vengeance  against 
the  coalition,  and  taking  the  chance  of  what  may  happen 
next,  are  all  that  he  and  Disraeli  are  bent  upon.  I  met  the 
latter  worthy  in  the  street  just  before  the  Budget,  a  day  or 
two  previous.  He  asked  me  what  I  thought  of  the  state  of 
affairs,  and  I  told  him  I  thought  it  very  unpleasant,  and  it 
seemed  next  to  impossible  to  carry  on  the  Government  at  all, 
everybody  running  riot  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  fol- 
lowing his  own  fancies  and  crotchets  ;  nor  did  I  see  how  it 
could  be  otherwise  in  the  present  state  of  parties  and  the 
country  ;  that  since  Peel's  administration,  which  was  a  strong 
Government,  there  had  been  and  apparently  there  could  be 
none.  The  present  Government  was  not  strong,  and  they 


52  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

were  perpetually  defeated,  on  minor  points,  indeed,  but  in  a 
way  that  showed  they  had  no  power  to  work  through  Parlia- 
ment. I  said  of  course  they  would  dissolve  if  this  continued, 
but  that  Gladstone's  Budget  might  make  a  difference  one 
way  or  the  other.  Disraeli  scouted  the  idea  of  a  dissolution, 
by  which,  he  said,  they  would  certainly  gain  nothing.  Why, 
he  asked,  did  not  the  Peelites  join  us  again,  as  they  might 
have  done,  and  got  as  good  terms  as  they  have  now,  and  then 
there  would  have  been  a  strong  Government  again  ?  As  I 
don't  want  to  quarrel  with  anybody,  I  restrained  what  it  was 
on  my  lips  to  say — "  You  could  not  possibly  expect  them  to 
join  you" — but  I  did  tell  him  that,  even  if  the  present  Gov- 
ernment could  not  maintain  itself,  of  all  impossible  things 
the  most  impossibb  was  the  restoration  of  his  Government 
tale  quale,  to  whicli  he  made  no  reply.  To  be  sure,  the  Pro- 
tectionist seceders  from  Peel  have  now  drunk  the  cup  of 
mortification,  disgrace,  and  disaster  Lo  the  very  dregs.  They 
are  a  factious  and  (as  I  hope)  impotent  Opposition,  under  the 
unprincipled  guidancs  of  men,  who,  clever  and  plausible 
though  they  be,  are  totally  destitute  of  wisdom,  sincerity, 
and  truth.  They  have  not  only  lost  all  the  Protection  for 
ths  maintenance  of  which  they  made  such  struggles  and 
sacrifices,  but  they  have  likewise  brought  upon  themselves 
the  still  heavier  blow  to  the  landed  interest  which  is  going 
to  ba  inflicted  in  the  shape  of  the  legacy  duty.  Had  they 
possessed  mors  foresight,  and  been  less  violent  and  unreason- 
able, this  would  not  have  happened  to  them  ;  for  if  Peel's 
original  Government  had  held  together,  and  they  had  been 
content  to  accept  his  guidance,  no  Budget  would  have  con- 
tained thi.s  measure.  Schemes  might  have  been  devised  to 
lighten  their  burdens,  or  to  increase  the  compensations  they 
really  have  obtained  in  other  ways  ;  but,  be  this  as  it  may, 
they  would  certainly  have  been  saved  from  this  direct  im- 
post, which  I  doubt  if  Peel  himself  ever  contemplated,  but 
which  he  would  certainly  have  spared  them  if  they  had  not 
deserted  him,  nor  would  his  successors  have  departed  from 
his  policy  in  this  respect.  But  from  first  to  last  their  con- 
duct has  been  suicidal  in  every  respect. 

May  3d. — The  Government  is  going  on  very  flourishing- 
Iv.  A  capital  division  in  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  Canada 
Clergy  Reserves  Bill,1  on  which  occasion  there  was  a  scene 

1  [This  -was  a  Bill  abolishing  the  title  of  the  Protestant  Clergy  to  certain  por- 
tions of  waste  lands  in  the  Colony.] 


1853.]  THE   GOVERNMENT'S  VICTORIES.  53 

between  Derby  and  Clarendon,  in  which  both  were,  to  my 
mind,  in  the  wrong.  The  whole  affair  appears  in  all  the 
newspapers,  but  what  does  not  appear  is  the  rather  absurd 
termination  of  it,  when,  after  much  excitement  and  strong 
language  interchanged,  the  belligerents  ended  by  drinking 
each  other's  healths  in  water  across  the  table.  The  victory 
in  the  Lords  has  been  followed  up  by  one  still  more  impor- 
tant in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  Income  Tax,  which 
was  carried  by  71,  a  great  many  of  the  Opposition  voting 
with  Government,  much  to  the  disgust  of  their  friends. 
These  divisions  have  filled  the  Derbyites  with  rago  and  de- 
spair, and  nothing  can  exceed  their  depression  and  their 
abuse  of  the  Budget  and  its  authors.  What  vexes  and  pro- 
vokes them  so  much  is  the  ascendency  and  triumph  of  the 
Peelites.  They  could  endure  it  in  the  Whigs,  but  their 
hatred  of  the  name  and  party  of  Peel  is  inextinguishable. 

May  loth. — At  Newmarket  last  week,  during  which  the 
Budget  was  making  its  way  very  successfully  through  the 
House  of  Commons,  where  Gladstone  has  it  all  his  own  way. 
The  Speaker  told  me  he  was  doing  his  business  there  admi- 
rably well.  While  I  was  at  Newmarket  came  out  the  strange 
story  of  Gladstone  and  the  attempt  to  extort  money  from 
him  before  the  police  magistrate.1  It  created  for  the  mo- 
ment great  surprise,  curiosity,  and  interest,  but  has  almost 
entirely  passed  away  already,  not  having  been  taken  up 
politically,  and  there  being  a  general  disposition  to  believe 
his  story  and  to  give  him  credit  for  having  had  no  improper 
motive  or  purpose.  Nevertheless  it  is  a  very  strange  affair, 
and  has  not  yet  been  satisfactorily  explained.  It  is  credita- 
ble in  these  days  of  political  rancor  and  bitterness  that  no 
malignant  attempt  has  been  made  to  vilify  him  by  his  oppo- 
nents or  by  the  hostile  part  of  the  press.  On  the  contrary, 
the  editor 'of  the  "  Morning  Herald"  wrote  him  a  very  hand- 
some letter  in  his  own  name  and  in  that  of  the  proprietor, 
assuring  him  of  their  confidence  in  his  purity  and  innocence, 
and  that  nothing  would  induce  them  to  put  anything  offens- 
ive to  him  in  the  paper,  and  they  had  purposely  inserted 
the  police  report  in  an  obscure  part  of  the  paper.  It  is  very 
fortunate  for  Gladstone  tnat  he  was  not  intimidated  and 
tempted  to  give  the  man  money,  but  had  the  courage  to  face 

1  [An  attrmpt  had  been  made  to  extort  money  from  Mr.  Gladstone  on  a 
spurious  chanre,  which  he  mot  by  instantly  giving  the  delinquent  into  custody 
and  meeting  the  case  at  a  police  office.] 


54  REIGN  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  m. 

the  world's  suspicions  and  meet  the  charge  in  so  public  a 
manner. 

The  Stafford  Committee  has  at  length  closed  its  proceed- 
ings, after  exposures  of  the  most  disgraceful  kind,  which  are 
enormously  damaging  not  only  to  Augustus  Stafford  himself 
but  to  Lord  Derby  and  his  Government.  The  Duke  of 
Northumberland  comes  clear  out  of  it  as  to  corruption,  but 
•cuts  a  wretched  and  ridiculous  figure,  having  failed  to  per- 
form the  duties  or  to  exercise  the  authority  of  a  First  Lord 
while  he  was  at  the  Admiralty.  Disraeli's  evidence  was 
nothing  but  an  attempt  to  shirk  the  question  and  involve  it 
in  a  confusion  of  characteristic  verbiage  which  only  excited 
ridicule.  This  affair  has  done  great  harm  to  them  as  a 
party,  and  served  to  make  them  more  odious  and  contempti- 
ble than  they  were  before.1  They  are  now  irretrievably  de- 
feated, and  though  they  may  give  much  trouble  and  throw 
difficulties  and  obstructions  m  the  way  of  the  Government, 
it  is  all  they  can  do.  Every  day  adds  to  the  strength  and 
consistency  of  the  Government,  both  from  their  gaining 
favor  and  acquiring  influence  in  the  country,  and  from  the 
ruin  in  which  the  Tory  party  is  involved,  and  the  total  im- 
possibility of  their  rallying  again  so  as  to  form  another  Gov- 
ernment. This  latter  consideration  has  already  produced 
the  adhesion  of  some  moderate  and  sensible  men  who  take  a 
dispassionate  view  of  affairs  and  who  wish  for  a  strong  and 
efficient  Government,  and  it  will  produce  still  greater  effects 
of  the  same  kind. 

May  22d. — I  met  in  a  train  a  day  or  two  ago  Graham 
and  the  Speaker,  not  having  seen  Graham  for  a  long  time. 
Since  my  friends  have  been  in  office  I  have  hardly  ever-set 
eyes  on  them  or  had  any  communication  with  them.  Gra- 
harn  seemed  in  excellent  spirits  about  their  political  state 
and  prospects,  all  owing  to  Gladstone  and  the  complete 
success  of  his  Budget.  The  Ions:  and  numerous  Cabinets, 
which  were  attributed  by  the  "Times"  to  disunion,  were 
occupied  in  minute  consideration  of  the  Budget,  which  was 
there  fully  discussed,  and  Gladstone  spoke  in  the  Cabinet 
one  day  for  three  hours,  rehearsing  his  speech  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  though  not  quite  at  such  length.  Graham 
again  said  Clarendon  was  doing  admirably.  Palmerston  he 

1  [Charges  of  misconduct  in  the  department  of  the  Admiralty  vrere  brought 
a-rainst  Mr.  Auorustus  Stafford,  who  had  held  office  under  the  late  Government. 
They  were  investigated  by  a  Select  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons.] 


1853.]  WAR  ALARMS.  55 

thinks  much  changed  and  more  feeble,  his  energy  much  less, 
and  his  best  days  gone  by.  He  thinks  Lord  Jobn's  position 
without  office  an  unfortunate  one,  and  regrets  he  did  not 
stay  at  the  Foreign  Office  or  take  another ;  he  thinks  his 
influence  impaired  by  having  none.  He  talked  of  a  future 
Head,  as  Aberdeen  is  always  ready  to  retire  at  any  moment, 
but  it  is  very  difficult  to  find  anyone  to  succeed  him.  I 
suggested  Gladstone.  He  shook  his  head  and  said  it  would 
not  do  ;  and  he  was  for  John  Russell,  but  owned  there  were 
difficulties  there  too.  He  considered  Derby  and  the  Tories 
irretrievably  ruined,  their  characters  so  damaged  by  Stafford's 
Committee  and  other  things ;  he  spoke  of  the  grand  mis- 
takes Derby  had  made.  Gladstone's  object  certainly  was  for 
a  long  time  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  Conservative  party  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  to  join  with  Derby,  who  might,  in 
fact,  have  had  all  the  Peelites  if  he  would  have  chosen  to  ally 
himself  with  them  instead  of  with  Disraeli ;  thus  the  latter 
had  been  the  cause  of  the  ruin  of  the  party.  Graham 
thought  that  Derby  had  committed  himself  to  Disraeli  in 
George  Bentinck's  lifetime  in  some  way  that  prevented  his 
shaking  him  off,  as  it  would  have  been  his  interest  to  do. 
The  Peelites  would  have  united  with  Derby,  but  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  Disraeli.  Bad  as  the  cases  were  that  had 
come  forth  at  the  election  committees,  that  of  Liverpool  was 
worse  than  any  of  them,  and  would  create  a  great  scandal. 
Forbes  Mackenzie  could  not  face  it,  and  would  probably  re- 
tire ;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  this  would  prevent  an  inquiry  and 
exposure,  and  when  boundless  corruption  appeared  at  such 
a  place  as  Liverpool,  with  its  numerous  constituency,  it  was 
a  blow  to  the  representative  system  itself,  and  showed  the 
futility  of  attempts  to  destroy  bribery  and  improper  influ- 
ence. 

May  30th. — Great  alarm  the  last  two  or  three  days  at  an 
approaching  rupture  between  Russia  and  Turkey,  as,  if  it 
takes  place,  nobody  can  pretend  to  say  what  the  consequences 
may  be.  Vast  indignation  of  course  against  the  Emperor 
of  Russia,  who  certainly  appears  to  have  departed  from  the 
moderate  professions  which  he  made  to  Seymour  a  short  time 
ago,  and  the  assurances  that  were  given  to  us  and  France. 
But  Clarendon,  whom  I  saw  yesterday,  is  rather  disposed  to 
give  him  credit  for  more  moderate  and  pacific  intentions 
than  his  conduct  seems  to  warrant.  He  says  that  he  is  per- 
suaded the  Emperor  has  no  idea  of  the  view  that  is  taken  of 


56  REIGN   OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

his  proceedings  here,  and  that  he  thinks  he  is  requiring  no 
more  than  he  is  entitled  to  ;  and  it  is  only  the  other  day 
that  Nesselrode  congratulated  Seymour  on  the  prospect  of 
everything  being  satisfactorily  settled,  having  no  doubt  of 
the  Turks  accepting  the  last  proposals  made  to  them,  a  copy 
of  which  Nesselrode  showed  him.  Still,  though  matters  look 
very  black,  Clarendon  is  not  without  hopes  of  "war  being 
averted  and  some  means  found  of  patching  up  the  affair,  the 
Emperor  having  promised  that  he  will  in  no  case  resort  to 
ulterior  measures  without  giving  us  notice  of  his  intention. 
The  difficulty  for  him  now  is  to  recede  with  honor,  as  it 
would  be  to  advance  without  danger.  He  has  once  before 
receded  after  to  a  certain  degree  committing  himself,  and  he 
may  not  choose  to  do  so  a  second  time.  Then  he  is  naturally 
provoked  with  the  French,  who  are  in  fact  the  real  cause  of 
this  by  their  intrigues  and  extortions  about  the  holy  places  ; 
and  we  suspect  that  he  is,  besides  this,  provoked  at  the 
Montenegrin  affair  having  been  settled  by  Austria  without 
his  having  a  finger  in  that  pie.  All  these  considerations 
combined  make  great  confusion  and  difficulty.  Brunnow  is 
in  mortal  agony,  dreading  above  all  things  the  possibility  of 
his  having  to  leave  this  country. 

The  Government  continues  to  go  on  very  well  ;  the  Op- 
position got  up  a  debate  on  the  legacy  duties  in  the  House 
of  Lords  the  other  night,  which  only  served  to  prove  how 
entirely  Derby's  influence  has  declined  even  there.  They 
had  thought  themselves  sure  of  beating  the  Government,  but 
not  only  were  they  defeated,  but  accident  alone  (people  shut 
out  and  absent)  prevented  their  being  defeated  by  a  con- 
siderable majority.  The  Cabinet  is  going  on  in  the  greatest 
harmony,  and  the  men  who  were  strangers  up  to  the  time 
of  its  formation  have  taken  to  each  other  prodigiously. 
Aberdeen  unfortunately  wants  the  qualities  which  made 
Lord  Lansdowne  so  good  a  leader,  and  is  rather  deficient  in 
tact  and  temper  in  the  House  of  Lords  as  he  used  to  be 
formerly,  when  he  attacked  Lord  Grey's  Government  and 
Palmerston's  administration  of  foreign  affairs  always  with 
too  much  asperity ;  but  in  spite  of  these  defects  he  has  not 
done  ill  even  there,  and  in  the  Cabinet  he  is  both  liked  and 
respected,  being  honest,  straightforward,  and  firm,  very 
fair,  candid,  and  unassuming.  Granville  tells  me  that  of 
the  whole  Cabinet  he  thinks  Aberdeen  has  the  most  pluck, 
Gladstone  a  great  deal,  and  Graham  the  one  who  has  the 


1853.]     UNPOPULARITY   OF  THE   FRENCH   GOVERNMENT.          57 

least.  He  speaks  very  -well  of  Molesworth,  sensible,  coura- 
geous, and  conciliatory,  but  quite  independent  and  plain- 
spoken  in  his  opinions. 

June  1st. — John  Eussell  made  an  imprudent  speech  the 
night  before  last  on  the  Irish  Church,  giving  great  offence 
to  the  Irish  and  the  Catholics.  He  could  not  help,  as  leader 
of  the  Government,  opposing  a  proposition  having  for  its 
object  the  destruction  of  the  Irish  Church,  but  he  might 
have  done  it  with  more  tact  and  discretion,  and  not  in  a  way 
to  elicit  the  cheers  of  the  Tories.  The  Tail  will  pay  him  off 
for  this  whenever  they  can.  Quantum  mutatus  ab  illo,  who 
broke  up  a  Government  for  the  sake  of  an  appropriation 
clause. 

Last  night  Macaulay  reappeared  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, and  in  a  speech  of  extraordinary  power  and  eloquence 
threw  out  the  Judges'  Exclusion  Bill.*  It  was  the  first  time 
he  had  spoken,  and  though  his  physical  strength  is  impaired 
he  showed  that  his  mental  powers  are  undiminished. 

Senior  called  on  me  a  day  or  two  ago,  just  returned  from 
Paris,  where  he  has  been  living  and  conversing  with  all  the 
notabilities  (principally  of  the  Liberal  party),  and  he  tells 
me  there  is  but  one  opinion  among  them,  that  this  Empire 
can  not  last,  and  they  only  differ  as  to  the  time  it  may  last. 
Most  of  them  think  it  will  be  short.  Thiers  gives  it  only  a 
year,  Duchatel  alone  thinks  it  will  go  on  for  some  years. 
The  unpopularity  of  Louis  Napoleon  increases  and  his  dis- 
credit likewise,  and  as  soon  as  the  unpopularity  shall  extend 
to  the  army,  it  will  be  all  over  with  him.  The  Opposition 
which  had  sprung  up,  which  has  increased  rapidly  and  will 
increase  still  more  in  the  Corps  L6gislatif,  is  deemed  to  be 
very  important  and  significant,  and  they  think  it  will  be 
impossible  for  him  to  go  on  with  such  a  body  so  constituted 
and  disposed,  and  he  will  have  to  decide  upon  suffering  the 
embarrassment  it  will  cause  him,  or  having  recourse  to  a 
coup  d'etat,  a  measure  which  would  be  hazardous.  There 
are  no  fresh  adhesions  to  the  Court  beyond  the  half  dozen 
men  of  rank  or  name  who  have  already  joined  it,  and  who 
are  hated  and  despised  for  having  done  so.  While  such  is 
the  opinion  of  the  people  of  mark  at  Paris,  they  are  never- 

i  [A  Bill  was  before  Parliament  which  would  have  excluded  the  Master  of 
the  Rolls  from  the  House  of  Commons,  lie  boinsr  the  only  Judjre  who  could  sit 
there.  The  Judjre  of  the  Admiralty  Court  had  already  been  excluded.  Macau- 
lay  opposed  the  Bill  with  such  force  and  eloquence  that  he  changed  the  opinion 
of"  the  House,  and  defeated  the  measure.  An  unusual  occurrence.] 


58  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

theless  sensible  of  the  danger  which  would  accompany  a 
counter-revolution,  and  of  the  uncertainty  of  what  might 
follow,  what  iufluencss  might  prevail,  and  what  form  of 
government  be  adopted  ;  but  they  seem  generally  to  think 
that  while  in  the  first  instance  there  would  be  a  succession 
of  provisional  arrangements  and  fleeting  transitory  govern- 
ments, it  would  end  in  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy 
under  Henri  V.,  but  that  this  would  not  take  place  by  the 
acceptance  and  triumph  of  any  divine  hereditary  right,  but 
must  be  adopted  by  the  nation  and  ratified  by  a  national 
vote. 

Juno  5th. — T  saw  Clarendon  on  Friday  morning  for  a 
few  minutes  ;  he  takes  a  very  gloomy  view  of  the  Russo- 
Turkish  question,  and  is  greatly  disgusted  at  having  been 
deceived  by  the  Emperor ;  he  says  he  is  harassed  to  death 
with  the  whole  affair,  and  with  the  multiplicity  of  business 
he  has  besides  ;  he  has  a  difficult  task  to  perform,  taking  a 
middle  position  in  the  Cabinet  between  the  opposite  opin- 
ions of  those  who  are  for  more  stringent  measures  and  those 
who,  like  himself,  are  for  patience  and  moderation.  Palm- 
erston,  in  whom  his  ancient  Russian  antipathies  are  revived, 
is  for  vigor,  and  as  in  former  times  "leading  John  Russell 
by  the  nose,*'  Clarendon  and  Aberdeen  for  moderation  ;  but 
he  is  beset  by  different  opinions  and  written  suggestions  and 
proposals,  and  all  this  worries  him  exceedingly.  I  asked  him 
how  the  Court  was,  and  he  said  very  reasonable,  their  opin- 
ions being  influenced,  of  course,  by  Aberdeen. 

He  talked  with  great  disgust  of  John  Russell's  speech  on 
the  Irish  Church,  how  unfair  it  was  as  well  as  unwise,  and 
how  reckless  of  the  damage  it  caused  to  the  Government, 
and  the  embarrassing  and  awkward  situation  in  which  he 
thereby  placed  many  of  their  supporters.  These  are  the 
general  sentiments  with  regard  to  that  speech,  which  was 
neither  more  nor  less  than  speaking  the  Durham  letter  over 
again,  and,  considering  what  that  famous  letter  cost  him, 
he  mi^ht  have  been  expected  to  steer  clear  of  such  a  scrape. 
But  he  is  more  than  ever  the  creature  of  impulse  and  of 
temper,  and  he  seems  to  have  lost  a  great  deal  of  his  tact 
and  discretion,  and  certainly  he  is  no  longer  fit  to  be  either 
head  of  a  Government  or  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  perhaps  the  latter  position  in  such  a  Government  as  this 
suits  him  still  less  than  the  former  would.  When  I  came 
to  town  yesterday  morning  I  found  that  several  of  the  Irish 


1853.]        THE   ALLIED   FLEETS  AT  THE   DARDANELLES.  59 

Roman  Catholic  members  of  the  Government  occupying  sub- 
ordinate offices  (Messrs.  Keogh,  Monsell,  and  Sadleir),  had 
resigned  in  consequence  of  Lord  John  Russell's  speech,  but 
an  hour  afterward  I  learned  that  they  had  been  induced  to 
remain  by  an  assurance  from  Lord  Aberdeen  that  Lord  John 
did  not  express  the  sentiments  of  the  Government  on  this 
subject. 

Charles  "Wood  brought  on  the  India  Bill  on  Friday  night 
in  a  speech  of  unexampled  prolixity  and  dulness.  Inhere  is 
not  yet  time  to  ascertain  how  the  plan  is  likely  to  be  received, 
but  I  suspect  it  will  meet  with  a  great  deal  of  opposition, 
although,  as  it  is  more  favorable  to  the  existing  interests  than 
was  expected,  it  will  very  likely  pass,  as,  if  Leadenhall  Street 
was  to  go  further,  it  would  certainly  fare  worse. 

St.  Leonards,  June  1th. — I  am  here  for  Ascot,  a  lovely 
place  and  divine  weather.  The  affair  with  the  Irish  has  ended 
as  harmlessly  as  anything  so  awkward  could  do.  Mr.  G.  H. 
Moore  asked  some  rather  impertinent  questions  in  the  House 
of  Commons  on  Monday,  which  Lord  John  answered  in  an 
easy,  nonchalant,  jesting  manner.  The  House  laughed, 
nobody  said  anything,  and  there  it  ended,  but  the  Brigade 
will  probably  seek  opportunities  of  showing  their  teeth  and 
of  revenging  themselves  on  Lord  John.  It  has  been  rather 
mortifying  for  him,  but  he  has  taken  it  very  quietly,  and 
Aberdeen's  letter  to  Monsell  was  shown  to  him  and  received 
his  assent.  The  French  are  behaving  very  well  about  the 
Eastern  question,  and  1  begin  to  think  that  it  will  in  the 
end  blow  over,  as  diplomacy  will  probably  hit  upon  some 
expedient  for  enabling  the  Emperor  of  Russia  to  do  what 
his  real  interests  evidently  point  out. 

June  13th. — I  came  back  from  Ascot  on  Friday,  having 
mot  Clarendon  on  Thursday  on  the  course,  who  gave  me  an 
account  of  the  state  of  affairs.  On  Saturday  I  met  Walewski 
at  dinner,  and  had  much  talk  with  him,  and  yesterday  I  saw 
Clarendon  again.  The  great  event  has  been  the  sailing  of 
our  fleet  from  Malta  to  join  the  French  fleet  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Dardanelles,  to  the  unspeakable  satisfaction  of  the 
French  Government,  who  desire  nothing  so  much  as  to  ex- 
hibit to  all  Europe  an  entente  cordiale  with  us  ;  and  Walewski 
said  to  me  that,  however  the  affair  might  end,  this  great  ad- 
vantage they  had  at  all  events  obtained.1  The  Emperor  of 

1  [Orders  were  sent  to  Admiral  Dundas  on  June  2  to  pail  for  the  Darda- 
nelles, and  the  fleet  proceeded  to  Besika  Bay,  together  with  the  French  fleet.] 


60  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

Russia  will  be  deeply  mortified  when  he  hears  of  this  junc- 
tion ;  for  besides  that  it  wifl  effectually  bar  the  approach  of 
his  fleet  to  Constantinople,  if  he  ever  contemplated  it,  there 
is  nothing  he  dislikes  and  dreads  so  much  as  the  intimate 
union  of  France  and  England.  His  Majesty  is  now  so 
greatly  excited  that  nothing  can  stop  him,  and  he  told  Sey- 
mour the  other  day  that  he  would  spend  his  last  rouble  and 
his  last  soldier  rather  than  give  way.  Still  he  professes  that 
he  aims  at  no  more  than  a  temporary  occupation  of  the 
Principalities,  and  renounces  all  purpose  of  conquest.  The 
Eussian  army  will  therefore  certainly  march  in,  and  it  will 
be  the  business  of  the  other  Governments  to  restrain  the 
Turks  and  prevent  a  collision,  which  Walewski  thinks  they 
can  certainly  do. 

Austria  holds  the  same  language  that  we  do,  but  will  not 
act.  Clarendon  sent  for  Count  Colloredo  on  Saturday  (who 
never  hears  from  Buol),  and  set  before  him  in  detail  all  the 
dangers  with  which  Austria  is  menaced  by  the  possibility  of 
war  breaking  out  in  the  East,  and  above  all  by  that  of 
France  being  brought  into  the  field  in  hostility  with  Aus- 
tria. In  such  a  case  the  French  would  be  quite  unscru- 
pulous, and  excite  all  the  revolutionary  spirit,  which,  though 
now  repressed,  is  thickly  scattered  over  every  part  of  the  Aus- 
trian Empire,  from  Milan  to  Hungary.  Colloredo  acknowl- 
edged the  truth  of  the  representation,  and  promised  to 
report  textually  to  Buol  what  Clarendon  said. 

All  now  depends  on  the  Emperor  Nicholas  himself.  If 
he  adheres  to  his  determination  not  to  advance  beyond  the 
Principalities,  time  will  be  afforded  for  negotiations,  and 
some  expedient  may  be  found  for  enabling  him  to  recede 
without  discredit,  and  without  danger  to  his  own  prestige  at 
home.  The  French  and  English  feel  alike  on  this  point, 
and  are  conscious  that  the  Emperor  has  gone  too  far  to 
recede.  He  is  pushed  on  by  an  ardent  and  fanatical  party 
in  Russia,  and  is  not  entirely  his  own  master.  Both  Gov- 
ernments are  therefore  willing  to  make  allowance  for  the 
exigencies  of  his  position,  and  to  assist  him  to  the  uttermost 
of  their  power  in  getting  honorably  out  of  the  scrape  into 
which  he  has  plunged  himself  and  all  Europe. 

June  Z2d. — The  Opposition  papers  (especially  the  "Morn- 
ing Herald"  and  the  "Press,"  Disraeli's  new  journal)  have 
been  making  the  most  violent  attacks  on  Aberdeen  and 
Clarendon,  calling  for  their  impeachment  on  the  ground  of 


1853.]  DIVIDED   OPINIONS   IN   THE   CABINET.  61 

their  conduct  in  this  Eastern  quarrel,  particularly  charging 
them  with  having  been  cognizant  of  and  approved  of  Men- 
schikotf's  demands,  which  have  occasioned  all  the  hubbuh. 
At  last  it  was  thought  necessary  to  make  a  statement  in  re- 
ply, which  was  done  by  the  "  Times  "  on  Thursday  last.  The 
article  was  a  good  one,  but  contained  an  inaccuracy,  about 
which  Brunnow  wrote  a  long  but  friendly  letter  of  complaint 
to  Clarendon.  The  day  after  this,  another  article  was  in- 
serted to  set  the  matter  right,  with  which  Brunnow  was 
quite  satisfied  ;  but  the  explanations  of  the  "  Times"  failed 
to  stem  the  torrent  of  abuse,  and  the  Tory  papers  only  re- 
peated their  misrepresentations  with  greater  impudence  and 
malignity  than,  before,  It  was  thought  necessary  a  stop 
should  be  put  to  this,  and  it  was  proposed  to  Clarendon  to 
let  discussions  corns  on  in  both  Houses,  moved  by  Layard  in 
the  Commons,  and  Clanricarde  in  the  Lords,  which  would 
afford  an  opportunity  for  the  only  effectual  contradiction, 
Ministerial  statemsnta  in  Parliament.  Last  night  I  met 
him  at  the  Palace,  when  we  talked  the  matter  over.  He  is 
still  of  opinion  that  it  is  essential  to  delay  the  explanations 
and  put  off  all  discussion  till  the  matter  is  decided  one  way 
or  another.  He  thinks  so  in  reference  to  the  case  itself, 
leaving  out  of  consideration  the  convenience  of  the  Govern- 
ment ;  he  thinks  that  any  discussion  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons will  elicit  a  disposition  for  peace  d  tout  prix,  which 
would  seriously  embarrass  affairs,  and  only  confirm  Russia 
in  the  course  she  is  pursuing.  I  do  not  think  so,  but  his 
opinions  are  founded  on  what  he  hears  Cobden  has  said,  and 
on  the  animus  of  the  peace  party.  He  told  me  a. sain  what  a 
task  his  is  in  the  Cabinet,  standing  between  and  mediating 
between  Aberdeen  and  Palmerston,  whose  ancient  and  ha- 
bitual ideas  of  foreign  policy  are  brought  by  this  business 
into  antagonism,  and  he  says  the  difficulty  is  made  greater 
by  Aberdeen's  unfortunate  manner,  who  cannot  avoid  some 
of  that  sneering  tone  in  discussion  which  so  seriously  affects 
his  popularity  in  the  House  of  Lords.  He  is  therefore 
obliged  to  take  a  great  deal  upon  himself,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent any  collision  between  Palmerston  and  Aberdeen.  It 
appears  that  Palmerston  proposed  on  Saturday  last  that  the 
entrance  of  the  Russians  into  the  Principalities  should  be 
considered  a  casus  belli,  in  which,  however,  he  was  overruled 
and  gave  way.  The  Cabinet  did  not  come  to  a  vote  upon  it, 
but  the  general  sentiment  went  with  Aberdeen  and  Claren- 


62  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

don,  and  against  Palmerston.  He  seems  to  have  given  way 
with  a  good  grace,  and  hitherto  nothing  has  occurred  of  a 
disagreeable  character;  on  the  contrary,  both  Clarendon  and 
Granville  tell  me  Palmerston  has  behaved  very  well.  Clar- 
endon thinks  (and  in  this  I  concur)  that  the  country  would 
never  forgive  the  Government  for  going  to  war,  unless  they 
could  show  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  and  that  they 
had  exhausted  every  means  of  bringing  about  a  pacific  solu- 
tion of  the  question,  and  nobody  here  would  care  one  straw 
about  the  Russian  occupation  of  Moldavia  and  Wallachia. 

That  a.l  means  have  not  been  exhausted  is  clear  from 
this  fact.  The  Austrians,  who  are  more  interested  than  any- 
body, have  moved  heaven  and  earth  to  effect  a  settlement, 
and  the  Emperor  of  Russia  has  himself  asked  for  their  "bons 
offices  "  for  that  end.  They  have  entreated  the  Turks  on  the 
one  hand  to  strike  out  some  mezzo  termine  compatible  with 
their  dignity  and  with  their  previous  refusals  of  Menschi- 
koff's  terms,  promising  that  they  will  urge  its  acceptance  on 
the  Emperor  with  all  their  force,  and  on  the  other  hand  they 
have  implored  the  Emperor  to  delay  the  occupation  of  the 
Principalities,  so  that  by  temporizing,  mediation,  and  a  joint 
action  and  a  judicious  employment  of  diplomatic  resources 
and  astuteness,  it  is  still  possible  some  mode  may  be  hit 
upon  of  terminating  the  quarrel. 

July  Wi. — For  the  last  fortnight  or  three  weeks  little 
has  occurred  which  is  worth  noting.  The  Eastern  Question 
drags  on,  as  it  is  likely  to  do.-  Aberdeen,  who  ten  days  ago 
spoke  very  confidently  of  its  being  settled,  now  takes  a  more 
desponding  view,  and  the  confidence  he  has  hitherto  reposed 
in  the  Emperor  of  Russia  is  greatly  shaken.  Clarendon  has 
long  thought  the  prospect  very  gloomy,  but  they  are  s'.ill 
endeavoring  to  bnng  about  an  accommodation.  The  ques- 
tion resolves  itself  into  this  :  what  are  the  real  wishes  and 
views  of  the  Emperor  ?  If  his  present  conduct  is  the  execu- 
tion of  a  long-prepared  purpose,  and  he  thinks  the  time 
favorable  for  the  destruction  of  Turkey,  no  efforts  will  be 
availing,  and  he  will  listen  to  no  proposals  that  we  can  pos- 
sibly make.  If,  on  the  contrary,  he  is  conscious  that  he 
has  got  into  a  dilemma,  and  he  wishes  to  extricate  himself 
from  it  by  any  means  not  dishonorable  to  himself,  and  such 
as  would  not  degrade  him  in  the  eyes  of  his  own  subjects, 
then,  no  doubt,  diplomatic  astuteness  will  sooner  or  later  hit 
upon  some  expedient  by  which  the  quarrel  may  be  adjusted. 


1853.]  THE   IXDIA   BILL   CARRIED.  63 

"Which  of  these  alternatives  is  the  true  one,  time  alone  can 
show.  Meanwhile  the  expense  to  which  the  Turks  are  put 
in  the  wretched  state  of  their  finances  will  prove  ruinous 
to  them,  and,  end  how  it  may,  the  fall  of  the  Turkish  do- 
minion has  been  accelerated  by  what  has  already  taken  place. 
There  has  been  a  great  deal  of  discussion  about  bringing  on 
debates  on  the  Eastern  Question  in  both  Houses,  but  all  the 
leading  men  of  all  parties  have  deprecated  discussion,  and  it 
was  finally  determined  last  night  that  none  should  take 
place.  Disraeli  alone,  who  cares  for  nothing* but  making 
mischief,  tried  to  bring  it  on,  but  in  the  House  of  Lords 
Derby  took  a  different  and  more  becoming  course,  and  rec- 
ommended Clanricarde  to  give  it  up.  Disraeli  urged  Lay- 
ard  to  persevere.  Granville  told  me  yesterday  that  while  he 
lamented  that  Aberdeen  was  not  a  more  judicious  and  con- 
ciliating leader  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  was  so  inferior 
in  this  respect  to  Lord  Landsdowne,  he  liked  him  very 
much,  thought  he  was  a  very  good  Prime  Minister,  and, 
above  all,  anything  but  deficient  in  political  courage,  in  which 
respect  he  was  by  no  means  inferior  to  Palmerston  himself. 

The  Government  have  been  going  on  well"  enough  on  the 
whole.  Their  immense  majority  on  the  India  Bill  was  mat- 
ter of  general  surprise,  and  showed  the  wretched  tactics  of 
Disraeli,  as  well  as  his  small  influence  over  his  partv,  for  he 
could  not  get  one  hundred  of  the  Tories  to  go  with  him.  A 
few  small  holes  have  been  made  in  Gladstone's  Budget,  but 
nothing  of  consequence.  Tom  Baring,  however,  told  me 
he  thought  Gladstone  had  made  some  great  mistakes,  and 
that  Graham  would  have  been  a  better  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer;  but  this  I  much  doubt.  Popularity  is  very 
necessary  to  a  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  and  Graham 
would  never  have  been  so  persuasive  with  the  House  as  Glad- 
stone. 

July  12th. — The  "Times"  newspaper,  always  famous  for 
its  versatility  a«d  inconsistency,  has  lately  produced  articles 
on  the  Eastern  Question  on  the  same  day  of  the  most  oppo- 
site characters,  one  warlike  and  firm,  the  next  vehemently 
pacific  by  some  other  hand.  This  is  of  small  importance, 
but  it  is  indicative  of  the  difference  which  exists  in  the 
Cabinet  on  the  subject,  and  the  explanation  of  the  incon- 
sistency of  the  "Times"  is  to  be  found  in  the  double  in- 
fluence which  acts  on  the  paper.  All  along  Palmerston  has 
been  urging  a  vigorous  policy,  and  wished  to  employ  more 


C4  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

peremptory  language  and  stronger  measures  toward  Russia, 
while  Aberdeen  has  been  very  reluctant  to  do  as  much  as  we 
have  done,  and  would  have  been  well  content  to  advise 
Turkey  to  accept  the  last  ultimatum  of  Russia,  and  so  ter- 
minate what  he  considers  a  senseless  and  mischievous  quarrel. 
Clarendon  has  had  to  steer  between  these  two  extremes,  and 
while  moderating  the  ardor  of  Palmerston,  to  stimulate  Aber- 
deen, and  persuade  him  to  adopt  a  course  congenial  to  pub- 
lic opinion  in  this  country,  which,  however,  inclined  to 
peace  and  abhorrent  of  war,  is  not  at  all  disposed  to  connive 
at  the  aggrandizement  of  Russia,  or  to  submit  to  the  insolent 
dictation  of  the  Emperor.  The  majority  of  the  Cabinet 
have  supported  Clarendon,  and  approximate  more  nearly  to 
the  pacific  policy  of  Aberdeen  than  to  the  stringent  meas- 
ures of  Palmerstou.  When  the  two  articles  appeared  in  the 
"Times,"  to  which  I  particularly  allude,  Clarendon  approved 
of  the  first,  and  found  great  fault  with  the  other,  while  Aber- 
deen wrote  to  Delane  and  expressed  his  strong  approbation 
of  the  second,  and  his  conviction  that  the  public  would  sooner 
or  later  take  the  views  therein  set  forth.  Clarendon  tells  me 
that  he  has  no  doubt  Aberdeen  has  on  many  occasions  held 
language  in  various  quarters  that  was  not  prudent  under  the 
circumstances,  and  was  calculated  to  give  erroneous  impres- 
sions as  to  the  intentions  of  the  Government,  and  he  thinks 
that  the  Emperor  himself  has  been  misled  by  what  he  may 
have  heard  both  of  the  disposition  and  sentiments  of  the 
Prime  Minister,  and  of  the  determination  of  the  House  of 
Commons  and  the  country  at  large  to  abstain  from  war  in 
every  case  except  one  in  which  our  own  honor  and  interests 
were  directly  concerned. 

J  had  a  long  talk  with  Clarendon  on  Sunday,  when  he 
told  me  that  the  chances  of  peace  were  a  little  better  than 
they  had  been,  inasmuch  as  there  seemed  to  be  a  disposition 
at  St.  Petersburg  to  treat,  and  the  Austrian  Government  was 
now  in  earnest  bringing  to  bear  all  their  influence  on  the 
Emperor  to  accept  reasonable  terms  of  accommodation. 
Colloredo  brought  him  the  copy  of  a  despatch  to  St.  Peters- 
burg, which  he  said  was  excellent,  very  frank  and  free  in  its 
tone.  Austria  seems  more  fully  sensible  of  the  danger  to 
herself  of  any  war,  which  would  inevitably  let  loose  the 
revolutionary  element  all  over  the  world.  Clarendon  has 
drawn  up  the  project  of  a  Convention  which  embraces  all 
the  professed  objects  of  the  Emperor,  and  which  the  Turks 


1853.]  WARLIKE  VIEWS   OF   LORD   PALMERSTON.  65 

may  agree  to  ;  he  sent  it  to  Paris,  whence  Prouyn  de  Lhuys 
lias  returned  it,  with  the  full  concurrence  and  assent  of  the 
French  Government,  and  it  went  to  Petersburg  yesterday. 
The  reception  of  this  proposal  will  determine  the  question 
of  peace  or  war. 

July  14th. — G said  to  me  this  morning  that  Palm- 

erston  is  beginning  to  stir  up  matters  afresh.  I  saw  him 
yesterday  morning  at  Holland  House  in  close  confabulation 
with  Walewski,  with  whom  t  have  no  doubt  he  interchanged 
warlike  sentiments,  and  complained  of  the  lukewarmness  of 
Aberdeen  and  Clarendon.  It  is  evident  that  he  is  at  work, 
and  probably,  according  to  his  ancient  custom,  in  some  un- 
derhand way  in  the  press.  His  flatterers  tell  him  that  a 
majority  of  the  House  of  Commons  would  support  him  and 
a  warlike  policy,  and  though  he  may  wish  to  believe  this,  and 
perhaps  does,  he  will  hardly  go  the  length  of  trying  to  break 
up  this  Cabinet,  with  the  desperate  hope  of  making  another 
Government  himself,  based  on  the  policy  of  going  to  war. 
Certain  newspapers  arc  always  asserting  that  the  Cabinet  is 
divided  and  in  dissension,  and  at  the  same  time  accusing  it 
of  timidity  and  weakness,  urging  strong  measures,  and  as- 
serting that,  if  we  had  employed  such  long  ago,  Russia  would 
have  been  frightened,  and  never  have  proceeded  to  such 
length*.  But  the  Government  are  resolved,  and  wisely,  to 
avoid  war  as  long  as  they  can,  and  if  driven  on  to  it,  to  be 
able  to  show  the  country  that  they  had  exhausted  all  means 
of  preserving  peace. 

July  18th. — At  last  there  appears  a  probability  of  this 
Turkish  question  being  amicably  settled.  On  Saturday  I 
was  told  that  despatches  were  just  come  from  Sir  Hamilton 
Seymour  of  a  more  favorable  character,  and  representing  the 
Imperial  Government  as  much  more  disposed  to  treat,  with  a 
real  disposition  to  bring  the  negotiations  to  a  successful  issue. 
My  informant  added  that  Palmerston  predicted  that  none  of 
the  projects  and  proposals  which  have  emanated  from  the 
different  Courts  would  be  accepted  at  Petersburg,  which  he 
thought  they  all  would.  Yesterday  I  saw  Clarendon,  and 
found  matters  even  in  a  still  more  promising  state.  After 
the  Cabinet  Walcwski  went  to  him,  and  communicated  to 
him  very  important  news  (of  a  later  date  than  Seymour's 
letters)  from  St.  Petersburg,  which  to  my  mind  is  decisive 
of  the  question  of  peace.  It  appears  that  both  France  and 
Austria  have  been  concocting  notes  and  projects  of  a  pacific 


66  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

tendency  to  be  offered  to  the  Emperor.  There  have  been 
several  of  these,  some  framed  at  Constantinople,  others  at 
Paris.  A  short  time  ago  the  French  Government  prepared 
one,  which  it  submitted  to  ours ;  Clarendon  thought  it 
would  not  answer,  and  told  them  so.  They  asked  whether 
he  had  any  objection  to  their  sending  it  off  to  St.  Petersburg 
and  Vienna  and  making  the  experiment.  He  replied,  none 
whatever,  and  though  he  did  not  think  it  would  succeed,  he 
should  rejoice  if  it  did,  as,  provided  the  affair  could  be  set- 
tled, it  did  not  matter  how.  In  the  meantime  he  drew  up 
his  own  project  of  a  Convention,  which  went  to  Paris,  and 
received  the  cordial  approbation  of  the  Emperor ;  and  this 
document  is  now  on  its  way  to  Petersburg.  In  the  mean- 
time the  French  project  was  sent  there,  Castelbajac  took  it 
to  Nesselrode,  who  read  it  very  attentively,  and  said  that  he 
liked  it  very  much,  but  that  he  could  give  no  positive  answer 
till  he  had  submitted  it  to  the  Emperor.  The  same  afternoon 
he  saw  the  French  minister  again,  and  told  him  that  he  had 
laid  the  project  before  the  Emperor  Nicholas,  and  that  His 
Majesty  was  not  only  satisfied,  but  grateful  for  it,  "non 
seulement  satisfait,  mais  reconnaissant,"  and  that  the  only 
reason  he  did  not  at  once  close  with  it  v.  as  that  his  ally,  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  had  also  submitted  a  proposal,  and  he 
did  not  like  to  take  another  from  another  Court  exclusively 
without  previous  communication  with  him.  Clarendon 
thinks  that  his  proposal  will  be  still  more  agreeable  to  the 
Emperor  than  the  French  one,  and  that  he  will  probably 
end  in  taking  it ;  nor  will  there  be  any  difficulty  in  this, 
because  ours  is  so  fully  concurred  in  by  France  as  to  be  in 
fact  hers  as  much  as  ours. 

July  3lst. — Having  been  at  Goodwood  the  last  week,  I 
have  not  troubled  myself  with  politics,  either  home  or  foreign, 
nor  have  any  events  occurred  to  excite  interest.  The  most 
important  matter  here  has  been  the  division  in  the  House  of 
Lords  on  Monday  last  on  the  Succession  Duties  Bill,  on  which 
the  Opposition  were  signally  defeated.  For  a  long  time  the 
Government  were  very  doubtful  of  obtaining  a  majority,  but 
their  whippers-in  were  more  sanguine  at  last.  Great  exer- 
tions were  made  on  both  sides,  the  Derbyites  whipped  up  all 
the  men  they  could  lay  their  hands  on,  and  the  Government 
fetched  their  ministers  from  Paris  and  Brussels,  and  the 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  The  majority  was  greater  than 
either  side  expected,  and  Derby  and  his  crew  were  exceed- 


1853.]  PALMERSTON   AND   CLARENDON.  67 

ingly  disconcerted,  and  Derby  himself  much  ont  of  humor. 
When  Bsssborough  went  over  to  him  after  the  division,  and 
said,  "  Lord  Aberdeen  wants  to  know  if  you  will  object  to  the 
Bill  being  read  a  third  time  on  Thursday  next,"  he  pettishly 
replied,  "  The  Bill  may  go  to  the  devil  for  all  I  care  ;  I  shall 
take  no  further  trouble  about  it." 

August  1st.  — I  saw  Clarendon  as  usual  yesterday  (Sun- 
day), when  he  read  to  me  a  letter  from  Sir  Hamilton  Sey- 
mour, giving  an  account  of  his  delivering  to  Nesselrode  the 
Convention  which  Clarendon  sent  over,  as  well  as  reading  to 
him  Clarendon's  private  letter,  which  was  a  stinging  one, 
but  very  good.  Nesselrodc  said  of  all  the  projects  lie  liked 
that  the  best,  and  if  it  was  tendered  to  them  from  Vienna, 
he  thought  it  might  do  as  the  basis  of  an  arrangment,  but 
he  could  give  no  positive  answer  till  he  had  submitted  it  to 
tho  Eoip3ror.  At  the  Cabinet  on  Saturday  Clarendon  read 
Saymour's  letter,  when  his  colleagues  begged  they  might  see 
tha  private  letter  of  his  which  was  alluded  to,  and  he  pro- 
duced and  read  that  likewise.  It  was  generally  approved  of, 
but  the  next  d.iy  Palmerston  wrote  a  note  to  Clarendon,  in 
which  he  expressed  the  warmest  approbation  of  his  note, 
and  added  that  he  had  only  refrained  from  saying  all  he 
thought  of  it  at  the  Cabinet  lest  his  approval  might  make 
others  think  it  was  too  strong.  He  added  that  he  rejoiced 
that  the  management  of  our  foreign  affairs  was  in  such  able 
hands,  and  that,  in  fact,  he  (Clarendon)  could  do  and  say 
what  Palmerston  himself  could  not  have  done.  It  was  a 
very  handsome  letter,  very  satisfactory  both  to  Clarendon 
personally,  and  as  showing  that  there  is  no  disagreement  on 
the  Eastern  Question  in  the  Cabinet,  or  at  least  between 
Palmerstou  and  Clarendon,  which  is  the  essential  point. 
Their  union  and  friendship  are  remarkable  when  we  recollect 
their  past  antagonism  and  Palmerston's  jealousy  of  Claren- 
don, and  the  persuasion  of  both  himself  and  Lady  Palmerston 
that  Clarendon  was  always  waiting  to  trip  up  liis  heels  and 
get  his  plac?.  All  these  jealousies  and  suspicions  were,  how- 
ever, dissipated  when  Clarendon  refused  the  Foreign  Office 
last  year,  since  which  time  they  have  been  the  best  of  friends, 
and  Palm?rston  was  quite  satisfied  at  his  having  the  Foreign 
Office.  With  regard  to  the  chances  of  a  pacific  settlement, 
the  assurances  from  St.  Petersburg  are  all  very  favorable, 
but  the  acts  of  the  Russian  generals  in  the  Principalities  are 
quite  inconsistent  with  them,  and  between  these  conflicting 


68  REIGN  OF  QUEEN    VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

manifestations  Clarendon  is  in  no  small  doubt  and  apprehen- 
sion as  to  the  result. 

London,  August  Sih. — Ever  since  last  Monday,  when 
Clarendon  made  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Lords  on  which  a 
bad  interpretation  was  put  in  reference  to  the  question  of 
peace  or  war,  there  has  been  a  sort  of  panic,  and  the  public 
mind,  which  refused  at  first  to  admit  the  possibility  of  war, 
suddenly  rushed  to  the  opposite  conclusion,  and  everybody 
became  persuaded  that  war  was  inevitable.  The  conse- 
quence was  a  great  fall  in  the  funds,  and  the  depreciation  of 
every  sort  of  security.  So  matters  remained  till  the  end  of 
the  week.  On  Saturday  afternoon  I  met  Walewski,  who 
told  me  he  had  that  day  received  a  letter  from  Castelbajac 
(the  French  Ambassador  at  St.  Petersburg),  informing  him 
that  the  Emperor  had  signified  his  willingness  to  accept  the 
proposal  which  was  then  expected  from  Vienna,  and  last 
night  fresh  news  came  that  the  proposal  had  arrived,  and  he 
had  said  he  would  take  it,  if  the  Turks  would  send  an  am- 
bassador with  it,  exactly  as  it  had  been  submitted  to  him. 
This  I  heard  late  last  night,  and  Granville  considered  it  con- 
clusive of  an  immediate  settlement.  But  this  morning  I 
went  to  the  Clarendon  and  found  him  not  so  sure,  and  not 
regarding  the  pacific  solution  as  fo  indubitable  ;  there  still 
remain  some  important  matters  of  detail  to  be  settled,  though 
certainly  the  affair  wears  a  much  more  favorable  aspect,  and 
there  is  every  reason  to  hope  it  will  all  end  well.  But  while 
this  proposal  was  concocted  at  Vienna,  the  Cabinet  here 
(last  Saturday  week)  made  some  small  verbal  alterations  in 
it,  so  that  ultimately  it  will  not  be  presented  for  the  Em- 
peror's formal  acceptance  word  for  word  the  same,  and  if  he 
wants  a  pretext  to  back  out  of  his  present  engagement,  he 
can  therein  find  one.  as  he  onlv  agreed  to  take  it  if  it 
was  word  for  word  the  same.  Then  it  has  not  yet  been 
submitted  to  the  Turks,  and  it  is  by  no  means  sure  they  may 
not  make  difficulties,  or  that  Stratford  Canning  may  not 
raise  obstacles  instead  of  using  all  his  influence  to  procure 
their  agreement,  so  that  Clarendon  does  not  consider  that 
we  are  out  of  the  wood,  though  he  expects  on  the  whole  that 
it  will  end  well.  If  it  does  it  will  be  the  triumph  of  diplo- 
macy, and  a  signal  proof  of  the  wisdom  of  moderation  and 
patience.  Granville  says  it  will  be  principally  owing  to 
Aberdeen,  who  has  been  very  staunch  and  bold  in  defying 
public  clamor,  abuse,  and  taunts,  and  in  resisting  the  wishes 


1853.]  TURKISH   DIFFICULTIES.  QQ 

and  advice  of  Palmerston,  who  would  have  adopted  a  more 
stringent  and  uncompromising  course. 

August  9th. — At  Court  yesterday  Aberdeen  was  quite  con- 
fident of  the  settlement  of  the  Eastern  affair,  and  Brunnow 
who  was  there  with  the  Duchess  of  Leuchtenberg  to  see  the 
Queen,  very  smiling.  Clanricarde  interrupted  Clarendon  in 
the  House  of  Lords,  and  made  a  violent  speech.  Clarendon 
answered  very  well,  without  committing  himself.  The  Gov- 
ernment are  in  high  spirits  at  the  prospect  of  winding  up 
this  prosperous  Session  with  the  settlement  of  the  Eastern 
Question  ;  nothing  else  is  wanting  to  their  success. 

August  llth. — I  saw  Clarendon  yesterday.  Nothing 
new,  but  he  said  he  fully  expected  Stratford  Canning  would 
play  some  trick  at  Constantinople,  and  throw  obstacles  in 
the  way  of  settlement.  This  seems  to  me  hardly  possible, 
unless  he  behaves  foolishly  as  well  as  dishonestly,  and  it  can 
hardly  be  believed  that  his  temper  and  Eussian  antipathies 
will  betray  him  into  such  extravagant  conduct.  It  is,  how- 
ever, impossible  to  consider  the  affair  as  "settled." 

Yesterday  all  the  world  went  to  the  great  naval  review 
at  Portsmouth,  except  myself.  It  appears  to  have  been  a 
fine  but  tedious  sight,  for  Granville  set  off  at  5.30  A.  M.,  and 
only  got  back  at  one  in  the  morning. 

August  27th. — Since  the  llth  I  have  been  absent  from 
town,  at  Grimstone  for  York  races,  then  at  Hatchford,  and 
since  that  gouty.  While  at  York  the  Session  closed  with 
eclat  by  a  speech  of  Palmerston's  in  his  most  flashy  and  suc- 
cessful style.  John  Eussell  gave  a  night  at  last  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  Turkish  question,  and  made  a  sort  of  explana- 
tion, which  was  tame,  meagre,  and  unsatisfactory.  After 
some  speeches  expressive  of  disappointment  and  disapproba- 
tion, Cobden  made  an  oration  in  favor  of  peace  at  any  price, 
and  this  drew  up  Palmerston,  who  fell  upon  him  with  great 
vigor  and  success.  The  discussion  would  have  ended 
languidly  and  ill  for  the  Government  but  for  this  brilliant 
improvisation,  which  carried  the  House  entirely  with  it.  It 
was  not,  however,  if  analyzed  and  calmly  considered,  of 
much  use  to  the  Government  as  to  their  foreign  policy,  for  it 
was  only  an  answer  to  Cobden,  and  Palmerston  did  not  say 
one  word  ia  defence  of  the  policy  which  has  been  adopted, 
nor  identify  himself  with  it,  as  tie  might  as  well  have  done. 
Though  there  was  nothing  in  it  positively  indicative  of 
dissent  and  dissatisfaction,  any  one  might  not  unfairly  draw 


70  REIGN   OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

the  inference  that,  if  Palmerston  had  had  his  own  way,  he 
would  have  taken  a  more  stringent  and  less  patient  course. 
However,  nothing  has  been  made  of  this,  and  on  the  whole 
his  speech  did  good,  because  it  closed  the  discussion  hand- 
somely, and  left  the  impression  of  Palmerston's  having  cast 
his  lot  for  good  and  all  with  his  present  colleagues,  as  is 
really  the  case. 

The  Session  ended  with  a  very  flourishing  and  prosperous 
speech  from  the  Throne,  and  nothing  was  wanting  to  the 
complete  success  of  the  Government  but  the  settlement  of 
the  Turkish  question,  which,  however,  seems  destined  to  be 
delayed  som;  time  longer;  for  the  Turks  have  refused  to 
accept  the  Vienna  note,  except  with  some  modifications, 
though  these  are  said  to  be  so  immaterial  that  we  hope  the 
Emperor  will  not  object  to  them.  But  all  this  is  vexatious, 
because  it  reopens  the  whole  question,  causes  delay  and 
uncertainty,  and  keeps  the  world  in  suspense  and  apprehen- 
sion. Granville  told  me  that  what  had  occurred  showed 
how  much  more  sagacious  Aberdeen  had  been  as  to  this 
affair  than  Palmerston,  the  former  having  always  maintained 
that  there  would  be  no  difficulty  with  the  Emperor,  but  if 
any  arose  it  would  be  from  the  Turks  ;  whereas  Palmerston 
was  always  sure  the  Turks  would  make  none,  but  that  the 
Emperor  would  refuse  all  arrangements. 

August  2St/t. — It  seems  the  Turks,  after  a  delay  of  ten 
davs  from  receiving  the  proposition,  sent  it  back  to  Vienna, 
asking  for  some  not  important  alterations  ;  but  immediately 
afterward  they  required  a  stipulation  for  the  evacuation 
of  the  Principalities,  and  guarantees  that  they  should  not 
be  occupied  again.  It  is  very  improbable  that  the  Emperor 
will  listen  to  such  conditions.  Nesselrode  has  all  along  told 
Seymour  that  they  (the  Russians)  mean  in  fulfillment  of  their 
pledges  to  evacuate  the  Principalities,  as  soon  as  they  have 
got  the  required  satisfaction,  but  that  it  must  not  be  made 
a  condition,  and  entreated  him  to  abstain  from  any  demand 
which  might  give  an  air  of  compulsion  to  the  act,  much  in 
the  same  way  as  we  have  told  Nesselrode  he  must  not 
attempt  to  make  any  stipulation  about  the  withdrawal  of 
our  floet.  Clarendon  thinks  that  the  Emperor  is  certain  to 
reject  the  Turkish  terms,  and  that  the  Turks  are  very 
capable  of  declaring  war  thereupon  ;  for  in  their  last  com- 
mumcation  they  said  that  they  were  prepared  for  "toutes 
les  eventualites,"  and  he  suspects  that  Stratford  has  not 


1853.]  LORD   PALMERSTOX'S  INFLUENCE.  71 

bond  fide  striven  to  induce  them  to  accept  the  proffered 
terms.  Their  rejection  is  the  more  unreasonable  because 
the  proposal  is  a  hash-up  of  MenschikofFs  original  Note, 
and  that  which  the  Turks  proposed  in  lieu  of  it,  but  in 
which  the  Turkish  element  preponderates,  so  that  not  only 
are  their  honor  and  dignity  consulted,  but  in  refusing  they 
recede  from  their  own  original  proposal. 

The  Queen  is  gone  to  Ireland,  and  Lord  Granville  with 
her,  who  is  afterward  to  attend  her  to  Balmoral.  This  is 
new,  because  hitherto  she  has  always  had  with  her  either  the 
Premier  or  a  Secretary  of  State.  Granville  is  to  be  relieved 
when  circumstances  admit,  but  at  present  there  is  no  other 
arrangement  feasible.  Aberdeen  and  Clarendon  are  both 
kept  in  town  till  the  question  is  settled.  Newcastle  got 
leave  to  go  to  Clumber  for  his  boys'  holidays,  and  Her 
Majesty  does  not  desire  to  have  the  Home  Secretary. 

'But  Charles  Villiers  told  me  last  night  that  Lord 
Palmerston's  influence  and  popularity  in  the  House  of 
Commons  are  greater  than  ever,  and  if  this  Government 
should  be  broken  up  by  internal  dissension,  he  would  have 
no  difficulty  in  forming" another,  and  gathering  round  him  a 
party  to  support  him.  This  is  what  the  Tories  are  anxiously 
looking  to,  desiring  no  better  than  to  serve  under  him,  and 
flattering  themselves  that  in  his  heart  he  personally  dislikes 
his  colleagues,  and  in  political  matters  agrees  with  them- 
selves. They  pay  him  every  sort  of  court,  never  attack 
him,  and  not  only  defer  to  him  on  all  occasions,  but  make 
all  the  difference  they  can  between  him  and  the  rest  of  the 
Government ;  nor  does  he  discourage  or  reject  these  civilities, 
though  he  does  not  invite  them,  or  say  or  do  anything  in- 
consistent with  his  present  position,  but  he  probably  thinks 
the  disposition  toward  him  of  that  large  political  party 
enhances  his  value  to  his  own  friends  and  increases  his  power, 
besides  affording  to  him  a  good  alternative  in  case  anything 
should  happen  to  break  up  the  present  Government  or 
separate  him  from  it. 

September  2d. — For  the  last  week  the  settlement  of  this 
tedious  Turkish  question  has  appeared  more  remote  than 
ever,  and  Clarendon  was  almost  in  despair  when  I  saw  him 
a  few  days  ago,  and  the  more  so  because  he  suspected  that 
Lord  Stratford  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  difficulties  raised 
by  the  Divan.  However,  according  to  the  last  accounts,  it 
would  seem  that  Stratford  was  not  to  blame,  and  had  done 


72  REIGN  OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

what  he  could  to  get  the  Turks  to  comply  with  the  terms  of 
the  Conference.  At  this  moment  the  affair  wears  rather  a 
better  aspect,  and  my  own  belief  is  that  it  will  be  settled. 
It  is  a  great  bore  that  it  drags  on  in  this  way,  creating 
alarm  and  uncertainty,  shaking  the  funds,  and  aifectiug 
commerce. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford,  of  whom  I  have  seen  nothing  for 
a  long  time,  called  on  me  a  few  days  ago,  and  talked  over 
the  present  state  of  affairs,  and  the  position  of  Lord  John 
Russell.  He  said  Lord  John  was  now  quite  satisfied  with  it, 
and  rejoiced  at  his  own  comparative  freedom,  and  his  immu- 
nity from  the  constant  attacks  of  which  he  used  to  be  the 
object;  and  he  is  now  conscious  that,  by  the  part  he  has 
acted  in  waiving  his  own  pretensions,  he  has  not  only  not 
degraded  himself,  but  has  greatly  raised  himself  in  public 
estimation  and  acquired  much  credit  and  popularity,  besides 
rendering  the  country  a  great  service.  He  is  very  well  with 
his  colleagues,  and  gratified  at  the  deference  shown  him, 
and  the  consideration  he  enjoys  in  the  House  of  Commons. 
There,  however,  I  know,  from  other  sources,  all  the  popular- 
ity is  engrossed  by  Palmerston  and  by  Gladstone,  and  Lord 
John  has  foolishly  suffered  Palmerston  to  take  his  place  as 
leader  very  often,  because  he  chose  to  stay  away  at  Rich- 
mond, and  not  come  near  the  House. 

The  Duke  took  this  opportunity  of  telling  me  what  is 
>now  a  very  old  story,  but  which  he  said  he  thought  he  had 
never  told  me  before,  and  I  am  not  sure  whether  he  did  or 
not.  It  was  what  happened  to  him  at  the  time  of  the  forma- 
tion of  this  Government  last  year,  of  which  he  was  evidently 
very  proud.  Just  before  the  Derby  Government  broke  down, 
and  before  that  reunion  at  Woburn  of  which  so  much  was 
said,  the  Prince  gave  him  to  understand  that  they  should 
look  to  him  for  advice  if  anything  occurred,  which  they  were 
every  day  expecting.  The  Duke  was  at  Woburn,  and  one 
morning  when  the  hounds  met  there  and  half  the  county 
was  at  'breakfast  in  the  great  hall,  word  was  brought  him 
that  a  messenger  had  come  from  Osborne  with  a  letter  for 
him.  He  found  it  was  a  letter  from  the  Prince,  in  which  he 
informed  him  that  this  was  despatched  by  a  safe  and  trust- 
worthy hand,  and  nobody  was  to  know" of  its  being  sent; 
that  the  Derby  Government  was  at  an  end,  and  the  Queen 
and  Prince  were  anxious  for  his  opinion  on  the  state  of 
affairs,  the  dispositions  of  public  men,  and  what  course  they 


1853.]  OPPOSITION   OF   LORD   STRATFORD.  73 

had  better  take.  The  Duke  had  recently  been  in  personal 
communication  with  all  the  leaders,  with  Aberdeen  and 
Lord  John,  Newcastle,  Clarendon,  Lansdowne,  Palmerston, 
and  others,  and  he  was  therefore  apprised  of  all  their  senti- 
ments and  in  a  condition  to  give  very  full  information  to  the 
Court.  He  sat  himself  down  and  with  the  greatest  rapidity 
(his  horse  at  the  door  to  go  hunting)  wrote  four  or  five 
sheets  of  paper  containing  the  amplest  details  of  the  senti- 
ments and  views  of  these  different  statesmen,  and  ended  by 
advising  that  the  Queen  should  send  for  Lords  Lansdowne 
and  Aberdeen — as  she  did.  Lord  John  had  already  told  him 
he  did  not  wish  to  be  sent  for.  After  this  of  course  he  could 
not  resent  the  advice  the  Duke  gave ;  and  happily  Lord 
John  wa^  firm  in  resisting  the  advice  of  some  of  those  about 
him.  and  acted  on.  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscientious 
judgment  and  the  sound  advice  of  his  friends. 

September  3d. — I  dined  last  night  tete-a-tete  with  Claren- 
don, and  heard  all  the  details  of  the  state  of  the  Turkish 
question,  and  read  the  interesting  correspondence  of  Cowley, 
with  his  accounts  of  his  conversations  with  the  Emperor, 
and  many  other  things.  Clarendon  is  very  uneasy  because 
he  thinks  the  Emperor  Nicholas's  pride  will  not  let  him  accept 
the  Note  as  modified  by  the  Turks,  though  he  would  have 
accepted  the  same  Note  if  it  had  been  presented  originally 
by  the  Conference.  This  is  one  danger.  The  next  is  one 
at  Constantinople,  where  there  is  a  strong  bigoted  violent 
party  for  war,  disposed  to  dethrone  the  Sultan  and  replace 
him  by  his  brother.  This  brother  (of  whom  I  never  heard 
before*)  is  a  man  of  more  energy  than  the  Sultan,  and  is 
connected  with  the  fanatical  party.  The  Sultan  himself  is 
enervated  by  early  debauchery  and  continual  drunkenness, 
and  therefore  in  great  danger  should  he  by  any  unpopular 
measures  provoke  an  outbreak  from  the  violent  faction. 
Clarendon  thinks  that  Stratford  has  encouraged  the  resist- 
ance of  the  Divan  to  the  proposals  of  the  Conference,  and 
that  he  might  have  persuaded  the  Turks  to  accept  the 
terms  if  he  had  chosen  to  do  so  and  set  about  it  in  a  proper 
manner ;  but  Clarendon  says  that  he  has  lived  there  so 
long,  and  is  animated  with  snch  a  personal  hatred  of  the 
Emperor,  that  he  is  full  of  the  Turkish  spirit ;  and  this  and 
his  temper  together  have  made  him  take  a  part  directly 
contrary  to  the  wishes  and  instructions  of  his  Government. 
He  thinks  he  wishes  to  be  recalled  that  he  may  make  a 

4 


74  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  HI. 

grievance  of  it,  and  come  home  to  do  all  the  mischief  he  can. 
Westmorland  wrote  word  the  other  day  that  Stratford's  lan- 
guage was  very  hostile  to  his  Government,  and  the  Ministers 
of  all  the  other  Powers  at  Constantinople  thought  he  had 
actually  resigned,  and  reported  the  fact  to  Vienna. 

The  most  important  question  now  pending  is  what  to  do 
with  the  fleets.  They  cannot  remain  much  longer  in  Besika 
Bay,  and  must  either  retire  to  Vourla  or  enter  the  Dar- 
danelles. The  Emperor  Napoleon  wishes  they  should  enter 
the  Dardenelles,  but  only  a  little  way,  and  not  go  on  to  Con- 
stantinople ;  and  Clarendon  takes  the  same  view,  proposing 
a  mezzo  termine.  The  Emperor  professes  an  earnest  desire 
for  a  peaceful  solution,  and  the  strongest  determination  to 
act  in  concert  with  England  to  the  end,  and  his  views  seem 
very  sensible  and  proper.  But,  notwithstanding  this  disposi- 
tion, in  which  he  probably  is  sincere,  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  he  is  all  the  time  keeping  up  a  sort  of  secret 
and  underhand  communication  with  Russia,  and  the  evidence 
of  this  is  rather  curious.  It  appears  that  he  has  recently 
written  a  letter  to  the  Duchess  of  Hamilton,  in  which  he 
says  that  he  believes  the  Russians  'will  not  evacuate  the 
Principalities,  and  that  he  does  not  care  if  they  stay  there. 
This  letter  the  Duchess  showed  to  Brunnow,  and  he  imparted 
it  to  Aberdeen,  who  told  Clarendon,  but  none  of  the  other 
Ministers  know  anything  of  it.  Clarendon  wrote  word  of 
this  to  Cowley,  and  told  him  to  make  what  use  of  it  he 
thought  fit.  In  the  first  instance  he  said  something  to 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys  of  the  Emperor's  entertaining  views  dif- 
ferent from  ours,  which  Drouyn  repeated  to  the  Emperor, 
who  spoke  to  Cowley  about  it,  and  protested  that  he  had  no 
separate  or  different  objects,  when  Cowley,  without  men- 
tioning names,  told  him  what  he  had  heard  of  his  having 
written.  The  Emperor  made  an  evasive  answer  to  this,  but 
gave  many  assurances  of  his  determination  to  act  with  us 
heartily  and  sincerely.  This  incident  seems  to  have  made  a 
great  impression  both  on  Cowley  and  Clarendon,  particularly 
as  both  know  something  more.  Cowley  says  he  knows  that 
the  Emperor  has  a  private  correspondence  with  Castelbajac, 
of  which  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  is  ignorant,  and  Seymour  writes 
to  Clarendon  that  he  has  observed  for  some  time  past  a  great 
lukewarmness  on  the  part  of  the  French  Minister  in  pressing 
the  Russian, Government,  and  an  evident  leaning  to  them. 
As  the  Duchess  of  Hamilton  has  no  intimacy  with  Brunnow, 


1853.]  DISPOSAL  OF  THE  FLEET.  75 

it  appears  very  extraordinary  that  she  could  communicate 
to  him  a  letter  of  the  Emperor's,  and  such  a  letter,  which 
would  be  a  great  indiscretion  unless  he  had  secretly  desired 
her  to  do  so  ;  and  all  these  circumstances  taken  together 
look  very  like  a  little  intrigue  between  the  Emperor  and  the 
Russian  Court,  Avhich  would  also  be  very  consistent  with  his 
secret,  false,  and  clandestine  mode  of  conducting  his  affairs. 
It  is  probable  enough  that  he  may  wish  to  keep  on  good 
terms  with  Russia  and  at  the  same  time  maintain  his  inti- 
mate connection  with  England.  That  he  is  bent  on  avoiding 
war  there  can  bs  no  doubt,  and  for  very  good  reasons,  for 
France  is  threatened  with  a  scarcity,  and  he  is  above  all 
things  bent  on  keeping  the  people  supplied  with  food  at  low 
prices;  and  for  this  object  the  French  Government  is  straining 
every  nerve  and  prepared  to  make  any  amount  of  pecuniary 
sacri6ce  ;  but  the  necessity  for  this,  which  absorbs  all  their 
means,  renders  it  at  the  same  time  particularly  desirable  to 
maintain  peace  in  Europe. 

There  never  was  a  case  so  involved  in  difficulties  and 
complications  of  different  sorts,  all  the  particulars  of  which 
I  heard  last  night ;  but  the  affair  is  so  tangled  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  weave  it  into  an  intelligible  and  consistent  narra- 
tive, and  I  can  only  jot  down  fragments,  which  may  hereafter 
serve  to  explain  circumstances  connected  with  the  dinouc- 
ment,  whenever  it  takes  place.  John  Russell  and  Palmerston 
arc  both  come  to  town,  so  that  a  little  Cabinet  will  di  cuss 
this  matter.  Palmerston  is  extremely  reasonable,  does  not 
take  the  part  of  the  Turks,  but  on  the  contrary  blames  them 
severely  for  making  difficulties  he  thinks  absurd  and  useless, 
but  is  "still  for  not  letting  them  be  crushed.  He  is  on  the 
best  terms  with  Clarendon,  and  goes  along  with  him  very 
cordially  in  his  policy  on  this  question.  Both  Palmerston 
and  Lord  John  seem  to  agree  with  Clarendon  on  the  question 
of  the  disposal  of  the  fleet  better  than  Aberdeen,  who  is  al- 
ways for  trusting  the  Emperor,  maintaining  peace,  and  would 
be  quite  contented  to  send  the  fleet  to  Vourla  or  Tencdos, 
and  would  see  with  regret  the  more  energetic  course  of  en- 
tering the  Dardanelles.  However,  there  is  no  chance  of  any 
material  difference  on  this  score,  and  I  have  no  doubt,  if  the 
question  is  not  settled  before  the  end  of  the  month,  the  fleets 
will  anchor  within  the  Straits  and  there  remain. 

I  was  glad  to  find  that  the  Queen  has  consented  to  let 
Palmerston  take  his  turn  at  Balmoral,  and  Aberdeen  has  in- 


76  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

formed  him  that  he  is  to  go  there.  It  was  done  by  Aberdeen 
speaking  to  the  Prince  at  Osborne,  who  said  he  thought  there 
would  bo  no  difficulty.  The  Queen  acquiesced  with  the  good 
sense  she  generally  shows  on  such  occasions,  being  always 
open  to  reason,  and  ready  to  consent  to  whatever  can  be 
proved  to  her  to  be  right  or  expedient. 

September  Uh. — I  went  to  Winchester  yesterday,  and  fell 
in  with  Graham  in  the  train,  so  we  went  together  and  had 
a  great  deal  of  talk,  mostly  on  the  Eastern  Question.  He 
thinks  the  Emperor  of  Russia  will  not  accept  the  Turkish 
alterations,  and  he  is  very  hot  against  Stratford,  to  whom  he 
attributes  all  the  difficulties.  He  has  heard  that  Stratford 
has  held  language  hostile  to  the  Government,  and  he  is  in- 
clined to  think  not  only  that  he  has  acted  treacherously  to- 
ward his  employers,  but  that  proofs  of  his  treachery  niight 
be  obtained,  and  ho  is  all  for  getting  the  evidence  if  possible, 
and  acting  upon  it  at  once,  by  recalling  him  ;  he  thinks  the 
proofs  might  be  obtained  through  the  Turkish  Ministers,  and 
if  they  can  be,  he  would  not  stop  to  inquire  who  might  bo 
displeased,  or  what  the  effect  might  be,  but  do  it  at  once. 
Ho  acknowledges,  however,  that  it  would  not  do  to  act  on 
surmises  or  reports,  and  that  nothing  but  clear  proofs  of 
Stratford's  misconduct,  such  as  will  satisfy  Parliament,  would 
render  such  a  step  justifiable  or  safe.  With  regard  to  the 
fleets,  he  says  there  is  no  reason  why  they  should  not  remain 
in  Besika  Bay,  and  it  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  they  could  not, 
and  he  is  very  decidedly  against  their  entering  the  Darda- 
nelles in  anv  case,  because  it  would  be  contrary  to  treaty  and 
afford  the  ^Emperor  of  Russia  a  just  casus  belli;  and  ho 
maintains  that  his  having  (contrary  to  treaties  and  inter- 
national rights)  occupied  the  Principalities,  affords  no  reason 
why  we  should  infringe  them  in  another  direction.  When 
thid  question  comes  to  be  discussed,  his  voice  will  evidently 
be  for  not  entering  the- Dardanelles,  though  he  acknowledges 
that  we  cannot  retreat  while  the  Russians  remain  where 
they  are.  He  talked  a  great  deal  about  Palmerston,  of  whom 
he  has  some  distrust,  and  fancied  he  has  been  in  communica- 
tion with  Stratford,  and  that  he  would  concur/vith  him  in 
his  proceedings,  and  ho  expressed  great  satisfaction  when  I 
told  him  that  Palmerston  and  Clarendon  were  on  the  most 
cordial  and  confidential  terms,  and  that  the  former  entirely 
disapproved  of  the  conduct  of  the  Turks  (which  is  that  of 
Stratford)  in  regard  to  the  Note.  He  thinks  Palmerston 


1853.]  LORD   STRATFORD'S   GOOD   FAITH.  77 

looks  to  being  Prime  Minister,  if  anything  happened  to  Aber- 
deen, but  that  neither  he  nor  John  Russell  could  hold  the 
office,  as  neither  would  consent  to  the  elevation  of  the  other. 
On  the  whole,  he  inclines  to  the  opinion  that  Palmerston 
has  made  up  his  mind  to  go  on  with  this  Government  and  his 
present  colleagues,  that  hie  means  to  act  fairly  and  honestly 
with  and  by  them,  and  has  no  arriere  pensee  toward  the 
Tories,  though  he  is  not  sorry  to  have  them  always  looking 
to  him,  and  paying  him,  as  they  do,  excessive  court.  It 
insures  him  great  support  and  an  easy  life  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  where,  however,  he  says  Palmerston  has  done  very 
little  this  year,  and  he  does  not  seem  much  impressed  with 
the  idea  of  his  having  gained  very  considerably  there,  or  ob- 
tained a  better  position  than  he  had  before. 

September  8th. — I  saw  Clarendon  on  Sunday.  There  is 
nothing  new,  but  he  said  he  would  lay  two  to  one  the  Em- 
peror does  not  accept  the  modified  Xotc  ;  it  will  be  a  contest 
between  his  pride  and  his  interest,  for  his  army  is  in  such 
a  state  of  disease  and  distress  that  he  is  in  no  condition  to 
make  war  ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  cannot,  without  extreme 
humiliation,  accept  the  Turkish  Note.  What  will  happen, 
if  he  refuses,  nobody  can  possibly  divine.  The  four  Minis- 
ters met  to  discuss  the  matter,  and  were  very  harmonious ; 
Palmerston  not  at  all  for  violent  measures,  and  Clarendon, 
said  he  himself  was  the  most  warlike  of  the  four.  I  told 
him  of  my  journey  with  Graham  and  all  that  he  had  said. 
He  replied  that  he  knew  Graham  was  very  violent  against 
Stratford,  but  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  make  out  any 
case  against  him.  as  he  csrtainly  had  read  to  the  Turkish 
Minister  all  his  (Clarendon's)  despatches  and  instructions, 
and  he  gave  the  most  positive  assurances,  which  it  would  be 
difficult  to  gainsay,  that  he  had  done  everything  in  his 
power  to  induce  the  Turkish  Government  to  give  way  to  the 
advice  of  the  Conference,  and  whatever  his  secret  wishes  and 
opinions  might  be,  there  was  no  official  evidence  to  be  had 
that  he  had  failed  in  doing  his  duty  fairly  by  his  own  Gov- 
ernment ;  therefore  it  would  be  out  of  the  question  to  recall 
him. 

September  20th. — At  Doncaster  all  last  week  ;  I  found 
Clarendon  yesterday  very  much  alarmed  at  the  prospect  in 
the  East.  He  thinks  it  will  be  impossible  to  restrain  the 
Turkish  war  party  ;  he  told  me  that  the  Conference  at  Vienna 
had  imparted  their  Note  to  the  Turkish  Ambassador  there, 


78  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  III. 

and  both  he  and  his  dragoman  had  expressed  their  entire 
approbation  of  it.  They  had  considered  this  to  afford  a 
strong  presumption  that  it  would  not  be  unpalatable  at 
Constantinople,  but  it  was  not  sent  there  because  this  would 
have  occasioned  so  much  delay,  and  it  was  desirable  to  get 
the  Russians  out  of  the  Principalities  as  speedily  as  possible. 
The  Russian  generals  had  actually  received  orders  to  pre- 
pare for  the  evacuation,  which  the  Emperor  would  have 
commanded  the  instant  he  heard  that  the  Turks  were  willing 
to  send  the  Vienna  Note.  The  Emperor  Napoleon  has  again 
given  the  strongest  assurances  of  his  determination  in  no 
case  whatever  to  separate  his  policy  from  ours,  his  resolution 
to  adhere  to  the  English  alliance,  and  to  maintain  peace  ^ 
tout  prix,  which  he  frankly  owns  to  be  indispensably  neces- 
sary to  the  interests  of  his  country.  The  Austrians  are  al- 
ready beginning  to  hang  back  from  taking  any  decided  part 
in  opposition  to  Russia,  and,  while  still  ready  to  join  in 
making  every  exertion  to  maintain  peace,  they  are  evidently 
determined  if  war  breaks  out  to  take  no  part  against  Russia, 
and  this  disposition  is  sure  to  be  improved  by  the  interview 
which  is  about  to  take  place  between  the  Emperors  of  Russia 
and  Austria. 

September  26th. — I  have  been  at  Hatchford  all  last  week. 
I  saw  Clarendon  on  Thursday  before  I  went  there,  and  heard 
that  two  ships  of  each  fleet  were  gone  up  the  Dardanelles,1 
and  that  the  rest  would  probably  soon  follow,  as  the  French 
were  now  urging  that  measure.  He  was  then  going  to 
Aberdeen  to  propose  calling  the  Cabinet  together,  the  state 
of  affairs  becoming  more  critical  every  hour,  and  apparently 
no  chance  of  averting  war.  The  prospect  was  not  the 
brighter  from  the  probability  of  a  good  deal  of  difference  of 
opinion  when  they  do  meet.  He  showed  me  a  letter  from 
Palmsrston,  in  which  he  spoke  very  coolly  of  such  a  contin- 
gency as  war  with  Russia  and  Austria,  and  with  his  usual 
confidence  and  flippancy  of  the  great  blows  that  might  be 
inflicted  on  both  Powers,  particularly  alluding  to  the  pos- 
sible expulsion  of  the  Austrians  from  Italy,  an  object  of 
wliic'i  he  has  probably  never  lost  sight.  Meanwhile  the  vio- 
lence and  scurrility  of  the  press  here  exceed  all  belief.  Day 
after  day  the  Radical  and  Tory  papers,  animated  by  very  dif- 

1  [The  British  vessels  were  steamers,  the  "  Retribution  "  and  another.  There 
•was  at  t/.at  ti  ne  only  o:ie  line-ot- battle  ship  in  each  fleet  having  steam-power; 
all  the  other  vessels  oi  the  line  were  sailing-ships.] 


1353.]  TUB   CONFERENCE   AT   OLMClZ.  79 

ferent  sentiments  and  motives,  pour  fortli  the  most  virulent 
abuse  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  of  Austria,  and  of  this 
Government,  especially  of  Aberdeen. 


CHAPTEE    IV. 

The  Conference  at  Oloiutz— The  Turks  declare  War— Lord  Palmerston's  Views— Lord 
Palmerston  lauded  by  the  Radicals  and  the  Tories— -failure  of  the  Pacific  Policy- 
Lord  Aberdeen  dssires  to  resign  -Lori  Joan  to  be  Prime  Minister— Obstacles  to  Lord 
John's  1'retensions— Danger  ot  breakin  r  up  the  Government  -Lord  John's  Wilfalness 
and  Unpopularity— Alliance  of  the  Xoi-thern  Powers  defeated  by  Manteuffel— Co.iflict 
ot  the  two  Policies— Mee  ing  of  I'arliament  discussed— French  Refugees  in  Belgium— 
Generel  3ara"uav  d'Hilliers  sent  to  Constantinople  -Mr.  Reeve  returns  from  the  East 
—  Lord  John's  Reforn  Bill— The  Empe.-or  of  Russia  writes  to  the  t^ueen  — Sir  James 
Graham's  Views  on  Reform,  etc.— Opponents  of  tne  Relbrrn  Scheme  -Abortive  At- 
tempts at  Negotiation  -Th3  Four  Powers  a/ree  to  a  Protocol— Lord  Palinurston 
threatens  to  seced ••— Lord  Pal  nerston  resigas  on  the  Reform  Scheme— Lord  Paimer- 
Btoo  opposed  to  Reform— Effect*  of  Lord  Palmer-ton's  Resignation— Conciliatory 
Overtures— Lord  Lansdowne's  Position— Lord  Aberdeen's  Account^Lady  Pal.ner- 
st.  -n  makes  u  nth-  Dispute  -Lord  Pal  nirstja  withdraws  hi*  Resignation -Bara.'uiy 
d'HUliers  refuses  to  enter  the  lilack  Sea— War  resolved  OL— Review  of  tue  Transaction. 

October  UTi. — I  went  to  The  Grove  on  Saturday,  and 
spent  great  part  of  the  afternoon  on  Sunday  reading  the 
Eastern  Question  despatches,  printed  in  a  Blue  Book  to  be 
laid  bv-and-by  before  Parliament.  On  Sunday  came  West- 
morland's account  of  his  interviews  with  the  Emperor  of 
Russia  and  Nesselrode  at  Olmutz,  which  sounded  very  satis- 
factory, for  the  Emperor  was  very  gracious  and  pacific,  and 

-elrode  in  his  name  disclaimed  in  the  mo?t  positive  terms 
any  intention  of  aggrandizing  himself  at  the  expense  of  Tur- 
key or  of  claiming  any  protectorate,  or  asserting  any  claims 
inconsistent  with  the  sovereignty  and  independence  of  the 
Sultan,  and  moreover  signified  his  willingness  to  make  a 
declaration  to  that  effect  in  such  form  and  manner  as  might 
be  hereafter  agreed  upon.  All  this  was  very  well,  and 
served  to  confirm  the  noti?n  that,  if  some  sensible  men, 
really  desirous  of  settling  the  question,  could  be  brought  to- 
gether, the  accomplishment  would  not  be  difficult ;  but  the 
distance  which  separates  the  negotiating  parties  from  each 
other,  and  the  necessity  of  circulating  every  proposition 
through  so  many  remote  capitals,  and  the  consequent  loss 
of  time,  have  rendered  all  conferences  and  pacific  projects 
unavailing. 

Yesterday  morning  a  messenger  arrived,  bringing  the 


80  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

telegraphic  despatch  from  Vienna,  which  announced  the  de- 
termination of  the  Turks  to  go  to  war,  and  that  a  grand 
Council  was  to  bo  assembled  to  decide  on  the  declaration, 
news  which  precluded  all  hope  of  adjustment  ;'  and  yester- 
day afternoon  the  further  account  of  the  decision  of  the 
Council  was  received.  Such  of  the  Ministers  as  are  in  town 
met  in  the  afternoon,  and  it  was  decided  that  all  the  rest 
should  be  summoned,  and  a  Cabinet  held  on  Friday  next. 

It  will  be  no  easy  matter  to  determine  what  part  we  shall 
take,  and  how  far  we  shall  mix  ourselves  up  in  the  quarrel 
as  belligerents.  It  will  be  very  fortunate  if  the  Cabinet 
should  be  unanimous  on  this  question.  Palmerston  has 
hitherto  acted  very  frankly  and  cordially  with  Clarendon, 
but  the  old  instincts  are  still  strong  in  him,  and  they  are  all 
likely  to  urge  him  to  recommend  strong  measures  and  an 
active  interference.  Granville  told  me  las+-  night  he  thought 
Palmerston  was  not  at  all  displeased  at  the  decision  of  the 
Turks,  and  as  he  still  clings  to  the  idea  that  Turkey  is 
poweiful  and  full  of  energy,  and  he  is  quite  indifferent  to  the 
danger  to  which  Austria  may  be  exposed,  and  would  rejoice 
at  her  being  plunged  in  fresh  difficulties  and  threatened  with 
fresh  rebellions  and  revolutions,  he  will  rather  rejoice  than 
not  at  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities.  He  will  not  dare  to 
avow  his  real  propensities,  but  he  will  cloak  them  under 
other  pretences  and  pretexts,  and  give  effect  to  them  as  much 
a?  he  can.  He  has  been  speechifying  in  Scotland,  where, 
though  he  spoke  very  handsomely  of  Clarendon,  he  did  not 
say  one  word  in  defence  of  Aberdeen,  or  anything  calculated 
to  put  an  end  to  the  notion  and  repeated  assertions  that  he 
and  Aberdeen  had  been  at  variance  on  the  Eastern  Question. 
I  find  Aberdeen  feels  this  omission  very  much,  and  it  would 
certainly  have  been  more  generous,  as  well  as  more  just,  if  he 
had  taken  the  opportunity  of  correcting  the  popular  error  as 
to  Aberdeen,  after  having  been  reaping  a  great  harvest  of 
popularity  at  his  expense. 

Palmerston's  position  is  curious.  He  is  certainly  very 
popular,  and  there  is  a  high  idea  of  his  diplomatic  skill  and 
vigor.  He  is  landed  to  the  skies  by  all  the  Radicals  who  are 

1  [The  declaration  of  the  Turkish  Council  or  Divan,  held  on  October  3,  was 
to  the  effect  that,  if  the  Principalities  were  not  evacuated  in  fifteen  duvs,  a  state 
of  war  would  ensue.  To  this  the  Emperor  of  Russia  responded  on  October  18 
by  a  formal  declaration  of  war.  War  oeinjr  declared,  the  Straits  were  opened, 
and,  at  the  request  of  the  Sultan,  the  allied  fleets  entered  the  Dardanelles  on 
October  22.] 


1853.]  LORD   PALMERSTOX   LAUDED.  gl 

the  admirers  of  Kossuth  and  Mazzini,  who  want  to  renew  the 
scenes  and  attempts  of  1848,  and  who  fancy  that,  if  Palmer- 
ston  were  at  the  head  of  the  Government,  be  would  play  into 
their  hands.  On  the  other  hand,  he  is  equally  an  object  of 
the  flattery  and  praise  of  the  Tories,  who  cannot  get  over 
their  being  succeeded  by  a  Peelite  Prime  Minister,  and  they 
cling  to  the  belief  that  there  can  be  no  real  cordiality,  and 
must  be  complete  difference  of  opinion,  between  Abeideen 
and  Palmerston,  and  they  look  forward  to  the  prospect  of 
their  disunion  to  break  up  this  odious  Government,  and  a 
return  to  office  with  Palmerston  at  their  head.  There  are 
the  political  chimeras  with  which  their  brains  are  filled,  and 
which  make  them  take  (for  very  different  reasons)  the  tame 
part  as  the  Radicals  on  the  Eastern  Question.  My  own  con- 
viction is  that  both  parties  reckon  without  their  host.  Palm- 
erston is  sixty-nine  years  old.  and  it  is  too  late  for  him  to 
look  out  for  fresh  political  combinations  and  other  connec- 
tions, nor  would  any  object  of  ambition  repay  him  for  the 
dissolution  of  all  his  personal  and  social  ties.  He  will,  there- 
fore, go  on  as  he  does  now,  accepting  such  popularity  as  is 
offered  him  as  a  means  of  enhancing  his  own  importance  in 
this  Cabinet  ;  and,  in  the  event  of  any  accident  happening 
to  it,  of  making  his  own  pretensions  available. 

October  6th. — Delano  was  tent  for  by  Lord  Aberdeen  the 
night  before  last,  when  they  had  a  long  conversation  on  the 
state  of  affairs,  and  Aberdeen  told  him  that  he  was  resolved 
to  be  no  party  to  a  war  with  Russia  on  such  grounds  as  the 
present,  and  he  was  prepared  to  resign  rather  than  incur  such 
responsibility.  This  was  the  marrow  of  what  he  said,  and 
very  important,  because  not  unlikely  to  lead  to  seme  differ- 
ence in  the  Cabinet,  and  possibly  to  its  dissolution. 

October  "itli. — Clanricarde  called  here  yesterday  morning  ; 
he  is  very  strong  against  the  Government  and  their  policy, 
and  maintains  that  if  we  had  joined  France  and  sent  the  fleet 
up  when  she  did.  the  Emperor  of  Russia  would  then  have 
receded,  as  his  obstinacy  was  entirely  caused  by  his  convic- 
tion that  France  and  England  would  never  remain  united, 
and  that  nothing  would  induce  the  latter  to  make  war  on 
Russia.  He  said  thi*  idea  had  been  confirmed  by  the  lan- 
guage of  Aberdeen,  who  had  continually  spoken  of  his  de- 
termination to  avoid  war  to  Brunnow  and  others,  and  in  his 
letters  to  Madame  de  Lieven— la  paix  <1  tout  prix.  Clanri- 
carde, however,  himself  said  he  would  not  declare  war  against 


83  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

Russia,  and  we  might  defend  Turkey  without  going  that 
length.  I  went  and  told  Clarendon  all  he  had  said  (in  greater 
detail),  and  he  owned  that  it  was  more  than  probable  that 
Aberdeen  had  held  some  such  language  as  was  attributed  to 
him  ;  indeed,  he  had  more  than  once  had  occasion  to  re- 
monstrate with  him  upon  it.  Clarendon  was  very  uneasy  at 
tb.3  prospect  of  the  discussion  about  to  take  place,  and  con- 
templates as  extremely  probable  the  breaking-up  of  the  Gov- 
ernment on  the  question  of  Avar.  Palmerston  has  been  very 
reserved,  but  always  on  the  same  friendly  terms  with  his  col- 
leagues, and  Clarendon  in.  particular  ;  but  Lady  Palmerston 
as  usual  talks  a  qui  veut  Vcntendre  of  the  misconduct  of  the 
whole  affair,  and  affirms  that,  if  Palmerston  had  had  the 
management  of  it,  all  would  have  been  settled  long  ago.  As 
matters  have  turned  out,  it  is  impossible  not  to  regret  that 
we  were  perhaps  too  moderate  and  patient  at  first ;  for  as  the 
course  we  have  adopted  has  not  been  successful,  it  seems  un- 
fortunate we  did  not  try  another,  which  might  have  been 
morj  so.  But  this  is  judging  aprd?  coup,  and  nothing  is  so 
easy  as  to  affirm  that,  if  something  had  been  done,  which  was 
not  done,  success  would  have  attended  it. 

October  8th. — The  Cabinet  went  off  very  well  yesterday, 
no  serious  difference  of  opinion  about  anything,  and  a  good 
concurrence  both  as  to  what  had  been  done  and  what  ought 
to  be  done  hereafter.  Lord  Aberdeen  is  well  pleased. 

Newmarket,  Octobsr  12th. — This  morning  I  met  the  Duke 
of  Bedford  on  the  heath,  who  told  me  he  wanted  very  much 
to  speak  to  me  about  certain  communications  he  had  re- 
ceived which  made  him  extremely  uneasy,  and  full  of  appre- 
hension of  coming  difficulties,  threatening  the  very  existence 
of  the  Government.  It  seems  that  a  short  time  ago  Lord 
Aberdeen  imparted  to  John  Russell  his  wish  to  resign,  and 
to  plac3  the  Government  in  his  hands.  He  said  that  he  had 
only  taken  his  present  post  because  his  doing  so  was  indis- 
pensable to  the  formation  of  the  Government,  and  had  al- 
ways contemplated  Lord  John's  eventually  succeeding  him, 
and  he  thought  the  time  was  now  come  when  he  might  very 
properly  do  so.  He  did  not  anticipate  any  insurmountable 
opposition  in  any  quarter,  and  he  should  himself  speak  to 
Gladstone  about  it,  who  was  the  most  important  person  to 
be  consulted,  and  he  was  in  fact  only  prevented  doing  so,  as 
he  had  intended,  by  not  being  able  to  go  to  Scotland,  where 
he  had  expected  to  meet  Gladstone.  Whether  Aberdeen  had 


1853.]  LORD   JOHN   RUSSELL'S  PRETENSIONS.  83 

spoken  to  Gladstone  since  his  return  to  London,  the  Duke 
of  Bedford  did  not  know.  No  steps  appear  to  have  been 
taken  with  regard  to  Palmerston,  nor  does  it  appear  that 
any  progress  was  made  in  accomplishing  this  change.  The 
Queen  had  been  apprised  of  Aberdeen's  intentions.  Such 
was  the  state  of  things  when  a  short  time  ago  the  Duke  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Lord  John,  in  which  he  said  that  mat- 
ters could  not  go  on  as  they  were,  and  that  there  must  be 
some  changes ;  and  that  very  soon  he  could  no  longer  act 
w.thout  being  primarily  responsible  for  the  policy  of  the 
Government — in  other  words,  without  resuming  his  post  of 
Prime  Minister.  This  is  all  the  Duke  knows,  as  Lord  John 
entered  into  no  explanations  or  details,  and  he  is  in  total 
ignorance  of  the  grounds  of  his  brusque  determination,  and 
of  what  can  have  occurred  to  produce  it.  He  sees,  however, 
all  the  difficulties  and  embarrassments  that  in  consequence 
of  it  are  looming  in  the  distance,  and  how  very  possible  it  is 
that  the  Government  may  be  broken  up.  All  this  we  very 
fully  discussed,  but  without  either  of  us  being  able  to  guess 
what  it  all  means,  or  what  the  result  will  be  of  Lord  John's 
putting  his  intentions  into  execution. 

October  16th.— J  came  to  town  yesterday  morning,  and  in 
the  afternoon  went  to  the  Foreign  Office,  and  saw  Clarendon, 
to  whom  I  imparted  what  the  Duke  of  Bedford  had  told  me. 
He  said  he  knew  it  all,  Aberdeen  having  told  him  what  had 
passed  between  John  Russell  and  himself ;  but  having  made 
Clarendon  give  his  word  of  honor  that  he  would  not  say  a 
word  of  it  to  anybody,  so  he  said,  "I  would  not  mention  it 
even  to  you,  to  whom  I  tell  everything."  He  then,  however, 
went  into  the  whole  question,  and  told  me  what  had  passed, 
which  did  not  exactly  agree  with  the  Duke's  story.  Accord- 
ing to  Clarendon,  Lord  John  went  to  Lord  Aberdeen  before 
Parliament  was  up,  and  told  him  he  could  not  consent  to  go 
on  in  his  present  position,  to  which  Aberdeen  replied,  "Very 
well,  you  only  meet  my  own  wishes,  and  you  know  I  always 
told  you  that  I  should  be  at  any  time  ready  to  resign  my 
place  to  you." 

Nothing  more  seems  to  have  taken  place  at  that  time, 
nor  till  lately,  when  Lord  John  went  again  to  Aberdeen,  and 
repeated  his  determination  not  to  go  on  ;  but  this  time  the 
communication  does  not  seem  to  have  been  received  by  Aber- 
deen with  the  same  ready  acquiescence  in  the  proposed 
change,  and  some  plain  speaking  took  place  between  them. 


84  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

I  infer,  but  as  Clarendon  did  not  expressly  say  so  I  put  it 
dubiously,  that  Aberdeen  had  spoken  to  Gladstone  and  ascer- 
tained that  he  would  by  no  means  agree  to  the  substitution 
of  John  Eussell,  and  shoulJ  go  with  Aberdeen  if  he  retired. 
At  all  events,  while  Aberdeen  told  him  that  he  was  prepared, 
if  he  wished  it,  to  broach  the  matter  to  his  colleagues,  he 
intimated  to  him  that  it  was  evident  he  wanted  to  turn  him 
out,  and  put  himself  in  his  place,  but  that  he  (Aberdeen) 
could  not  agree  to  retire  at  this  moment,  and  before  Parlia- 
ment met,  and  that  Lord  John  had  better  well  consider  the 
step  he  was  about  to  take,  as  it  would  in  all  probability 
break  up  the  Government,  and  asked  him  if  he  was  prepared 
to  encounter  the  odium  of  doing  so,  more  especially  as  he 
must  remember  that  he  had  only  consented  to  foim  this 
Government  on  Lord  John's  own  assurance  to  him  that  he 
was  himself  unable  to  form  one.  He  asked  him  if  he  was 
secure  of  Palmerston's  concurrence  in  the  change  he  pro- 
posed, and  he  replied  that  he  did  not  expect  to  find  any 
difficulty  in  that  quarter.  This  was  the  substance  of  what 
passed  between  them,  Aberdeen  being  evidently  a  good  deal 
nettled,  and  thinking  Lord  John  is  behaving  very  ill.  This 
is  Clarendon's  opinion  also,  and  he  thinks,  if  Lord  John 
persists,  the  Government  will  be  inevitably  broken  up,  for  a 
considerable  part  of  the  Cabinet  will  certainly  not  consent 
to  have  Lord  John  again  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Govern- 
ment. •  Clarendon  does  not  believe  a  word  of  Palmcrston's 
being  a  party  to  it,  and  he  knows  that  both  Gladstone  and 
Newcastle  would  resign.  Graham  he  is  rot  sure  of,  but 
inclines  to  think  he  would  retire  with  Aberdeen,  especially 
if  Aberdeen  has  any  compulsion  or  ill-usage  to  complain  of. 
For  the  moment,  however,  this  storm  has  blown  over,  as 
Lord  John  has  signified  to  Aberdeen  that  he  docs  not  mean 
to  press  the  matter  again  for  the  present.  The  Queen,  when 
it  was  mentioned  to  her,  Avas  anything  but  approving  of  or 
consenting  to  the  change. 

In  all  this  matter  there  is  little  doubt  that  Lord  John  has 
been  instigated  by  his  connections,  and  they  none  of  them, 
Lord  John  himself  included,  have  sense  enough  to  gee  that 
the  course  he  is  adopting  is  quite  suicidal,  and  would  be  net 
less  fatal  to  his  own  reputation  and  popularity  than  to  the 
Government  he  belongs  to.  He  failed  as  Prime  Minister, 
and  no  credit  attended  his  Administration,  and  no  regret  his 
fall.  The  popularity  he  lost,  he  in  good  measure  regained 


1853.]  THEIR   MISCHIEVOUS  EFFECTS.  85 

by  his  conduct  on  the  formation  of  this  Government,  when 
he  waived  his  own  pretensions,  and  for  the  public  good 
consented,  after  having  held  the  first  place,  to  accept  the 
second  ;  but  the  world  does  not  know  how  reluctantly  and 
grudgingly  he  did  this,  and  how  sorely  his  pride  and  vanity 
suffered  on  that  occasion.  The  position  he  occupied  of  leader 
of  the  liouse  of  Commons  without  an  office  was  anomalous, 
and  many  thought  it  objectionable,  but  he  himself  insisted 
on  it,  and  it  proved  successful.  The  House  of  Commons 
not  only  accepted  it,  but  were  pleased  to  see  a  man  so 
eminent" eschewing  om'ca  with  its  functions  and  emoluments, 
and  gratuitously  devoting  himself  to  the  service  and  the 
bu-iness  of  Parliament.  lie  became  popular  again  in  the 
House,  and  would  have  been  more  so  if  lie  had  not  chosen 
to  quit  the  Treasury  Bench  early  every  afternoon,  and  go 
down  to  Richmond,  leaving  Palmerston  to  do  his  work,  and 
ingratiate  himself  with  the  IJouse.  Aberdeen  reminded  Lord 
John  that  this  position,  which  he  now  found  intolerable,  was 
one  he  had  chosen  to  make  for  himself  ;  that  he  had  not  only 
declared  he  could  not  form  a  Government,  but  that  every 
office  had  been  at  his  disposal,  and  he  had  been  invited  to 
take  the  greatest  offices,  or,  if  he  prefered  it,  any  smaller 
one,  bat  that  he  had  insisted  on  holding  none.  Aberdeen  is 
quite  right  not  to  resign  now.  or  before  Parliament  meets, 
where  he  must  appear  a3  Minister  to  defend  his  own  policy. 

I  expect  that  Lord  John  will  not  renew  his  demands  for 
some  time,  if  at  all ;  but  if  b.3  do23,  this  is  what  will  prob- 
ably take  place  •  The  Government  will  be  broken  up,  Lord 
John  will  try  to  form  ons  and  will  fail,  and  the  Government 
will  again  be  constituted  minus  Lord  John.  Nobody  would, 
I  think,  go  out  with  him.  This  is  supposing  (which  I  think 
certain)  that  Palmsrston  would  not  make  common  cause  with 
him,  but  prefer  to  remain  with  the  rest.  There  would  then 
remain  the  great  difficulty  of  the  lead  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons and  the  part  Palmejston  would  play ;  but,  dangerous 
as  it  would  be,  it  would  probably  be  found  necessary  to  trust 
him  with  the  lead,  most  distasteful  though  it  would  be  both 
to  Aberdeen  and  to  the  Queen. 

October  18th.  — The  Emperor  of  Russia  moved  heaven  and 
earth  to  bring  about  a  new  Holy  Alliance  between  himself, 
Austria,  and  Prussia,  in  which  he  would  have  succeeded  if 
it  had  not  been  for  the  wisdom  and  firmness  of  Manteuffel,1 

1  [Count  Manteuffel  was  tlic  Prussian  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  the 


86  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

who  was  proof  against  all  his  seductions.  Austria  consented, 
but  only  on  condition  that  Prussia  did  likewise.  The  King 
of  Prussia  would  have  given  way  with  his  characteristic 
weakness,  but  Manteuifel  would  not  hear  of  it,  and  contrived 
to  keep  his  master  straight.  In  an  interview  of  two  hours 
between  the  Emperor  and  ManteuiTel  ttte-a-t&te,  the  Empe- 
ror employed  all  the  means  he  could  think  of  to  prevail  on 
the  Prussian  Minister,  but  all  in  vain  ;  he  refused  positively 
to  allow  Prussia  to  depart  from  her  neutrality.  This  had 
the  effect  of  keeping  Austria  neutral  also,  and  that  of  mak- 
ing the  Emperor  more  inclined  to  peace ;  but  the  Turkish 
declaration  of  war  and  peremptory  summons  to  him  to  quit 
the  Principalities  leave  him  no  alternative  but  that  of  taking 
up  the  gauntlet  thus  thrown  down. 

November  2d. — All  last  week  at  Newmarket,  during  which 
nothing  of  moment  occurred  but  the  renewed  attempts  at  ne- 
gotiation, and  the  consent  of  the  Turks  to  defer  the  com- 
mencement of  hostilities.  I  saw  Clarendon  the  day  before 
yesterday,  who  told  me  how  matters  stood,  and  showed  me 
a  despatch  just  received  from  Vienna  with  a  copy  of  a  very 
moderate  and  pacific  Note  from  Nesselrode  to  Buol,  show- 
ing that  there  is  every  disposition  at  St.  Petersburg  to  patch 
matters  up.  Clarendon  told  me  that  he  was  heartily  sick 
of  the  whole  question,  in  which  the  double  trouble  and  diffi- 
culty were  cast  upon  him  of  reconciling  the  Russians  and  the 
Turks,  and  of  preserving  agreement  in  the  Cabinet,  where 
Aberdeen  was  always  opposing  measures  of  hostility  toward 
Rus  :ia,  and  Palmerston  for  pushing  them  forward.  He  said 
he  steered  between  the  two,  and  that  he  and  John  Russell 
were  more  nearly  agreed  than  any  of  the  others  ;  he  told  me 
at  the  same  time  a  characteristic  trait  of  Palmerston.  The 
Turks  having  determined  to  plunge  into  war  against  the 
advice  of  their  protectors,  especially  against  ours,  and  it 
having  been  made  known  to  us  that  the  Sultan  and  his 
Ministers  were  not  disinclined  to  be  guided  by  us,  but  that 
they  were  themselves  overruled  and  driven  to" this  extreme 
course  by  the  Grand  Council,  it  became  necessary  in  Claren- 
don's opinion  to  notify  to  the  Turkish  Government  that, 
since  they  had  thought  fit  to  take  their  own  independent 

leadin?  member  of  the  Prussian  Cabinet.  He  was  accused  of  sacrificing  Prus- 
sian interests  to  those  of  Austria  at  the  Conference  ot  Olmufz  ;  but  in  fact  ho 
succeeded  in  defeating  what  would  have  been  a  very  formidable  confederacy  01 
the  German  Powers  with  Russia.] 


1853]  OBJECTIONS  OF   LORD   PALMERSTON.  87 

course,  we  should  reserve  to  ourselves  the  right  of  acting 
according  to  our  own  discretion,  and  not  consider  ourselves 
bound  to  be  dragged  into  a  war  at  the  heels  of  the  Grand 
Council,  which  is  an  assembly  of  ruffians  and  fanatics,  by 
whom  it  would  be  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  dignity  of 
our  Crown  that  our  policy  should  be  governed  and  influenced. 
It  seems  too  that  this  is  a  point  on  which  the  Queen  feels 
verv  strongly,  and  is  exceedingly  anxious  that  the  honor 
and  dignity  of  the  Crown  should  not  be  compromised.  Ac- 
cordingly Clarendon  drew  up  a  despatch  to  this  effect,  to 
which  the  Cabinet  acceded,  and  Palmerston  also,  though 
with  some  reluctance.  However,  he  not  only  saw  the  pro- 
posed despatch,  but  he  made  some  alteration  in  it  with  his 
own  hand,  thereby  of  course  subscribing  to  it.  Just  after 
this  Clarendon  went  to  Windsor,  and  submitted  the  despatch 
to  the  Queen  and  the  Prince  ;  they  objected  to  it  that  it  was 
not  strong  enough  in  their  sense,  but  Clarendon  prevailed 
upon  them  to  waive  their  objections,  and,  as  it  had  been 
agreed  to  in  the  Cabinet,  to  let  it  gc.  But  before  it  was 
gone  Clarendon  received  a  letter  from  Palmerston,  strongly 
objecting  to  the  despatch  altogether,  and  desiring  Clarendon 
to  inform  Lord  Aberdeen  that  he  would  be  no  party  to  such 
a  communication.  •  This  was  extremely  embarrassing.  Clar- 
endon spoke  to  Aberdeen,  and  afterward  (at  Aberdeen's 
suggestion)  informed  the  Queen  what  had  occurred.  Her 
Majesty  said,  "  I  advise  von  not  to  attach  much  importance 
to  this  communication.  I  know  Lord  Palmerston  from  much 
experience,  and  it  is  probably  only  an  attempt  to  bully,  which, 
if  you  take  no  notice  of  it,  you  will  hear  no  more  of."  The 
result  justified  the  Queen's  sagacity,  for  Clarendon  sent  off 
the  despatch,  and  at  the  same  time  wrote  word  to  Palmer- 
ston that  he  had  done  so,  giving  him  sundry  reasons  why  he 
could  not  do  otherwise,  to  which  he  received  in  reply  a  very 
good-humored  letter,  merely  saving  that,  as  it  was  'gone,  it 
was  useless  to  say  any  more  about  it,  and  probably  it  would 
do  no  harm. 

There  has  been  talk  abroad  and  discussion  in  the  Cabinet 
about  the  meeting  of  Parliament.  Lord  John  and  Lord 
Aberdeen  both  wished  Parliament  to  meet,  the  first  because 
he  is  always  hankering  after  the  House  of  Commons,  the 
latter  because  he  wished  Parliament  to  decide  on  the  question 
of  peace  or  war,  so  that  in  the  one  alternative  his  hands 
might  be  strengthened,  or  in  the  other  he  might  have  a 


88  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

pretext  for  resigning.  But  both  Clarendon  and  Falmer- 
ston  were  much  against  it,  and  now  that  there  is  a  fresh 
prospact  of  peace,  it  is  rendered  more  unnecessary  and  un- 
desirable. 

King  Leopold  is  here,  still  uneasy  (though  less  than  he 
was)  upon  the  subject  of  his  demZUs  with  the  Emperor  of 
the  French.  The  cause  of  them  is  the  libellous  publications 
of  the  French  refugees  in  Belgium.  They  compose  the  most 
outrageous  attacks  of  a  personal  nature  on  him  and  the 
Empress,  which  they  have  printed  in  Belgium,  and  get  these 
papers  smuggled  into  France,  and  disseminated  among  the 
lower  classes,  and  particularly  the  troops.  This  naturally 
gives  the  Emperor  great  offence,  and  Leopold  would  afford 
him  redress  if  he  could  ;  but  the  Constitution  was  made  by 
journalists,  and  the  unrestrained  liberty  of  the  press  is  so 
interwoven  with  the  Constitution,  that  the  Legislature  itself 
has  no  power  to  deal  with  the  case,  nor  any  power  short  of  a 
Constituent  Assembly.  All  this  Leopold  has  submitted  to 
his  powerful  neighbor,  and  their  relations  seem  to  be  more 
amicable  ;  for  very  civil  letters  have  passed  between  the  two 
monarchs,  through  the  Prince  de  Chimay,  whom  Leopold 
sent  to  compliment  the  Emperor  when  he  went  lately  to 
Lille. 

November  10th. — All  attempts  at  settling  the  Eastern 
Question  by  Notes  have  been  rudely  interrupted  by  the 
actual  commencement  of  hostilities.  'Meanwhile  the  JNotes 
sped  their  wav,  but  at  Vienna  it  was  deemed  no  longer 
possible  to  settle  it  in  this  manner,  but  that  there  must  now 
be  a  regular  treaty  of  peace,  the  terms  of  which  the  Allies 
might  prescribe,  and  there  is  now  a  question  of  having  a 
Congress  or  Conference  here,  to  carry  on  the  affair,  It  is, 
however,  difficult  to  make  out  what  the  French  are  at,  and, 
with  all  our  intimacy,  we  must  keep  on  our  guard  against  all 
contingencies  on  the  part  of  our  Imperial  neighbor.  .Nobody 
knows  what  is  his  real  motive  for  sending  Baraguay  d'Hili- 
iers  to  Constantinople.  Francis  Baring,  when  I  told  him  of 
this  appointment,  said  it  could  be  only  for  the  purpose  of 
quarrelling,  for  he  was  the  most  violent  of  men,  and  was 
certain  to  quarrel  with  whomsoever  he  had  to  deal.  If  this 
be  so,  his  quarrelling  with  Lord  Stratford  is  inevitable,  and 
it  is  by  no  means  improbable  that  Louis  Napoleon  is  tired  of 
playing  second  fiddle  to  us,  and  sends  this  General  there  for 
the  express  purpose  of  counteracting  our  superior  influence, 


1853.]  LORD   STRATFORD'S   INFLUENCE.  89 

and,  by  the  tender  of  military  counsel  and  aid,  to  substitute 
his  own  for  ours. 

Reeve  is  just  returned  from  the  East,  having  spent  some 
time  at  Constantinople,  and  he  came  home  by  Vienna.  Lord 
Stratford  treated  him  with  great  kindness  and  hospitality, 
and  talked  to  him  very  openly.  He  says"  that  Stratford  ex- 
ercised a  great  but  not  unlimited  influence  and  control  over 
the  Turkish  Government,  and  of  course  is  very  jealous  of 
the  influence  he  possesses  ;  for  example,  he  boasted  to  Reeve 
that  he  had  carried  a  great  point,  and  had  procured  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  candidate  he  favored  as  Greek  Patriarch, 
an  interference  which,  if  it  had  been  made  by  the  Emperor 
of  Russia,  whose  concern  it  is  much  more  than  ours,  would 
have  excited  in  us  great  indignation.  Such  an  exercise  of 
influence  and  in  such  a  matter,  of  which  the  Russians  are 
well  aware,  is  calculated  to  exasperate  them,  and  it  is  not 
unnatural  that  the  Emperor  should  feel  that,  if  any  foreign 
influence  is  to  prevail  in  Turkey,  he  has  a  better  right  than 
any  other  Power  to  establish  his  own.  Reeve  has  a  very  poor 
opinion  of  the  power,  resources,  and  political  condition  of 
Turkey,  and  does  not  doubt  the  military  success  of  the  Rus- 
sians. He  says  that  the  corruption  is  enormous — everybody 
bribes  or  is  bribed.  The  Greek  Patriarch  whom  Stratford 
got  appointed  had  to  pay  large  sums  to  Redschid  Pasha  and 
his  son.  The  whole  State  is  rotten  to  the  core. 

November  12th. — This  morning  John  Russell  breaks 
ground  on  the  Reform  plan,  by  referring  his  scheme  to  a 
Committee  of  the  Cabinet,  which  is  to  meet  at  his  house, 
consisting:,  besides  himself,  of  Granville,  Newcastle.  Graham, 
Charles  Wood,  and  Palmerston.  I  am  afraid  he  will  propose 
a  lower  franchise,  probably  5L,  in  spite  of  many  warnings 
and  the  signs  of  the  times,  which  are  very  grave  and  alarm- 
ing— nothing  but  strikes  and  deep-rooted  discontent  on  the 
part  of  the  working  classes.  I  am  in  correspondence  wirh 
Ellesmere  on  the  subject,  and  have  sent  his  letters  to  John 
Russell,  who  does  not  appear  disposed  to  admit  the  force  of 
his  reasoning  against  lowering  the  franchise.  This  Commit- 
tee will  probably  be  on  the  whole  favorable  to  a  democratic 
measure,  Lord  John  from  old  prejudices  and  obstinacy, 
Graham  from  timidity,  Newcastle  because  he  has  espoused 
Liberal  principles ;  Granville  will  be  inclined  to  go  with 
Lord  John,  and  Palmerston  alone  is  likely  to  stand  out 
against  a  democratic  scheme,  unless  Charles  Wood  should  go 


90  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

with  him,  of  whose  opinions  on  the  question  of  Reform  I 
know  nothing.  Aberdeen  is  himself  a  Reformer,  but  I  hear 
he  is  resolved  not  to  consent  to  a  51.  franchise.  I  confess  to 
great  misgivings  about  this  project  in  the  present  state  of 
the  country,  and  dread  the  further  progress  of  democratic 
power.  The  success  of  the  great  Reform  Bill  and  the  expe- 
riences of  twenty  years  without  any  of  the  apprehensions  of 
the  anti-Reformers  having  been  realized,  are  now  in  my 
opinion  sources  of  danger,  as  they  create  an  opinion  that 
progress,  as  it  is  called,  is  not  only  necessary,  but  perfectly 
safe.  It  consoles  me  for  growing  old  that  I  shall  not  live  to 
see  the  confusion  in  which  this  well-ordered  State  is  likely 
to  be  involved,  the  period  of  peril  and  suffering  it  will  have 
to  go  through,  and  the  reaction,  which  will  restore  order  and 
tranquillity  at  the  expense  of  that  temperate  and  rational 
freedom,  which  we  alone  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  are 
in  possession  of.  I  see  no  reason  why,  if  we  choose  reck- 
lessly, and  without  any  cause,  to  cast  away  the  good  we  en- 
joy, we  should  be  exempted  from  paying  the  penalty  which 
our  folly  and  wickedness  would  so  richly  deserve.  The  above 
question  in  all  its  ramifications  is  infinitely  more  important 
than  the  Russian  and  Turkish  quarrel,  but  there  is  no  sav- 
ing how  the  former  may  be  indirectly  and  consequentially 
affected  through  the  latter  by  means  of  the  political  differ- 
ences which  may  arise  out  of  it.  Everything  now  looks 
black  in  the  political  horizon,  and  the  war  which  has  begun 
betwe2n  the  principals  can  hardly  fail  to  extend  itself  sooner 
or  later  to  the  collateral  parties. 

November  I5th. — Yesterday  morning  having  met  Claren- 
don on  the  railway,  he  from  Windsor,  1  from  Hillingdon,  I 
got  into  the  carriage  and  went  home  with  him.  He  told  me 
all  he  had  to  tell  of  what  he  had  to  go  through  with  the 
conflicting  proposals  of  Palmerston  and  Aberdeen  in  the 
Cabinet :  the  latter  as  averse  as  ever  to  any  strong  measure?, 
and  always  full  of  consideration  for  the  Emperor  ;  the  former 
anxious  for  war,  and  with  the  same  confidence  and  raslmc-s 
which  were  so  conspicuous  in  him  during  the  Syrian  ques- 
tion, insisting  that  nothing  will  be  so  easy  as  to  defeat  Rus- 
sia, and  he  now  goes  the  length  of  urging  that  none  of  the 
old  treaties  between  her  and  the  Porte  should  be  renewed.  All 
ihisjactance,  however,  does  not  go  much  beyond  words,  for  he 
evinces  no  disposition  to  separate  from  his  colleagues  or  to  in- 
sist on  any  course  which  the  majority  of  the  Cabinet  object  to. 


1853.]  AN   ANECDOTE   OF   PALMERSTON.  91 

The  Emperor  of  Russia  has  taken  the  unusual  step  of 
writing  an  autograph  letter  to  the  Queen.  Brunnow,  who 
was  rather  puzzled,  took  the  letter  to  Aberdeen,  and  asked 
w'.iat  Ii3  was  to  do  with  it.  Aberdeen  told  him  to  take  it  to 
Clarendon,  who  sent  it  to  the  Queen.  She  sent  it  to  him  to 
read,  and  he  suggested  certain  heads  of  an  answer,  but  did 
not  communicate  the  letter,  nor  the  fact  of  its  having  bean 
received,  to  any  one  but  Aberdeen.  The  Queen  wrote  an 
answer  in  French,  and  he  sayn  a  very  good  one. 

Cowley  has  sent  him  an  account  of  a  conversation  he 
lately  had  with  the  Enperor  Napoleon,  in  which  he  said 
that  the  condition  of  France  and  the  rise  in  the  price  of  pro- 
visions, so  deeply  affecting  the  working  classes,  made  him 
more  than  ever  bant  upon  preserving  peace,  and  he  proposed 
that  the  Powers  should  be  invited  to  concur  with  England 
and  France  in  drawing  up  a  scheme  of  pacification  and 
arrangement,  which  should  be  tendered  to  the  belligerents, 
and  whichever  should  refuse  to  accept  it  should  be  treated 
as  an  enemy.  Clarendon  said  that  there  were  many  objec- 
tions to  this  plan,  but  he  seemed  to  believe  in  the  sincerity 
of  the  Emperor's  desire  for  peace,  in  spite  of  the  opposite 
presumption  afforded  by  Baraguav  d'Hilliers'  mission,  and 
its  accompaniment  of  French  officers.  He  attributes  that 
mission  to  the  wounded  vanity  of  France,  and  the  deter- 
mination of  the  Government  to  send  some  man  who  shall 
dispute  the  influence  of  Stratford,  and  assert  that  of  France. 
The  character  of  Stratford  had  been  fully  explained  to  Bara- 
guay  d'Hilliers,  and  he  went,  ostensibly  at  least,  with  in- 
structions and  an  intention  to  act  with  him  in  harmony,  but 
this  the  character  of  the  two  ambassadors  will  probably  ren- 
der quite  impossible. 

The  Queen  told  Clarendon  an  anecdote  of  Palmerston, 
showing  how  exclusively  absorbed  he  is  with  foreign  politics. 
Her  Majesty  has  been  much  interested  in  and  alarmed  at  the 
strikes  and  troubles  in  the  North,  and  asked  Palmerston  for 
details  about  them,  when  she  found  he  knew  nothing  at  all. 
One  morning,  after  previous  inquiries,  she  said  to  him, 
"Pray,  Lord  Palmerston,  have  you  any  news  ?"  To  which 
he  replied,  '•"  No  Madame,  I  have  heard  nothing ;  but  it 
seems  certain  the  Turks  have  crossed  the  Danube." 

In  the  afternoon  I  called  on  Graham  at  the  Admiralty, 
and  had  a  long  talk  with  him  about  the  Government  end  its 
prospects,  and  the  disposition  and  intentions  of  John  Russell 


92  REIGN  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

and  of  Palmerston.  He  is,  contrary  to  custom,  very  cheer- 
ful and  sanguine  on  these  points  ;  he  was  apprised  of  all  that 
Lord  John  has  said  and  done,  but  except  on  one  occasion, 
just  about  the  time  of  the  prorogation,  has  had  no  communi- 
cation with  Lord  John  himself  on  the  subject.  He  is  now 
satisfied  that  Lord  John  has  abandoned  his  designs,  and  has 
made  up  his  mind  to  go  on  as  he  is,  and  he  infers  this  from 
his  frank  and  friendly  conduct  about  the  Reform  Bill,  which 
he  has  not  kept  to  himself,  but  submitted  to  a  Committee 
for  the  purpose  of  bringing  it  before  all  his  colleagues  in  a 
very  good  spirit,  and  quite  willing  to  have  Palmerston  ou 
this  Committee,  from  whom  the  greatest  opposition  was  to 
be  expected.  Graham  said  their  h'rst  meeting  had  gone  off 
very  pleasantly,  and  Palmerston  had  urged  much  less  objec- 
tion than  he  had  expected  ;  he  thinks  therefore  that  his 
own  reflections  and  his  knowledge  of  the  difficulties  which 
would  oppose  themselves  to  his  purpose  have  determined 
Lord  John  to  acquiesce  in  his  present  position,  nor  is  he 
afraid  of  Palmerston  separating  himself  from  this  Cabinet, 
thinking  that  at  his  age  he  will  not  speculate  so  deeply  for 
the  chance  of  greater  power  and  a  higher  place,  to  be  pur- 
chased at  the  certain  sacrifice  of  all  his  social  relations  and 
personal  connections,  and  he  therefore  expects  Palmerston 
will  conform  to  the  general  sentiments,  and  decisions  of  his 
colleagues,  both  as  to  foreign  policy  and  to  Reform.  Gra- 
ham said  he  approved  entirely  of  Lord  John's  scheme,  and 
thought  his  proposed  measure  good  and  safe. 

November  27th. — Council  at  Windsor  on  Friday  25th. 
The  Queen  was  afflicted  by  the  Queen  of  Portugal's  death, 
though  they  never  saw  each  other  but  once  when  they  wore 
children.  I  heard  the  particulars  of  the  Reform  Bill,  which 
(if  there  is  to  be  one  at  all)  seems  as  little  mischievous  as  can 
be.  It  seems  to  have  encountered  little  or  no  opposition  in 
the  Cabinet,  and  Lord  John  considers  it  as  having  been  ac- 
cepted and  settled  there.  Lord  Lansdowne  has  not  pro- 
nounced himself  positively;  but  though,  no  doubt,  he  dis- 
likes it  exceedingly,  they  think  he  will  not  retire  upon  it, 
and  up  to  the  present  time  he  has  indicated  no  such  inten- 
tion. Graham,  who  is  always  frightened,  told  me  on  Friday 
he  was  very  uneasy  lest  Lansdowiie  should  decline  to  be  a 
party  to  it. 

Palmerston  has  written  a  letter  to  Lord  John,  strong  in 
the  beginning,  denouncing  the  measure  as  unnecessary  and 


1853.]  ABERDEEN'S   OBJECTIONS.  93 

unwise,  and  complaining  of  his  having  originally  committed 
his  colleagues  to  it,  by  declaring  his  own  opinion  without 
any  previous  consultation  and  concert  with  them.  Then, 
after  criticising  the  Bill  (ably,  as  I  am  told),  he  ends  by  an- 
nouncing that  he  shall  consent  to  it.  He  sent  copies  of  this 
letter  to  Aberdeen  and  to  Lansdowne. 

I  brought  Clarendon  from  the  station  to  Downing  Street, 
when  he  told  me  that  he  had  begun  some  fresh  attempts  at 
renewing  negotiations.  The  proposal  of  the  Emperor  Napo- 
leon to  force  terms  on  the  two  parties  would  not  do,  but  he 
had  sent  a  proposal  of  some  sort  (I  could  not  exactly  make 
out  what),  which,  contrary  to  his  expectation,  Buol  had 
agreed  to  ;  but  he  did  not  seem  very  sanguine  about  any  re- 
sult from  this  beginning.  He  said  nothing  could  exceed  the 
difficulties  of  the  case,  nor  the  embarras.-ments  of  his  own 
position.  The  Turks  are  now  indisposed  to  agree  to  any- 
thing, or  to  make  any  concessions  whatever,  and  of  course 
the  Emperor  of  Russia  neither  will  nor  can  make  peace  and 
withdraw,  without  some  plausible  satisfaction.  Then  at 
home  the  difficulty  is  just  as  great  between  Palmerston,  who 
is  all  for  going  ahead,  and  wants  nothing  less  than  war  with 
Russia,  and  Aberdeen,  who  is  in  the  other  extreme — object- 
ing to  everything,  and  proposing  nothing.  John  Russell  is 
very  reasonable,  and  agrees  almost  entirely  with  Clarendon  ; 
but  whenever  he  thinks  he  is  going  to  be  outbid  by  Palmer- 
ston, is  disposed  to  urge  some  violent  measures  also.  He 
said  he  had  a  regular  scene  with  Aberdeen  the  other  day. 
After  this  Note  (or  whatever  it  was)  had  been  discussed  and 
agreed  to  in  the  Cabinet,  and  all  settled,  Aberdeen  came 
into  his  room,  and  began  finding  fault  with  it,  and  raising 
all  sorts  of  objections,  when  Clarendon,  out  of  all  patience, 
broke  out :  "Really,  this  is  too  bad.  You  come  now,  after 
it  has  all  been  settled  in  the  Cabinet  where  you  let  it  pass, 
and  make  all  sorts  of  objections.  And  this  is  the  way  you 
do  about  everything  ;  you  object  to  all  that  is  proposed,  and 
you  never  sug'gcst  anything  yourself.  What  is  it  you  want  ? 
Will  you  say  what  you  would  have  done  ?"  He  declares  he 
said  all  this  with  the  greatest  vivacity,  being  really  exasper- 
rated.  Aberdeen  had  nothing  to  say,  and  Knocked  under. 
The  truth  seems  to  be  that  the  attacks  upon  him  in  the 
newspapers  (though  they  don't  know  it)  are  pretty  well  jus- 
tified, and  verv  little  exaggerated  ;  nor  is  the  idea  of  Palmcr- 
ston's  real  inclination  much  mistaken.  They  have  by  acci- 


94  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA..  [CHAP.  IV. 

dent  very  nearly  hit  upon  the  truth.  Aberdeen,  it  seems, 
objects  particularly  to  have  any  Conference  here,  and  if  there 
is  to  be  anything  of  the  kind,  it  seems  likely  to  take  place  at 
Vienna,  where,  however,  somebody  would  be  sent  to  assist, 
if  not  to  supersede,  Westmorland. 

December  10th. — The  Protocol  just  signed  at  Vienna 
brings  the  four  Powers  together  again,  and  Austria  not  only 
signed  it  with  alacrity,  but  Buol  told  Westmorland  if  the 
Emperor  of  Russia  was  found  unmanageable,  "Nous  irons 
avec  vous  jusqu'au  bout."  The  Turks  are  now  desired  to 
say  on  what  terms  they  will  make  peace,  and  I  expect  they 
will  reply  that  they  will  not  make  peace  at  all  till  the  Prin- 
cipalities* are  evacuated.  It  seems  very  doubtful  whether  this 
fresh  opening  will  lead  to  any  result  beUveen  two  Powers  so 
impracticable  as  the  belligerents. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  has  been  endeav6ring  to  persuade 
Lord  John  to  reconsider  the  franchise  in  his  Reform  Bill, 
and  Lord  John  tells  him  not  to  be  afraid  of  its  going  too 
low,  and  that  there  is  more  chance  of  its  appearing  too  nig- 
gardly. Aberdeen  said  it  was  not  yet  settled.  Meanwhile, 
the  Bill  is  drawn  and  privately  printed.  Lord  John  consid- 
ers it  to  have  been  accepted  by  the  Cabinet,  and  that  he  is 
sure  of  the  acquiescence  of  the  two  principal  dissentients — 
Lansdowne  and  Palmerston.  The  former  went  out  of  town, 
only  saying  that  he  hoped  the  landed  interest  would  have 
its  due  share  of  influence.  Palmerston's  letter  I  have  already 
mentioned  ;  but  the  other  day  Lady  Palmerston  held  forth 
to  the  Duke  against  the  Bill,  and  said  that  it  was  not  settled 
at  all,  but  was  still  under  the  consideration  of  the  Cabinet ; 
from  which  he  infers  that  Palmerston  is  still  making  or  pre- 
pared to  make  objections  and  difficulties.  Between  Reform 
and  the  Eastern  Question,  I  think  this  Government  would 
infallibly  be  broken  up  but  from  the  impossibility  of  another 
being  formed.  I  am  still  persuaded  Palmerston  will  not 
try  a  new  combination,  and  break  with  all  his  old  friends 
and  associates  for  the  purpose  of  putting  himself  at  the 
head  of  some  fresh  but  unformed  combination.  Great  as  hia 
ambition  is,  he  will  not  sacrifice  so  much  to  it,  and  risk  so 
much  as  this  would  oblige  him  to  do. 

December  12th. — I  begin  to  think  that  I  am  after  all  mis- 
taken as  to  Palmerston's  intentions,  and  that  his  ambition 
will  drive  him  to  sacrifice  everything  and  risk  everything, 
in  spite  of  his  age  and  of  all  the  difficulties  he  will  have  to 


1853.]  LORD   PALMERSTO-VS   INTENTIONS.  95 

encounter.  I  hare  said  what  passed  between  the  Duke  of 
Bedford  and  Lady  Palmerston  about  Eeform.  This  morn- 
ing the  Duke  of  Bedford  came  here  and  told  me  he  had 
called  on  Clarendon  on  Saturday,  when  he  said  to  Clarendon 
that  he  was  very  uneasy  about  Palmerston,  and  thought  he 
was  meditating  something,  though  he  did  not  know  exactly 
what  he  was  at.  Clarendon  interrupted  him — "  Certainly, 
he  is  meditating  breaking  up  the  Government ;  in  fact,  he 
told  me  so."  At  this  moment  it  was  announced  that  two 
or  three  foreign  Ministers  were  waiting  to  see  him,  when 
he  abruptly  broke  off  the  conference,  and  they  parted.  I 
said,  "Depend  upon  it,  what  Clarendon  alluded  to  was  not 
the  Reform  Bill,  but  the  Eastern  Question  ;  and  it  is  on 
that  that  Palmerston  is  making  a  stir."  The  Duke  said  he 
thought  so  to  ;  indeed,  he  was  sure  of  it,  because  Clarendon 
did  not  trouble  himself  about  Eeform,  and  he  had  already 
told  him  more  than  once  what  excessive  trouble  and  annoy- 
ance he  had  had  between  the  widely  opposite  views  and 
opinions  of  Aberdeen  and  Palmerston,  and  that  he  had  only 
been  able  to  go  on  at  all  from  the  agreement  between  Lord 
John  and  himself.  However,  Lord  John  is  to  see  Aberdeen 
this  morning,  and  his  brother  afterwards ;  and  before  the 
day  is  over  we  shall  learn  something  more  of  this  disagree- 
able matter.  My  belief  is  that  the  differences  between  Aber- 
deen and  Palmerston  have  arrived  at  a  height  which  threat- 
ens a  break  up,  and  that,  with  reference  to  this  occurring, 
Palmerston  is  also  going  back  on  the  Reform  Question  ;  that 
if  he  does  separate  from  the  Government,  he  may  reserve  to 
himself  to  work  both  questions.  But  I  refrain  from  further 
speculations,  as  in  a  few  hours  they  will  be  resolved  into  cer- 
tainty of  some  sort. 

Panxhanger,  December  lUh. — It  turned  out  that  Palmer- 
ston  had  struck  on  account  of  Reform,  and  not  (ostensibly, 
at  least)  about  foreign  affairs.  John  Russell  was  indignant, 
and  inveighed  to  his  brother  against  Palmerston  in  terms  of 
great  bitterness,  saying  he  was  absolutely  faithless,  and  no 
reliance  to  be  placed  on  him.  Of  this  fact  these  pages  con- 
tain repeated  proofs,  but  I  own  I  am  amazed  at  his  making 
this  flare  up  on  the  question  of  Reform.  But  his  whole 
conduct  is  inexplicable,  and  there  is  no  making  out  what  be 
is  at.  The  news  of  the  Turkish  disaster  in  the  Black  Sea  is 
believed,  but  Government  will  do  nothing  about  it  till  they 
receive  authentic  intelligence  and  detailed  accounts  of  the 


96  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

occurrence.1  So  Clarendon  told  Reeve  on  Monday,  but  he  is 
disposed  to  take  a  decisive  part  if  it  all  turns  out  to  be  true ; 
and  yesterday  Delaue  had  a  long  conversation  with  Aber- 
deen, who  owned  that  if  the  Russians  (as  they  suppose)  at- 
tacked a  convoy  of  transports  at  anchor,  it  is  a  very  strong 
case,  and  he  thought  war  much  more  probable  than  it  was  a 
few  days  ago,  and  he  did  not  speak  as  if  he  was  determined 
in  no  case  to  declare  it.  This  does  not  surprise  me,  in  spite 
of  his  previous  tone  ;  for  he  has  gone  so  far  that  he  may  be 
compelled  in  common  consistency  to  go  farther. 

London,  December  I7th. — Yesterday  morning  the  news 
of  Paltnerston's  resignation  was  made  public.  It  took 
everybody  by  surprise,  few  having  been  aware  that  he  ob- 
jected to  the  Reform  measure  in  contemplation.  I  received 
the  intelligence  at  Panshanger,  and  as  soon  as  I  got  to  town 
went  to  Clarendon  to  hear  all  about  it.  He  had  been  quite 
prepared  for  it,  Palmerston  having  told  him  that  he  could 
not  take  this  Bill.  Clarendon  says  Palmerston  behaved  per- 
fectly well,  and  in  a  very  straightforward  way  from  first  to 
last.  When  he  was  invited  to  join  the  Government,  he  told 
Aberdeen  and  Lansdowne  that  he  was  afraid  the  Rcforin 
Bill  would  bring  about  another  separation  between  them. 
When  the  time  arrived  for  discussing  the  Bill,  and  John 
Russell  proposed  to  him  to  be  on  the  Committee,  he  said 
that  he  accepted,  because,  although  he  saw  no  necessity  for 
any  Reform  Bill,  and  he  entirely  disapproved  of  John  Rus- 
sell's having  committed  himself  to  such  a  measure,  he  would 
not  (as  matters  stood)  absolutely  object  to  any  measure  what- 
ever, but  would  join  the  Committee,  discuss  it,  state  all  his 
objections,  and  endeavor  to  procure  such  alterations  in  it  as 
might  enable  him  to  accept  it.  Finding  himself  unable  to 
do  this  with  the  Committee,  he  still  waited  till  the  measure 
had  been  brought  before  the  whole  Cabinet ;  and  when  he 
found  that  his  objections  were  unavailing,  and  that  the  ma- 
jority of  his  colleagues  were  resolved  to  take  Lord  John's 
scheme,  nothing  was  left  for  him  but  to  retire.  He  said  he 
might  have  consented  to  a  smaller  measure  of  disfranchise- 
ment,  and  the  appropriation  of  the  disposable  seats  to  the 

1  [Tlie  Russian  fleet  in  the  Black  Sea  nttacked  and  destroyed  the  Turkish 
squadron  in  the  harbor  of  Sinopeon  November  30.  This  deei-i've  event,  which 
was  at  variance  with  the  previous  declarati''  ^  of  the  Kmperor  of  Russia,  com- 
pelled the  British  and  French  Governments  to  order  their  fleets  to  enter  the 
Black  Sea  and  occupy  it.  The  Russian  fleet  withdrew  within  the  harbors  of 
Sebastopol.] 


1853.]     MOTIVES   OF   LORD   PALMERSTOX'S   RESIGNATION.         97 

counties,  but  to  the  enlarged  town  representation,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  proposed  franchise,  he  could  not  agree ;  and 
moreover  he  said  he  was  not  prepared,  at  his  time  of  life, 
to  encounter  endless  debates  in  the  House  of  Commons  on 
such  a  measure.  The  first  timer  Clarendon  said,  he  had  ever 
heard  him  acknowledge  that  he  had  a  time  of  life.  Clar- 
endon showed  me  a  very  friendly  letter  Palmerston  had  writ- 
ten to  him,  expressing  regret  at  leaving  them,  and  say- 
ing he  (Clarendon)  had  a  very  difficult  task  before  him, 
and,  "as  the  Irishman  said,  I  wish  yer  Honner  well  through 
it."  He  has  never  hinted  even  at  any  dissatisfaction  as 
to  foreign  affairs  as  forming  a  part  of  his  grounds  for  re- 
signing. 

Clarendon  said  he  thought  it  would  ere  long  be  the 
means  of  breaking  up  the  Government,  and  I  thought  so 
too  ;  but,  on  reflecting  more  deliberately  upon  the  matter,  I 
am  disposed  to  take  a  different  view  of  the  political  proba- 
bility, and  of  the  part  which  Palmerston  will  play.  As  I 
have  been  so  constantly  opposed  to  him,  and  have  both 
entertained  and  expressed  so  bad  an  opinion  of  him  on  a 
great  many  occasions,  I  feel  the  more  both  bound  and  in- 
clined to  do  justice  to  his  conduct  upon  this  one,  in  which, 
so  far  as  I  am  informed,  he  really  has  been  irreproachable. 
The  first  thing  which  seems  to  have  suggested  itself  to  every- 
body is  that  he  has  resigned  with  the  intention  of  putting 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  opponents  of  Reform,  of  joining 
the  Derby ite  party,  and  ultimately  coming  into  office  with 
Derby,  or  forming,  if  possible,  a  Government  of  his  own.  I 
doubt  all  this,  and  judge  of  his  future  conduct  by  his  past. 
If  he  had  been  actuated  by  selfish  and  separate  objects  of 
ambition,  and  really  contemplated  transferring  himself  from 
the  Whig  to  the  Tory  party,  or  setting  up  an  independent 
standard,  instead  of  breaking  with  this  Cabinet  on  the  ques- 
tion of  Reform,  he  would  certainly  have  done  so  upon  the 
Turkish  war,  as  he  easily  could.  He  would  then  have  gone 
out  amid  shouts  of  applause  ;  he  would  have  put  the  Gov- 
ernment into  an  immense  difficulty,  and  he  would  have  re- 
served to  himself  to  take  whatever  course  he  thought  fit 
about  Reform.  He  has  acted  much  more  honestly,  but  less 
cunningly  for  his  own  interest,  supposing  that  he  has  the 
views  and  projects  that  are  attributed  to  him.  Lord  Lans- 
downe  is  placed  in  great  embarrassment,  for  he  agrees  en- 
tirely with  Palmerston ;  and  if  he  acts  consistently  on  his 

5 


98  REIGN   OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

own  convictions,  he  will  retire  too — that  is,  cease  to  form  a 
part  of  the  Cabinet.     Clarendon  expects  he  will  do  so. 

Hatchford,  December  21st. — On  Monday  when  I  came  to 
town  from  Goodwood,  where  I  went  on  Sunday,  I  found  a 
letter  from  Lady  Palmerston,  very  friendly  indeed.  She 
said  her  son  William  had  told  her  what  I  had  said  to  him 
about  Palmerston  and  his  resignation,  which  had  gratified 
her.  She  then  went  on  to  explain  why  he  had  resigned,  and 
why  at  this  moment  instead  of  waiting  longer ;  she  said  he 
would  have  accepted  a  Eeform  Bill,  but  wanted  Lord  John's 
to  be  altered,  had  proposed  alterations,  and  written  to  Aber- 
deen to  urge  them,  and  upon  Aberdeen's  reply  that  his  sug- 
gestions could  not  be  taken,  he  had  no  alternative  but  to 
resign,  and  he  had  thought  it  fairer  to  the  Government  to 
do  so  at  once,  and  give  them  time  to  make  their  arrange- 
ments, than  to  put  it  off  till  the  last  moment,  when  Parlia- 
ment was  on  the  point  of  meeting.  I  confess  I  think  he 
was  right  in  so  doing,  and  I  was  greatly  provoked  with  the 
"Times"  for  attacking  him,  twitting  and  sneering  at  him, 
and  finding  fault  with  him  for  his  desertion  ;  so  provoked 
that  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  "Times,"  which  appeared  on 
Tuesdav,  with  my  opinion  thereupon. 

On  Tuesday  morning  I  was  surprised  at  receiving  a  letter 
from  Lord  Lansdowne,  entreating  I  would  tell  him  what  was 
said,  and  what  was  the  state  of  public  opinion  about  Palmer- 
ston's  resignation,  giving  me  to  understand  that  he  was  as 
yet  undecided  what  course  he  should  adopt,  and  should  not 
decide  at  all  events  till  he  had  seen  the  Queen  next  Friday  ; 
he  also  said  that  he  had  been  greatly  surprised  at  this  hap- 
pening "  so  soon,  whatever  might  have  been  the  case  later, 
having  occurred  (marvellous  to  say)  before  there  had  been 
any  decision  taken  by  the  Government  as  such  on  the  whole 
matter,  or  any  ground  for  me  at  least  to  think  that  issue 
would  be  joined  upon  it  without  that  apparently  essential 
preliminary."  I  wrote  to  him  in  reply  all  I  had  heard  of 
the  reports  and  notions  floating  about,  and  said  I  hoped  his 
determination  would  eventually  be  not  to  withdraw,  and  I 
sent  him  Lady  Palmerston's  letter  to  me,  which  I  said 
seemed  to  me  somewhat  at  variance  with  his  statement,  in 
as  much  as  Palmerston  evidently  considered  that  the  matter 
was  settled.  I  don't  understand,  however,  why  he  wrote  to 
Aberdeen,  if  the  question  was  still  before  the  Cabinet,  and 
not  yet  definitively  settled.  Assuming  Lord  Lansdowne's 


1853.]  LADY   PALMERSTON'S  STATEMENT.  99 

statement  to  have  been  correct,  Palmerston  ought  to  have 
disputed  the  matter  in  the  Cabinet,  and  if  overruled  there, 
he  might  have  resigned,  and  not  till  then. 

Delane  went  to  Aberdeen,  and  asked  him  for  his  version 
of  the  affair,  when  he  said  at  once  he  had  no  hesitation  in 
saying  that  the  Eastern  Question  was  the  cause  and  the  sole 
cause  of  Palmerston's  resignation  ;  that  he  had  all  along 
been  opposing  what  was  done,  and  might  have  resigned 
upon  it  any  time  for  months  past,  and  that  but  for  that 
question  he  would  have  swallowed  the  Reform  Bill.  Delane 
observed,  if  this  was  true,  Palmerston  had  acted  a  very 
high-minded  and  disinterested  part.  It  has  been  imprudent 
of  the  Government  papers  to  insist  so  strenuously  that 
Palmerston  resigned  solely  on  account  of  Reform,  and  that 
there  was  no  difference  on  foreign  policy,  because  this 
elicited  a  violent  article  in  the  "Morning  Post,"  insisting 
in  turn  that  the  Eastern  Question  was  the  real  cause  of  his 
retirement,  and  everybody  will  believe  that  this  was  inserted 
or  dictated  by  himself.  It  is  strange  to  find  myself  the 
advocate  and  apologist  of  Palmerston,  when  the  preceding 
pages  are  brimful  of  censure  of  his  acts  and  bad  opinion  of 
his  character  ;  but,  whatever  prejudices  I  may  have  or  have 
had  against  him,  they  never  shall  prevent  my  saying  what  I 
believe  to  be  true,  and  doing  him  ample  justice,  when  I 
think  that  he  is  acting  honorably,  fairly,  and  conscien- 
tiously. This  letter  of  Lord  Lansdowne's  has  a  little  shaken 
my  convictions,  but  still  I  am  struck  with  the  fact  of  his 
having  refrained  from  resigning  on  the  Eastern  Question, 
when  by  so  doing  he  might  have  damaged  the  Government 
immensely,  and  obbained  for  himself  increased  popularity 
and  considerable  power  if  these  were  his  objects. 

London,  December  2%d. — I  went  to  town  this  morning, 
called  on  Lady  Palmerston,  found  her  in  good  spirits  and 
humor,  and  vastly  pleased  at  all  the  testimonies  of  appro- 
bation and  admiration  he  has  received.  She  exclaimed  with 
exultation,  "He  is  always  in  the  right  in  everything  he 
does,"  a  position  I  could  not  confirm,  and  which  I  did  not 
care  to  dispute.  We  then  talked  of  the  present  crisis,  when 
to  my  no  small  amazement  she  said  that  she  saw  no  reason 
now  why  it  should  not  be  made  up,  and  he  should  not 
remain,  that  he  left  the  Government  with  regret,  liked  his 
office,  and  had  no  wish  to  quit  his  colleagues,  but  could  not 
consent  to  such  a  measure  as  Lord  John  had  proposed.  She 


100  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

then  recapitulated  what  she  wrote  to  me,  and  complained 
of  Aberdeen's  having  replied  to  Palmerston's  note  in  such  a 
style  of  peremptory  refusal  ;  if  he  had  only  expressed  regret 
at  the  difference,  and  proposed  a  fresh  reference  to  the 
Cabinet,  it  might  have  been  avoided.  Still,  she  thought  if 
they  were  disposed  to  be  reasonable  it  was  possible  to  repair 
the  breach.  Palmerston  had  never  had  any  answer  to  his 
letter  of  resignation,  no  notice  had  been  taken  of  it,  nor  had 
the  Queen's  acceptance  of  his  resignation  ever  been  conveyed 
to  him.  She  talked  with  bitterness  of  the  articles  in  the 
"  Times,"  and  of  his  resignation  having  been  so  hastily  pub- 
lished, and  said  he  had  all  along  been  very  much  dissatisfied 
with  the  conduct  of  the  Eastern  Question,  and  convinced  that, 
if  his  advice  had  been  taken  at  first,  we  should  not  be  in  our 
present  dilemma  and  embarrassing  position,  and'  he  had  only 
consented  to  stay  in  the  Government,  when  overruled  in  hjs 
suggestions,  because  he  thought  he  could  nevertheless  effect 
some  good  by  remaining,  and  tender  essential  aid  to  Claren- 
don. I  expressed  the  strongest  desire  that  the  matter  might 
be  patched  up,  and  entreated  her  to  try  and  bring  it  about. 
Palmerston  was  gone  out,  so  I  did  not  see  him. 

I  then  went  to  the  Office,  and  directly  wrote  to  Graham, 
who  was  at-the  Cabinet,  begging  him  to  see  me,  and  telling 
him  I  had  reason  to  believe  Palmerston  was  not  disinclined 
to  stay.  Meanwhile  Bessborough  called  on  me,  and  told 
me  all  the  reports  from  Marylebone  and  other  parts  of  the 
metropolis,  as  well  as  the  country ;  all  represented  Palmer- 
ston's popularity  to  be  immense,  great  enthusiasm  about  the 
Eastern  Question,  and  profound  indifference  about  Reform  ; 
and  he  said  there  was  a  report  that  Palmerston  was  not  un- 
likely to  stay  in,  and  that  it  Avas  of  the  greatest  importance 
that  he  should.  He  also  said  that  Hayter  declared  there 
was  no  chance  whatever  of  their  carrying  the  Reform  Bill  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  especially  if  Palmerston  headed  the 
opposition  to  it. 

He  was  hardly  gone  when  Graham  came  to  me.  I  told 
him  all  that  had  passed  between  Lady  Palmerston  and  me, 
and  entreated  him  to  see  if  something  could  not  be  done. 
He  said  he  himself  should  be  too  happy  to  bring  it  about 
if  possible,  and  he  had  no  personal  ground  of  complaint, 
but  he  did  not  know  how  Lord  John  might  be  disposed, 
particularly  as  Palmerston  in  one  of  his  letters  had  spoken 
in  very  uncourteous  terms  of  him  and  Aberdeen.  He  said 


1853.]  A  RECONCILIATION.  101 

it  was  wonderful  how  Palmerston,  quite  unlike  most  men, 
was  often  intemperate  with  his  pen,  while  he  was  always 
very  guarded  in  his  language.  In  reply  to  some  of  the 
things  Lady  Palmerston  had  said,  he  told  me  that  the  diffi- 
culty was  that  Palmerston's  objections  went  to  the  principle 
of  the  measure,  and  though  the  details  might  still  be  open 
to  discussion,  it  was  impossible  they  could  concede  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  measure  without  dishonor,  and  this  was  not  to 
be  thought  of.  That  with  regard  to  fresh  reference  to  the 
Cabinet,  Palmerston  had  stated  all  his  objections  to  the 
Cabinet,  when  they  had  been  considered  and  overruled, 
therefore  another  reference  to  the  Cabinet  would  have  been 
useless.  lie  asked  me  if  Palmerston  was  prepared  to  give 
up  his  objections.  I  said  I  presumed  not,  but  he  must  un- 
derstand that  I  did  not  know  what  he  was  prepared  to  con- 
cede or  require,  only  what  I  had  repeated,  that  he  was  not 
disinclined  still  to  remain  if  the  matter  admitted  of  adjust- 
ment. He  said  the  office  was  still  open,  and  that  the  Cabi- 
net then  going  on  was  not  about  filling  it  up,  but  entirely 
on  the  Eastern  Question.  After  a  good  deal  of  talk  we 
parted,  he  promising  to  see  what  could  be  done  to  bring 
about  a  compromise  and  reconciliation. 

I  then  wrote  to  Lord  Lansdowne  telling  him  what  had 
passed,  and  suggested  that,  as  he  is  to  see  the  Queen  to- 
morrow, he  should  invoke  her  assistance  to  settle  this  affair, 
and  so  the  matter  stands.  I  am  satisfied  that  at  this  moment 
Palmerston  would  prefer  staying  where  he  is  to  anything  else, 
present  or  prospective,  and  he  does  not  wish  to  embark  in 
fresh  combinations  ;  but  it  is  impossible  to  say  what  he  may 
not  do  under  fresh  circumstances,  and  if  he  is  exposed  to  all 
the  attractions  of  excessive  flattery  and  the  means  of  obtaining 
great  power.  If  this  Government  should  be  overthrown,  I 
see  no  other  man  who  could  form  one.  Derby  is  in  such  a 
deplorable  state  of  health  that  I  do  not  think  he  could  pos- 
sibly undertake  it,  and  though  Palmerston's  difficulties  would 
be  great,  they  would  not  be  insurmountable,  and  the  very 
necessity  of  having  a  Government,  and  the  impossibility  of 
any  other  man  forming  one,  would  give  him  great  facilities, 
and  draw  a  great  many  people  from  various  parties  to  enlist 
under  him.  It  is,  therefore,  of  immense  importance  that 
there  should  be  a  compromise  now,  for  I  am  strongly  of 
opinion  that  if  there  is  not  the  Government  will  not  be  able 
to  go  on.  What  I  fear  is  that,  if  a  negotiation  should  be 


102  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IV. 

begun,  the  parties  will  not  come  to  terms,  and  neither  be 
disposed  to  make  sufficient  concessions.  Lady  Palmerston 
hinted  at  Aberdeen's  going  out,  which  she  said  he  had  al- 
ways professed  his  readiness  to  do,  but  I  gave  her  to  under- 
stand that  if  he  did,  Lord  John  would  insist  on  taking  his 
place,  which  would  not,  I  apprehend,  be  more  palateable  to 
Palmerston  than  the  present  arrangement. 

December  24:th. — I  went  to  town  this  morning  to  hear 
what  was  going  on.  I  found  Granville  who  told  me  there 
was  a  negotiation  on  foot,  conducted  by  Newcastle,  who  had 
been  to  Palmerston  yesterday  and  discussed  the  matter. 
Palmerston  was  to  give  his  answer  at  twelve  to-day  ;  Gran- 
ville did  not  think  any  concessions  about  Reform  were  to  be 
made  to  him,  and  nothing  more  than  an  agreement  that  the 
whole  question  should  be  reconsidered.  He  was  to  write  a 
letter,  saying  there  had  been  "a  misunderstanding,"  said  he 
was  evidently  dying  to  remain,  full  of  interest  in  foreign 
politics,  and  could  not  bear  to  be  out  the  way  of  knowing 
and  having  a  concern  in  all  that  is  going  on,  and  probably 
by  no  means  insensible  to  the  difficulties  of  another  position, 
that  of  being  the  leader  of  an  Opposition,  and  still  more  to 
the  having  to  form  and  carry  on  a  Government  should  that 
Opposition  be  successful.  All  this  I  think  was  exceedingly 
probable.  I  then  went  to  Clarendon,  where  I  learned  that 
Palmerston  had  given  his  answer,  and  that  he  meant  to  stay. 
He  had  written  a  letter,  not  exactly  such  a  one  as  they  could 
have  wished,  but  which  must  do  ;  and  though  it  was  not  yet 
formally  settled,  it  had  gone  so  far  that  it  could  not  fail  now. 
Both  Clarendon  and  Granville  told  me  John  Russell  had  be- 
haved admirably,  which  I  was  glad  to  hear.  Granville  thinks 
Palmerston  has  no  rancune  against  Aberdeen,  but  a  good 
deal  against  John  Russell.  Granville  said  I  had  made  a  bad 
selection  in  writing  to  Graham  on  Thursday  about  Palmer- 
ston's  staying  in,  as  of  all  the  Cabinet  he  was  the  man  most 
against  him,  and  most  opposed  to  his  return  ;  but  Clarendon 
said  for  that  very  reason  he  was  very  glad  I  had  addressed 
myself  to  Graham,  and  that  I  had  since  written  him  a  strong 
letter,  as  I  did  yesterday,  setting  forth  as  forcibly  as  I  could 
the  expediency  of  a  reconciliation  and  the  danger  of  Palmer- 
ston's  separating  himself  from  them,  and  the  infallible  con- 
sequences thereof. 

Walewski  has  been  making  a  great  flare  up  about  the 
article  in  the  "Times,"  stating  that  Dundas  wanted  to 


1853.]  BAHAGUAY   DECLINES   TO  ENTER  THE   BLACK  SEA.      103 

pursue  the  Russian  fleet  after  Sinope,  and  that  Baraguay 
d'Hilliers  put  his  veto  on  the  operation.  Clarendon  assured 
him  the  statement  was  inserted  without  his  privity,  and  he 
had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Walewski  then  asked  him  to 
authorise  a  formal  contradiction  in  the  "  Globe,"  or  to  let 
it  be  officially  contradicted  in  the  "Moniteur."  Clarendon 
declined  the  first,  and  advised  against  the  latter  course.  I 
offered  to  speak  to  Delane  about  contradicting  it  in  the 
"Times,"  which  I  afterward  did.  He  said  the  fact  was 
true,  and  he  had  received  it  from  various  quarters,  and  it 
was  useless  to  contradict  it ;  but  there  was  no  reason  the 
"  Moniteur"  should  not  do  so  if  they  liked,  so  I  sent  him  to 
Clarendon  to  talk  it  over  and  settle  what  was  to  be  done  to 
smooth  the  ruffled  plumage  of  the  French. 

On  Thursday  at  the  Cabinet  the  resolution  was  taken 
which  amounts  to  war.  The  French  sent  a  proposal  that 
the  fleets  should  go  into  the  Black  Sea,  repel  any  Eussian 
aggression,  and  force  any  Eussian  ships  of  war  they  met 
with  to  go  back  to  Sebastopol,  using  force  in  case  of  resist- 
ance. We  assented  to  this  proposal,  and  orders  were  sent 
accordingly.  This  must  produce  hostilities  of  some  sort, 
and  renders  war  inevitable.  It  is  curious  that  this  stringent 
measure  should  have  been  adopted  during  Palmerston's  ab- 
sence, and  that  he  had  no  hand  in  it.  It  will  no  doubt  ren- 
der the  reconciliation  more  agreeable  to  him.  This  incident 
of  his  resignation  and  return,  which  has  made  such  a  hubbub 
not  only  here  but  all  over  Europe  for  several  days,  is  certainly 
extraordinary,  and  will  hardly  be  intelligible,  especially  as  it 
will  hereafter  appear  that  he  has  withdrawn  his  resignation 
with  hardly  any,  or  perhaps  no,  conditions.  On  looking  dis- 
passionately at  it,  it  seems  to  me  Palmerston  and  Aberdeen 
have  both  been  somewhat  to  blame.  Lord  Lansdowne  left 
town  ten  days  or  a  fortnight  ago,  with  a  distinct  understand- 
ing, as  he  affirms,  that  the  question  of  the  Eeform  Bill  was 
not  to  be  definitively  settled  till  after  Christmas,  and  though 
he  was  aware  of  Palmerston's  objections,  he  had  no  idea  he 
would  take  any  decisive  step  till  then.  A  few  days  after  he 
was  gone  to  Bowood,  Palmerston  wrote  to  Aberdeen,  a  most 
unnecessary  and  ill-judged  act.  Aberdeen — instead  of  refer- 
ring in  his  answer  to  the  above-named  understanding,  and 
giving  no  other  answer,  replies  that  he  has  consulted  John 
Russell  and  Granville,  who  think  that  nothing  can  be  pro- 
posed that  will  remove  his  objections,  and  that  he  agrees 


104  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

with  them,  on  which  Palmerston  sends  in  his  resignation  in 
a  letter  described  to  be  brief  and  peremptory  in  its  tone. 
All  these  letters  were  wrong,  and  none  of  them  ought  to 
have  been  written.  I  see  they  (his  colleagues  or  some  of 
them)  think  Palmerston  never  had  really  any  intention  of 
quitting  his  post,  but  more  suo  tried  to  bully  a  little,  not 
without  hopes  that  he  might  frighten  them  into  some  con- 
cessions on  the  Reform  Bill,  and  meaning,  if  he  failed,  to 
knock  under,  as  he  has  so  often  done  upon  other  occasions. 
I  am  much  inclined  to  suspect  there  is  a  great  deal  of  truth 
in  this  hypothesis,  being  struck  by  Lady  Palmerston's  mild- 
ness and  abstinence  from  violence  and  abuse,  and  the  evident 
anxiety  of  both  of  them  for  a  reconciliation,  and  again  by 
the  very  easy  terms  on  which  he  has  been  induced  to  stay. 
There  has  been  no  exaction  or  dictation  on  his  part,  but,  so 
far  as  appears  at  present,  something  very  like  a  surrender. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Lord  Palmerston's  Return — The  Ozar's  Designs — Uncertain  Prospects — A  Dinner  of  Law- 
yers— Preparations  for  War — The  Kcfunn  Scbeme  modified  — Russian  Preparations 
fur  War — Kntryof  the  I'lack  Sea — Intrijmes  of  France  with  Russia — Attacks  on  Prince 
Albert — Virulence  of  the  Pre::s — Attitude  of  Russia — Reluctance  on  Both  sides  to  en- 
gage in  War — Prince  Albert's  Participation  in  Affairs  of  State — Opening  of  Parliament 
—  Vindication  of  Prince  Albert — Offer  of  Marriage  of  Prince  Napoleon  to  Princess 
Mary  of  Cambridge — Publication  of  the  Queen's  Speech— The  Hesitation  of  Austria— 
Justification  of  the  War— The  Blue  Books— Popularity  of  the  War — Last  K (forts  for 
Peace — The  Emperor  Napoleon's  Letter— Lord  John's  Reform  Bill— Difficulties  aris- 
Ing-The  Greeks— Objections  to  the  Reform  Bill— Postponement  of  tho  Reform  Bill. 

Bowood,  December  26th. — I  came  here  to-day  through 
town,  where  I  saw  en  passant  Granville  and  Clarendon  ; 
received  a  letter  this  morning  from  Graham,  telling  me 
everything  was  arranged  and  Palmerston  would  stay,  which 
of  course  I  knew  long  before.  Clarendon  thought  Newcastle 
had  managed  it  exceedingly  well,  inasmuch  as  by  this 
mixture  of  conciliation  and  nrmness  he  had  got  Palmerston 
to  write  and  withdraw  his  resignation,  without  any  condi- 
tions ;  indeed,  Clarendon  considers  that  Palmerston  has 
virtually  acceded  to  all  the  provisions  of  Lord  John's  Bill  to 
which  he  had  objected.  Whether  his  actions  correspond 
with  this  idea  we  shall  see  hereafter.  The  letter  he  has 
written  they  say  is  "artful  and  cunning,"  but  Aberdeen 


1853.]  LORD   PALMERSTON  RESUMES  OFFICE.  1Q5 

docs  not  appear  dissatisfied  with  it ;  and  as  it  is  a  consider- 
able concession  in  him  to  write  any  letter  at  all,  they  are 
right  not  to  quarrel  about  the  expressions.  On  the  whole, 
I  am  now  of  opinion  that  Palmerston  will  be  damaged  by 
this  proceeding.  Nothing  could  justify  his  resignation  at 
such  a  crisis  but  a  case  of  urgent  necessity,  and  if  he  really 
wus  urged  to  it  by  such  a  necessity,  he  clearly  could  not  be 
justified  in  recalling  his  resignation  five  or  six  days  after- 
ward, finding  himself  exactly  in  the  same  situation  as  he 
was  in  before  it.  It  seems  to  me  that  he  is  certainly  on 
the  horns  of  this  dilemma,  that  he  was  either  wrong  in 
resigning  or  wrong  in  returning.  I  told  Lord  Lansdowne 
so,  but  he  did  not  say  much  in  reply ;  and  I  find  the  lan- 
guage of  this  place  is  all  favorable  to  Lord  Palmerston, 
which  I  presume  to  be  from  their  sympathizing  in  his 
objections  to  Reform  ;  and  they  throw  most  of  the  blame  on 
Aberdeen  for  writing  to  him  the  letter  he  did,  in  which  no 
doubt  he  erred.  However,  they  are  all  very  glad  it  is  made 
up,  and  justly  think  that  the  less  that  is  said  about  it 
hereafter  the  better.  I  think  now  that  some  steps  had  been 
taken  towards  a  reconciliation  even  before  the  Thursday 
when  Lady  Palmerston  spoke  to  me,  and  the  Queen  knew 
on  Thursday  that  the  reconciliation  was  highly  probable  ; 
for  she  wrote  to  Lord  Lansdowne  that  evening,  and  told 
him  he  need  not  come  to  Windsor  on  Friday,  which  letter 
he  received  just  as  he  was  going  to  set  oif.  The  Tories 
and  the  Radicals  are  equally  puzzled,  perplexed,  and  dis- 
gusted, and  do  not  know  what  to  say.  They  accordingly 
solace  themselves  with  such  inventions  and  falsehoods  as  it 
suits  their  several  purposes  to  circulate. 

Clarendon  received  a  letter  from  Cowley  while  I  was 
with  him,  in  which  he  said  he  sent  him  a  paper  tending  to 
show  that  the  Emperor  of  Russia  was  bent  upon  the  destruc- 
tion of  Turkey,  and  prepared  to  run  every  risk,  and  encounter 
any  enemy,  in  the  pursuit  of  that  object.  This  is,  I  think, 
very  likely  ;  and  what  is  equally  likely  that,  per  damna  per 
ccedes,  and  with  much  danger  and  damage  to  himself,  he  will 
accomplish  the  ruin  of  the  Turk.  But  all  speculation  must 
be  vague  and  fallacious  as  to  the  results  of  such  a  war  as  is 
now  beginning. 

January  3d,  1854. — I  returned  from  Bowood  on  Satur- 
day, having  had  no  conversation  whatever  on  politics  with 
Lord  Lansdowne — and  of  course  I  sought  none.  News 


106  REIGN  OF  QUEEN    VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

came  there  that  the  Turks  had  accepted  the  proposal  of 
the  Allied  Powers  to  enter  into  a  negotiation,  and  wo  are 
now  waiting  to  see  what  the  Emperor  of  Russia  will  be  dis- 
posed to  do  ;  but  almost  everybody  thinks  he  will  refuse  to 
treat,  and  certainly  he  will  never  admit,  .as  the  preliminary 
condition  of  negotiation,  that  no  former  treaties  shall  be 
revived.  The  Cabinet  meets  to-day  for  the  purpose,  I  con- 
clude, of  resuming  the  consideration  of  the  Eeform  Bill. 
The  only  thing  Lord  Lansdowne  did  say  to  me  was,  that  he 
had  had  several  conversations  with  John  Eussell  when  he 
was  at  Bowood,  and  that  he  thought  he  had  made  an  im- 
pression on  him  ;  he  evidently  expected  that  Lord  John 
would  make  concessions  in  his  Bill  which  might  satisf^y,  or 
partly  so,  him  and  Palmerston. 

January  oth. — I  dined  on  Tuesday  with  the  Chancellor, 
Lord  Cranworth  :  an  array  of  lawyers,  the  Chancellor  of 
Ireland  (a  coarse,  vulgar-looking  man,  with  twitchings  in 
his  face),  Lord  Campbell,  Alderson,  Coleridge,  and  the 
Solicitor-General  (Bethell)  ;  besides  these  Aberdeen,  Gra- 
ham, and  one  or  two  more  men. 

I  sat  next  to  Graham  and  had  much  talk.  He  said  the 
Cabinet  that  morning  had  gone  off  easily,  and  he  thought 
matters  would  proceed  quietly  now.  Palmerston  is  quite  at 
his  ease  and  just  as  if  nothing  had  happened,  which  was  ex- 
actly like  him.  Graham  thinks  the  Emperor  of  Russia  is  de- 
termined on  war,  and  will  not  consent  to  negotiate  ;  lie  said 
he  had  been  as  anxious  as  any  man  to  maintain  peace,  but  if 
we  were  driven  to  go  to  war,  he  was  for  waging  it  with  the 
utmost  vigor,  and  inflicting  as  much  injury  as  we  could  on 
Russia,  and  that  we  might  strike  very  severe  blows.  It  was 
commonly  supposed  Sebastopol  was  unassailable  by  sea,  but 
he  was  not  satisfied  of  that,  as  they  are  not  in  possession  of 
sufficient  information  to  be  at  all  sure  about  it,  but  that  he 
did  not  know  what  a  powerful  fleet  with  the  aid  of  steam 
could  not  accomplish.  He  was  inclined  to  believe  that  such 
a  fleet  might  force  the  entrance  to  the  place  and  destroy  the 
Russian  fleets,  but  that  it  would  probably  cost  many  ships 
to  effect  such  an  operation.  In  discussing  the  probability 
of  Russia  and  Turkey  being  brought  to  terms  we  sigreed  that 
the  conditions  accepted  by  the  Turks  should  prove  a  suffi- 
cient basis.  When  I  asked  him  whether  this  would  not  sat- 
isfy even  Palmerston,  and  whether  he  would  not  be  desirous 
of  peace  if  it  could  be  so  brought  about,  he  said  he  thought 


1854.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.  107 

not,  that  Palmerston's  politics  were  always  personal,  and 
that  nothing  would  satisfy  him  now  but  to  humiliate  the 
Emperor. 

Yesterday  afternoon  I  saw  Clarendon  at  the  Foreign 
Office.  He  said  the  Cabinet  went  off  smoothly  enough,  and 
Palmerston  did  not  appear  dissatisfied  ;  confirmed  what 
Graham  said  of  his  easy  manner — no  awkwardness  or  re- 
serve. Aberdeen  had  written  to  him  in  answer  to  his  letter 
recalling  his  resignation,  saying  he  wondered  he  should  have 
thought  the  matter  of  the  Reform  1&\\\  final ;  and  John  Ens- 
sell,  when  it  was  all  over,  called  on  him.  The  alterations  in 
the  Reform  Bill  were  principally  these  :  to  extend  somewhat 
the  disfranchisement  and  to  give  more  of  the  seats  to  the 
counties  (which  was  what  both  Lord  Lansdowne  and  Palm- 
erston wished),  and  to  reduce  the  county  franchise  from  20 
to  10,  taking  Locke  King's  plan,  the  town  franchise  to  be 
6?.,  with  three  years'  rating,  as  originally  proposed.  This 
is  intended  to  admit  the  working  classes  ;  as  Clarendon  said, 
the  principle  of  the  last  Reform  Bill  having  been  to  exclude 
them,  and  this  to  admit  them.  It  seems  now  that  Laus- 
dowue  and  Palmerston  will  not  dissent  from  this  plan, 
though  they  do  not  like  it.  The  various  propositions  were 
put  to  the  vote  seriatim  in  the  Cabinet  and  carried  nem. 
diss.,  so  that,  instead  of  everything  having  been  conceded  to 
Palmerston  (as  the  lying  newspapers  proclaimed),  nothing 
has  been  ;  and  he  has.  on  the  contrary,  knocked  under. 

Clarendon  showed  me  the  Note  submitted  to  the  Turkish 
Government  with  the  proposals  as  the  basis  of  negotiations, 
to  which  we  have  not  yet  received  a  formal  answer ;  but 
from  a  confused  telegraphic  message  they  think  the  Turks 
have  accepted  them.  These  terms  will  then  have  to  go  to 
St.  Petersburg.  •  But  meanwhile  the  notification  to  the  Em- 
peror of  the  orders  to  our  fleets  was  to  reach  St.  Petersburg 
this  day,  and  Clarendon  thinks  it  exceedingly  likely  this  will 
produce  an  immediate  declaration  of  war  on  his  part.  His 
warlike  preparations  are  enormous,  and  it  is  said  that  the 
Church  has  granted  him  a  loan  of  four  and  a  half  millions  to 
defray  them.  I  told  Clarendon  what  Graham  had  said  to 
me  of  Palmerston's  disposition.  He  said  he  did  not  know, 
but  it  was  not  unlikely,  and  quite  true  about  personal  mo- 
tives always  influencing  his  conduct ;  and  that  he  had  always 
pleased  himself  with  the  reflexion  that  the  downfall  of  Louis 
might  be  traced  to  the  Montpensicr  marriage,  which 


108  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

had  really  been  the  remote  cause  of  it.  Graham  had  told 
me  that  Stratford  was  now  really  anxious  for  peace,  for  he 
began  to  see  the  possibility  of  war  bringing  about  the  sub- 
stitution of  French  influences  at  Constantinople  in  place  of 
Bussian,  and  of  the  two  he  infinitely  preferred  the  latter. 
Clarendon  confirmed  this. 

January  6th. — All  going  on  very  amicably  in  the  Cabi- 
net, and  Pam  and  Johnny  the  best  friends  possible,  cutting 
their  jokes  on  each  other,  and  Palmerston  producing  all  his 
old  objections  to  the  Eeform  Bill  just  as  if  it  was  discussed 
for  the  first  time.  From  what  has  been  settled  in  regard  to 
the  fleets  at  Constantinople  I  think  we  are  running  an  enor- 
mous risk  of  some  great  catastrophe.1  It  appears  that 
Admiral  Hamelin  declared  it  was  impossible  to  enter  the 
Black  Sea  with  safety,  and  Baraguay  d'Hilliers  agreed  with 
him.  Dundas  was  of  the  same  opinion,  but  said  he  wras  ready 
to  go  if  ordered.  Stratford  was  not  convinced  of  the  danger 
as  Baraguay  d'Hilliers  was.  Before  the  opinion  of  the  French 
Admiral  could  reach  Paris  orders  were  sent  out  for  the  fleets 
to  enter,  and  though  some  discretion  is  left  to  the  Admirals, 
the  orders  are  so  precise  that  it  is  extremely  probable  they 
will  obey  them  in  spite  of  the  danger,  great  as  it  is  ;  for  the 
Black  Sea  is  so  dark  they  can  take  no  observations,  and  BO 
deep  it  cannot  be  sounded,  perpetual  fogs  (which  make  the 
darkness),  and  no  harbor  where  the  fleets  can  take  refuge. 
If  the  fleets  should  meet  with  any  serious  disaster,  the  indig- 
nation and  clamor  here  would  be  prodigious,  and  the  most 
violent  accusations  would  be  levelled  at  the  Government.  It 
would  be  said  that  they  would  not  let  the  fleets  go  during 
the  summer  and  safe  seasons,  when  they  could  have  done 
anything  they  pleased  ;  but,  having  allowed  the  Sinope  affair 
to  take  place,  and  failed  to  bring  about  peace,  they  now  send 
the  fleets  when  they  can  do  no  good  and  prevent  no  mischief, 
and  only  expose  them  to  damage  or  destruction. 

Broadlands,  January  8th. — I  came  here  on  Friday  ;  no- 
body is  here  but  the  Flahaults  and  Azeglio  ;  I  walked  with 

1  [On  November  30  the  Russian  fleet  from  Sevastopol  attacked  the  Turkish 
squadron  in  the  harbor  of  Sinope  and  destroyed  it.  It  was  this  violent  action 
on  the  part  of  Russia  that  at  once  decided  the  British  and  French  Governments 
to  occupy  the  Black  Sea  with  their  fleets.  The  Russian  ships  withdrew  within 
the  harbor  of  Sevastopol,  which  they  never  left  again.  I  believe  that  Admiral 
Dundas  and  Admiral  Lyons  proposed  to  enter  the"  Black  Sea  at  once  and  inter- 
cept the  Russian  vessels'  before  they  could  reach  Sebastopol,  but  this  proposal 
was  overruled  by  the  French  officers,  who  were  disinclined  to  act  until  they  re- 
ceived peremptory  orders  from  the  Emperor.] 


1854.]          NEWSPAPER  ATTACKS   ON   PRINCE   ALBERT.  109 

Palmerston  yesterday  and  talked  of  the  Turkish  question. 
He  thinks  the  Emperor  will  not  declare  war  on  receiving 
news  of  the  orders  to  the  fleets,  but  send  some  temporizing 
answer.  He  said  that  if  these  orders  had  been  sent  four 
months  ago,  the  whole  thing  would  have  been  settled,  which 
may  or  not  be  true  ;  he  is  very  confident  of  the  success  of 
our  naval  operations,  and  of  the  damage  we  may  do  to  Rus- 
sia ;  he  has  never  alluded  to  Reform  or  anything  connected 
with  it,  and  is  in  very  good  humor. 

January  \bth. — I  have  never  yet  noticed  the  extraordi- 
nary run  there  has  been  for  some  weeks  past  against  the 
Court,  more  particularly  the  Prince,  which  is  now  exciting 
general  attention,  and  has  undoubtedly  produced  a  consider- 
able effect  throughout  the  country.  It  began  a  few  weeks 
ago  in  the  press,  particularly  in  the  "  Daily  News  "  and  the 
"Morning  Advertiser,"  but  chiefly  in  the  latter,  and  was 
immediately  taken  up  by  the  Tory  papers,  the  "Morning 
Herald"  and  the  "Standard,"  and  for  some  time  past  they 
have  poured  forth  article  after  article,  and  letter  after  letter, 
full  of  the  bitterest  abuse  and  all  sorts  of  lies.  The  "  Morn- 
ing Advertiser"  has  sometimes  had  five  or  six  articles  on  the 
same  day  all  attacking  and  maligning  Prince  Albert.  Many 
of  these  are  very  vague,  but  the  charges  against  him  are 
principally  to  this  effect,  that  he  has  been  in  the  habit  of 
meddling  improperly  in  public  affairs,  and  has  used  his  in- 
fluence to  promote  objects  of  his  own  and  the  interests  of  his 
own  family  at  the  expense  of  the  interests  of  this  country  ; 
that  he  is  German  and  not  English  in  his  sentiments  and 
principles  ;  that  he  corresponds  with  foreign  princes  and 
with  British  Ministers  abroad  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
Government,  and  that  he  thwarts  the  foreign  policy  of  the 
Ministers  when  it  does  not  coincide  with  his  own  ideas  and 
purposes.  He  is  particularly  accused  of  having  exerted  his 
influence  over  this  Government  to  prevent  their  taking  the 
course  which  they  ought  to  have  done  with  regard  to  Tur- 
key, and  of  having  a  strong  bias  toward  Austria  and  Russia 
and  against  France.  Then  it  is  said  that  he  is  always  pres- 
ent when  the  Queen  receives  her  Ministers,  which  is  uncon- 
stitutional, and  that  all  the  papers  pass  through  his  hands 
or  under  his  eyes.  He  is  accused  of  interfering  with  all  the 
departments  of  government,  more  particularly  with  the 
Horse  Guards,  and  specifically  with  the  recent  transactions 
and  disagreements  in  that  office,  which  led  to  the  retirement 


HO  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

of  General  Brown,  the  Adjutant-General.  Then  he  and  the 
Queen  are  accused  of  having  got  up  an  intrigue  with  foreign 
Powers,  Austria  particularly,  for  getting  Palmerston  out  of 
office  last  year  ;  that  she  first  hampered  him  in  the  Foreign 
Office,  by  insisting  on  seeing  his  despatches  before  he  sent 
them  off,  and  then  that  she  compelled  John  Eussell  to  dis- 
miss him  on  the  ground  of  disrespectful  conduct  to  herself, 
when  the  real  reason  was  condescension  to  the  wishes  of  Aus- 
tria, with  which  Power  the  Prince  had  intimately  connected 
himself.  Charges  of  this  sort,  mixed  up  with  smaller  col- 
lateral ones,  have  been  repeated  day  after  day  with  the  ut- 
most virulence  and  insolence  by  both  the  Radical  and  the 
Tory  journals.  For  some  time  they  made  very  little  impres- 
sion, and  the  Queen  and  Prince  were  not  at  all  disturbed  by 
them  ;  but  the  long  continuance  of  these  savage  libels,  and 
the  effect  which  their  continual  refutation  has  evidently  pro- 
duced throughout  the  country,  have  turned  their  indifference 
into  extreme  annoyance.  I  must  say  I  never  remember  any- 
thing more  atrocious  or  unjust.  Delane  went  to  Aberdeen 
and  told  him  that  immense  mischief  had  been  done,  and  that 
he  ought  to  know  that  the  effect  produced  was  very  great 
and  general,  and  offered  (if  it  was  thought  desirable)  to  take 
up  the  cudgels  in  defence  of  the  Court.  Aberdeen  consulted 
the  Prince,  and  they  were  of  opinion  that  it  was  better  not 
to  put  forth  any  defence,  or  rebut  such  charges  in  the  press, 
but  to  wait  till  Parliament  meets,  and  take  an  opportunity 
to  repel  the  charges  there.  One  of  the  papers  announced 
that  a  Liberal  member  of  Parliament  intended  to  bring  the 
matter  forward  when  Parliament  meets,  but  I  do  not  expect 
he  will  make  his  appearance.  At  present  nobody  talks  of 
anything  else,  and  those  who  come  up  from  distant  parts  of 
the  country  say  that  the  subject  is  the  universal  topic  of  dis- 
cussion in  country  towns  and  on  railways.  It  was  currently 
reported  in  the  Midland  and  Northern  counties,  and  actually 
stated  in  a  Scotch  paper,  that  Prince  Albert  had  been  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower,  and  there  were  people  found  credulous 
and  foolish  enough  to  believe  it.  It  only  shows  how  much 
malignity  there  is  among  the  masses,  which  a  profligate  and 
impudent  mendacity  can  stir  up,  when  a  plausible  occasion 
is  found  for  doing  so,  and  how  "  the  mean  are  gratified  by 
insults  on  the  high."  It  was  only  the  other  day  that  the 
Prince  was  extraordinarily  popular,  and  received  wherever 
he  went  with  the  strongest  demonstration  of  public  favor, 


1854.]  VACILLATION   OF  THE   FREXCH.  HI 

and  now  it  would  not  be  safe  for  him  to  present  himself  any- 
where in  public,  and  very  serious  apprehensions  are  felt  lest 
the  Queen  and  he  should  be  insulted  as  they  go  to  open  Par- 
liament a  fortnight  hence.  In  my  long  experience  I  never 
remember  anything  like  the  virulence  and  profligacy  of  the 
press  for  the  last  six  months,  and  I  rejoice  that  Parliament 
is  going  to  meet  and  fair  discussion  begin,  for  nothing  else 
can  in  the  slightest  degree  check  it,  and  this,  it  may  be 
hoped,  will. 

January  16th. — The  attacks  on  the  Prince  go  on  with 
redoubled  violence,  and  the  most  absurd  lies  are  put  forth 
and  readily  believed.  It  is  very  difficult  to  know  what  to 
do,  but  the  best  thing  will  be  a  discussion  in  the  House  of 
Commons — if  possible,  in  both  Houses.  It  is  now  said  that 
Sir  Robert  Peel  is  going  to  raise  one.  Clarendon  told  me 
yesterday  that  he  should  not  be  surprised  if  the  Emperor  of 
Russia  were  to  recall  Brunnow  and  not  Kisseleff,  as  he  is 
more  particularly  incensed  against  England,  knowing  very 
well  that  we  have  acted  consistently  and  in  a  straightforward 
direction  throughout,  while  the  French  have  been  continu- 
ally vacillating,  and  have  kept  up  a  sort  of  coquetry  with 
him ;  for  example,  Castelbajac  congratulated  the  Emperor 
on  the  Sinope  affair,  and  said  he  did  so  as  a  Minister,  a 
soldier,  and  a  Christian.  A  pretty  Government  to  depend 
on,  and  which  our  stupid  and  ignorant  press  is  lauding  to 
the  skies  for  its  admirable  and  chivalrous  conduct  as  com- 
pared to  ours  ! 

January  2lst. — For  some  days  past  the  Tory  papers  have 
relaxed  their  violence  against  the  Court,  while  the  Radical 
ones,  especially  the  "  Morning  Advertiser,"  have  redoubled 
their  attacks,  and  not  a  day  passes  without  some  furious 
article,  and  very  often  five  or  six  articles  and  letters,  all  in 
the  same  strain.  It  is  not  to  be  denied  or  concealed  that 
these  abominable  libels  have  been  greedily  swallowed  all 
over  the  country  and  a  strong  impression  produced.  The 
press  has  been  infamous,  and  I  have  little  doubt  that  there 
is  plenty  of  libellous  matter  to  be  found  in  some  of  the 
articles/if  it  should  be  deemed  advisable  for  the  Attorney- 
General  to  take  it  up.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
Tory  leaders  got  alarmed  and  anno)-ed  at  the  lengths  to 
which  their  papers  were  proceeding,  and  have  taken 
measures  to  stop  them.  The  Radical  papers  nothing  can 
stop,  because  they  find  their  account  in  the  libels  ;  the  sale 


112  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

of  the  "Advertiser"  is  enormously  increased  since  it  has 
begun  this  course,  and,  finding  perfect  immunity,  it  increases 
every  day  in  audacity  and  virulence.  One  of  the  grounds  of 
attack  (in  the  "Morning  Herald"  and  "Standard"  princi- 
pally) has  been  the  illegality  of  the  Prince  being  a  Privy 
Councillor.  In  reply  to  this  I  wrote  a  letter  (in  my  own 
name)  showing  what  the  law  and  practice  are,  but  incautiou- 
ly  said  the  argument  had  been  advanced  by  a  member  of  the 
Carlton  Club,  whereas  it  was  in  fact  a  member  of  the  Con- 
servative, and  I  had  imagined  the  two  Clubs  were  the  same. 
This  mistake  drew  down  on  me  various  letters,  attacking  and 
abusing  me,  and  for  several  days  the  "Morning  Herald  "  has 
been  full  of  coarse  and  stupid  invectives  against  me,  supplied 
by  correspondents,  who,  from  the  details  in  their  letters, 
must  be  persons  with  whom  I  live  in  great  social  intimacy. 
They  are,  however,  of  a  very  harmless  description,  and  too 
dull  to  be  effective. 

January  25th. — I  wrote  a  letter  in  the  "  Times  "  (signed 
Juvenal),  showing  up  the  lies  of  the  "  Morning  Advertiser," 
and  how  utterly  unworthy  of  credit  such  a  paper  is.  I  find 
Palmerston  and  Aberdeen  have  come  to  an  understanding  as 
to  what  shall  be  said  in  the  way  of  explanation,  which  is  a 
good  thing.  It  is  not  to  be  much,  and  thry  will  tell  the 
same  story.  One  faint  ray  of  hope  for  peace  has  dawned. 
The  Emperor  on  receiving  our  Note  has  not  recalled  Brunnow, 
but  ordered  him  to  ask  for  explanations,  and  he  is  only  to 
withdraw  if  the  answer  is  of  a  certain  tenor.  Clarendon  told 
him  he  could  not  give  him  an  answer  at  the  moment,  and 
Seymour  had  said  in  the  P.  S.  to  his  last  despatch,  "For 
God's  sake  don't  give  Brunnow  any  answer  for  three  day?." 
It  is  clearly  one  of  two  things — the  Emperor  meditates 
making  peace,  or  he  wants  to  gain  time.  The  fact  is,  he  has 
got  the  anwoer,  for  our  instructions  to  the  Admirals  (which 
were  communicated  to  him)  explain  our  intentions.  In  a 
few  days  more  we  must  receive  his  reply  to  the  pacific 
overture. 

January  29M. — Brunnow  has  not  received  his  answer,  but 
is  to  have  it  on  Tuesday,  when  I  imagine  he  will  announce 
his  departure.  Kisseleff  has  not  had  his  either,  and  there 
is  some  disagreement  as  to  the  answers  between  us  and 
the  French  Government.  Clarendon  has  sent  to  Paris  the 
answer  he  proposes  to  give,  but  the  French  wish  not  to  give 
Kisseleff  any  answer  at  all,  nor  even  to  tell  him  what  it 


1854.]  COUNT   ORLOFF'S   MISSION   TO   VIENNA.  H3 

is,  but  to  send  their  answer  through  their  Ambassador  at 
Petersburg,  to  which  Clarendon  strenuously  objects.  This 
is  only  for  the  purpose  of  delay,  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
being  so  reluctant  to  go  to  war,  and  anxious  to  put  off  the 
evil  day  as  long  as  he  can.  It  is^not  wonderful,  for  the 
accounts  of  the  distress  in  France,  the  stagnation  of  trade, 
and  the  financial  embarrassments,  and  the  consequent  alarm 
that  prevails  as  well  as  suffering,  make  it  very  natural  that 
the  Government  should  shrink  from  plunging  into  a  war 
the  duration  of  which  is  doubtful,  but  the  expense  certain. 
Colloredo  told  me  the  other  day  that  he  thought  Orloffs 
mission  to  Vienna  aiforded  'a  good  prospect  of  peace,  because 
he  was  sure  Orloff  would  not  have  accepted  the  mission 
unless  he  had  really  expected  to  bring  it  to  a  successful 
issue,  but  Clarendon  told  me  last  night  that  Orloff  is  only 
empowered  to  propose  the  same  conditions  which  the  Em- 
peror originally  insisted  on,  and  that  his  real  object  is  to 
detach  Austria  and  Prussia  from  the  alliance,  by  any  means 
he  can  and  by  offering  them  any  terms  they  please. 

The  attacks  on  the  Prince  are  subsiding,  except  from  the 
"Morning  Advertiser,"  which  goes  doggedly  on  in  spite  of 
its  lies  being  exposed.  John  Eussell  told  me  the  other  day 
that  soon  after  the  Queen's  marriage  she  asked  Melbourne 
whether  the  Prince  ought  to  see  all  the  papers  and  know 
everything.  Melbourne  consulted  him  about  it,  and  he 
thinks  that  he  consulted  the  Cabinet,  but  is  not  quite  sure 
of  this.  However,  Melbourne  and  Lord  John  (and  the  whole 
Cabinet  if  he  did  consult  them)  agreed  that  it  was  quite 
proper  she  should  show  him  and  tell  him  everything,  and 
that  was  the  beginning  of  his  being  mixed  up  in  public 
affairs.  Why  he  did  not  then  begin  to  be  present  at  her  in- 
terviews with  her  Ministers  I  do  not  know,  but  that  practice 
began  when  Peel  came  in,  and  Lord  John  said  he  found  it 
established  when  he  came  back,  and  he  saw  no  objection  to 
it.  He  told  me  last  night  that  the  Queen  had  talked  to  him 
about  the  present  clamor,  which  of  course  annoyed  her,  and 
she  said,  if  she  had  had  the  Prince  to  talk  to  and  employ  in 
explaining  matters  at  the  time  of  the  Bedchamber  quarrel 
with  Peel,  that  affair  would  not  have  happened.  Lord  John 
said  he  thought  she  must  have  been  advised  by  somebody  to 
act  as  she  did,  to  which  she  replied  with  great  candor  and 
naivete,  "No,  it  was  entirely  my  own  foolishness."  This  is 
the  first  time  I  have  heard  of  her  acknowledging  that  it  was 


114  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

"foolishness,"  and  is  an  avowal  creditable  to  her  sense. 
Lord  John  said,  when  Lord  Spencer  was  consulted  on  the 
matter  he  replied,  "It  is  a  bad  ground  for  a  Whig  Govern- 
ment to  stand  on,  but  as  gentlemen  you  can't  do  otherwise." 

February  1st. — Parliament  met  yesterday,  a  greater  crowd 
than  usual  to  see  the  procession.  The  Queen  and  Prince 
were  very  well  received,  as  well  as  usual,  if  not  better ;  but 
all  the  enthusiasm  was  bestowed  on  the  Turkish  Minister, 
the  mob  showing  their  sympathy  in  his  cause  by  vociferous 
cheering  the  whole  way.  The  night  went  off  capitally  for 
the  Government  in  both  Houses.  In  the  Lords  Derby  made 
a  slashing  speech,  but  very  imprudent,  and  played  into  Aber- 
deen's hands,  who  availed  himself  thereof  very  well,  and 
made  a  very  good  answer,  which  is  better  to  read  than  it  was 
to  hear.  Derby  afforded  him  a  good  opportunity  of  vindi- 
cating the  Prince,  which  he  did  very  effectively,  and  then 
Derby  followed  him  and  joined  in  the  vindication,  but  he 
clumsily  allowed  Aberdeen  to  take  the  initiative.  Clarendon 
answered  Clanricarde,  who  was  hostile,  but  not  very  bitter ; 
the  former  showed  how  much  he  suffers  from  want  of  prac- 
tice and  facility.  I  thought  he  would  have  failed  in  the 
middle,  but  he  recovered  himself  and  went  on.  Derby  was 
put  into  a  great  rage  by  Aberdeen's  speech,  and  could  not 
resist  attacking  me  (whom  he  saw  behind  the  Throne).  He 
attacked  my  letter  (signed  C.),  in  which  I  had  pitched  into 
the  Tories  for  their  attacks  on  the  Prince.  I  saw  his  people 
turn  round  and  look  toward  me,  but  I  did  not  care  a  fig,  and 
was  rather  pleased  to  see  how  what  I  wrote  had  galled  them, 
and  struck  home.  In  the  Commons  the  Government  was 
still  more  triumphant.  The  Opposition  were  disorganized 
and  feeble  ;  all  who  spoke  on  that  side  took  different  views, 
and  very  little  was  said.  John  Kussell  made  a  very  good 
speech,  and  took  the  bull  by  the  horns  about  the  Prince,  en- 
tered at  once  on  the  subject,  and  delivered  an  energetic  vin- 
dication of  and  eulogium  on  him  in  his  best  style.  It  was 
excellent,  and  between  his  speech  and  Aberdeen's  and  all 
those  who  chimed  in,  that  abomination  may  be  considered 
to  be  destroyed  altogether,  and  we  shall  probably  hear  no 
more  of  it. 

This  evening told  me  a  secret  that  surprised  me 

much.  I  asked  him  casually  if  he  knew  for  what  purpose 
Prince  Napoleon  was  gone  to  Brussels,  when  he  told  me  that 
he  was  gone  to  try  and  get  King  Leopold  to  use  his  influence 


1854.]  OFFER   OF   MARRIAGE   TO   PRINCESS   MARY.  H5 

here  to  bring  about  his  marriage  with  the  Princess  Mary,  the 
Duke  of  Cambridge's  sister  ;  that  for  a  long  time  past  Palm- 
erstou  had  been  strongly  urging  this  match  with  the  Queen, 
and  had  written  heaps  of  letters  to  press  it,  having  been  in 
constant  communication  about  it  with  Walewski  and  the 
Emperor  himself.  They  had  made  such  a  point  of  it  that 
the  Queen  had  thought  herself  obliged  to  consult  the  Prin- 
cess Mary  herself  about  it,  who  would  not  listen  to  it.  The 
negotiator  did  not  make  the  proposal  more  palateable,  and 
he  did  not  recommend  himself  the  more,  by  suggesting  that 
such  a  match  was  very  preferable  to  any  little  German  prince. 
It  is  incredible  that  he  should  have  mixed  himself  in  an 
affair  that  he  could  hardly  fail  to  know  must  be  very  dis- 
agreeable to  the  Queen,  besides  that  the  Princess  is  not  likely 
to  sacrifice  her  country  and  her  position  for  such  a  specula- 
tion, so  hazardous  and  uncertain  at  best,  and  involving  im- 
mediate obligations  and  necessities  at  which  her  pride  could 
not  fail  to  revolt. 

February  2d. — The  above  story,  put  together  with  some 
other  things,  leads  to  strange  conjectures  about  Palmerston, 
which  seem  to  justify  the  suspicions  and  convictions  of  the 
Court  and  others  about  him.  I  have  before  alluded  to  hia 
intimate  connection  with  Walewski,  and  the  notorious  favor 
with  which  he  is  regarded  by  the  Emperor,  who  considers 
him  as  his  great  appui  here. 

Before  proceeding  I  must,  however,  refer  to  another  mat- 
ter, which  seems  to  have  no  connection  with  it.  There  is 
always  great  anxiety  on  the  part  of  the  press  to  get  the 
Queen's  Speech,  so  as  to  give  a  sketch  of  it  the  morning  of 
the  day  when  it  is  made,  and  those  who  do  not  get  it  are  very 
jealous  of  those  who  do.  There  has  been  great  bother  about 
it  on  some  former  occasions,  once  particularly,  because  one 
of  the  Derbyites  gave  it  to  their  paper,  the  "  Morning  Her- 
ald." it  having  been  communicated  in  strict  confidence,  and 
according  to  recent  custom,  to  the  leaders  of  the  party.  The 
other  day  Aberdeen  refused  to  give  it  even  to  the  "Times," 
and  of  course  to  any  other  paper,  and  he  begged  Palmerston 
not  to  send  it  to  the  "  Morning  Post,"  which  is  notoriously 
his  paper.  Nevertheless,  the  Speech  appeared  in  the  ';  Times," 
and  what  seemed  more  extraordinary,  in  the  "Morning  Ad- 
vertiser," the  paper  which  has  been  the  fiercest  opponent  of 
the  Government,  and  the  most  persevering  and  virulent  of 
the  assailants  of  the  Prince.  How  these  papers  got  the 


HG  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

Speech  nobody  knows,  but  as  there  were  four  dinners,  at 
which  at  least  a  hundred  men  must  have  been  present,  it  is 
easy  to  imagine  that  some  one  of  these  may  have  communi- 
cated it.  Delane  has  friends  in  all  parties,  and  he  told  me 
that  he  had  no  less  than  three  offers  of  it,  and  therefore  he 
had  no  difficulty.  But  how  did  the  "Morning  Advertiser" 
come  by  it  ?  It  is  politically  opposed  to  both  the  Ministry 
and  the  Derbyites  ;  but  it  must  have  got  the  Speech  from 
some  person  of  one  or  the  other  party,  with  whom  it  has 
some  community  of  interest  or  object.  The  run  upon  the 
Prince  was  carried  on  equally  by  the  "  Morning  Herald  "  and 
the  '*  Morning  Advertiser"  till  within  ten  days  of  the  meet- 
ing of  Parliament,  when  the  former  was  stopped  ;  the  latter 
never  ceased.  I  have  heard  it  surmised  more  than  once  that 
these  attacks  proceeded  from  Paris,  and  were  paid  for  by  the 
Emperor  Louis  Napoleon,  but  I  never  could  believe  it.  The 
other  .day  I  met  M.  Alexandre  Thomas  at  dinner  at  Marble 
Hill,  and  we  came  to  town  together.  He  told  me  he  had  no 
doubt  the  abuse  of  the  Prince  was  the  work  of  the  Emperor, 
and  paid  for  by  him.  It  did  not  make  much  impression  on 
me  at  the  moment;  but  now,  putting  all  these  things  together, 
I  cannot  help  partaking  in  the  opinion  that  the  whole  thing 
has  been  got  up.  managed,  and  paid  for  by  Louis  Napoleon, 
Walewski,  and  another  person  here. 

Brunnow  received  his  answer  yesterday,  with  many  civili- 
ties and  regrets,  de  part  et  d'autre.  Orloff  as  we  hear  has 
failed  in  his  mission  to  cajole  the  Austrian  Government,  but 
non  constat  that  Austria  will  act  a  firm  part  against  Russia. 
If  she  would  only  announce  her  intention  to  do  so,  the  mat- 
ter would  probably  be  settled  ;  for  Russia  would,  as  we  be- 
lieve, certainly  come  to  terms,  if  she  was  sure  of  Austria 
acting  against  her,  so  that,  in  fact,  Austria  holds  the  decis- 
ion in  her  own  hands,  and  the  greatest  service  she  can  do  to 
Russia  herself  would  be  to  compel  her  to  surrender,  as  she 
may  still  do  with  an  appearance  of  credit  and  dignity. 

February  Wt. — Nobody  now  thinks  of  anything  but  of 
the  coming  war  and  its  vigorous  prosecution.  The  national 
blood  is  up,  and  those  who  most  earnestly  deprecated  war 
are  all  for  hitting  as  hard  as  we  can  now  that  it  is  forced 
upon  us.  The  publication  of  the  Blue  Books  has  relieved 
the  Government  from  a  vast  amount  of  prejudice  and  sus- 
picion. The  public  judgment  of  their  management  of  the 
Eastern  Question  is  generally  very  favorable,  and  impartial 


1854.]       PUBLICATION   OF  OFFICIAL   CORRESPONDENCE.          117 

people  applaud  their  persevering  efforts  to  avert  war,  and 
are  satisfied  that  everything  was  done  that  the  national 
honor  or  dignity  required.  I  have  read  through  the  thick 
volumes,  and  am  satisfied  that  there  is  on  the  whole  no  case 
to  be  made  against  the  Government,  though  there  are  some 
things  that  might  perhaps  have  been  better  done ;  but  what 
is  there  of  any  sort,  or  at  any  time,  of  which  as  much  may 
not  be  said  when  we  have  been  made  wiser  by  experience 
and  events  ?  These  Books  are  very  creditable  in  the  great 
ability  they  display.  As  Lord  Ellenborough  said  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  the  case  had  been  most  ably  conducted, 
both  by  Government  and  its  agents.  Clarendon's  despatches 
are  exceedingly  good,  and  in  one  respect  greatly  superior  to 
Palmerston's  when  he  was  at  the  Foreign  Office :  they  are 
very  measured  and  dignified,  and  he  never  descends  to  the 
scolding,  and  the  taunts,  and  sarcasms  in  which  the  other 
delighted.  PaJmerston  always  wrote  as  if  his  object  was  to 
gain  a  victory  in  a  war  of  words,  and  have  the  best  of  an 
argument ;  Clarendon,  on  the  contrary,  keeps  steadily  in 
view  a  great  political  object,  and  never  says  a  word  but  with 
a  view  to  attain  it.  Stratford's  despatches  are  very  able,  and 
very  well  written,  but  they  leave  the  impression  (which  we 
know  to  be  the  truth),  that  he  has  said  and  done  a  great  deal 
more  than  we  are  informed  of ;  that  he  is  the  real  cause  of 
this  war,  and  that  he  might  have  prevented  it,  if  he  had 
chosen  to  do  so,  I  have  no  doubt  whatever.  His  letters  have 
evidently  been  studiously  composed  with  reference  to  the 
Blue  Book,  and  that  he  may  appear  in  a  popular  light.  I 
find  he  has  been  all  the  time  in  correspondence  with  Palm- 
erston,  who,  we  may  be  sure,  has  incited  him  to  fan  the 
flame,  and  encourage  the  Turks  to  push  matters  to  extremi- 
ties. I  should  like  to  know  what  Palmerston  would  have 
said,  when  he  was  at  the  Foreign  Office,  if  one  of  his  col- 
leagues had  corresponded  with  any  one  of  his  Ministers 
abroad,  in  a  sense  differing  from  that  in  which  he  himself 
instructed  him.  The  wonderful  thing  is  the  impunity  which 
he  continues  to  enjoy,  and  how,  daring  and  unscrupulous  as 
he  is,  and  determined  to  have  his  own  way,  he  constantly 
escapes  detection  and  exposure.  The  good  case  which  the 
Government  has  put  forward,  and  the  approach  of  war, 
have  apparently  extinguished  or  suspended  all  opposition, 
and  the  Session,  which  everybody  expected  to  be  so  stormy 
and  dangerous,  bids  fair  to  be  as  easy  as  possible.  Great 


118  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

difference  of  opinion  exists  as  to  the  wisdom  of  committing 
our  Baltic  fleet  to  Charles  Napier.  It  was,  however,  de- 
cided at  the  Cabinet  yesterday  that  he  should  have  it,1  and 
we  have  got  a  very  powerful  squadron  ready.  The  war  is 
certainly  very  popular,  but  I  don't  think  its  popularity  will 
last  long  when  we  begin  to  pay  for  it,  unless  we  are  encour- 
aged and  compensated  for  our  sacrifices  by  some  very  flatter- 
ing successes. 

February  15th. — Several  days  ago  there  was  a  short  dis- 
cussion in  the  House  of  Lords,  in  which  the  Government 
did  not  cut  a  good  figure.  Aberdeen  made  a  declaration  in 
favor  of  peace,  saying  "war  was  not  inevitable,"  which  pro- 
duced an  explosion  against  him,  and  it  was  so  imprudent  in 
him,  and  so  calculated  to  mislead,  that  Clarendon  insisted 
on  his  rising  again  and  saying  that  no  negotiations  were 
going  on,  threatening  to  do  so  himself  if  Aberdeen  did  not. 
He  complied,  but  the  whole  thing  produced  a  bad  effect,  al- 
though there  are  no  negotiations  to  which  we  are  a  party. 
Austria  is  making  a  new  attempt  with  the  Emperor,  to 
which  she  was  encouraged  by  Orloff  before  he  went.  We 
are  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  Austria,  but  though  she 
has  rejected  the  Russian  overtures,  she  will  not  engage  to 
join  us  against  Russia  in  certain  contingencies.  If  she 
would  do  this,  it  would  most  probably  settle  the  affair,  and 
make  the  Emperor  agree  to  reasonable  terms. 

This  morning  appears  in  all  the  newspapers  the  auto- 
graph letter  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  to  the  Emperor 
Nicholas,  which  has  been  so  much  talked  of.  If  the  Em- 
peror of  Russia  at  once  closes  with  it,  he  will  place  us  in 
a  great  dilemma,  but  it  may  produce  peace.  On  Sunday 
Clarendon  told  me  all  about  this  letter.  The  Emperor 
took  it  into  his  head  to  write  it,  and  sent  a  copy  here 
for  the  approval  of  our  Government.  Clarendon"  made 
many  objections,  particularly  to  the  suggestion  of  a  simul- 
taneous withdrawal  of  the  Russian  troops  and  the  allied 
fleets,  and  to  the  separate  negotiation  of  Turkey,  two  points 
we  had  all  along  laid  great  stress  upon.  Walewski  returned 
the  letter  with  the  objections  raised  by  us,  and  soon  after 
informed  Clarendon  that  the  letter  had  been  altered  accord- 
ing to  our  suggestions,  and  the  objectionable  parts  omitted  ; 

1  [There  was  a  question  of  appointing  Lord  Dundonald,  a  far  abler  man ; 
but  he  was  seventy-nine,  and  besides  he  mnde  it  a  condition  that  he  should  be 
allowed  to  destroy  Cronstadt  by  some  chemical  process  of  his  own  invention.] 


1854.]  LORD  JOHN'S  REFORM   BILL.  119 

but  he  did  not  bring  him  the  amended  letter.  Clarendon 
wrote  to  Cowley,  and  said  what  had  passed,  and  that  he 
was  glad  the  alterations  had  been  made,  but  was  sur- 
prised, the  letter,  as  altered,  had  not  been  shown  to  him. 
Cowley  told  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  who  said  they  had  sent  the 
letter  to  Walewski,  and  he  could  not  think  why  Clarendon 
had  not  seen  it,  and  he  wrote  to  Walewski  desiring  him  to 
take  it  to  Clarendon.  He  did  so,  when,  much  to  his  annoy- 
ance as  well  as  surprise,  he  found  that  they  had  only  made  a 
few  verbal  alterations,  and  left  the  really  objectionable  parts 
nearly  the  same  as  before.  This  may  put  us  in  a  very  awk- 
ward position.  If  the  Emperor  Nicholas  agrees,  we  must 
either  agree  also  to  what  we  entirely  disapprove,  or  disavow 
the  French,  and  perhaps  separate  from  them  ;  and  it  will  be 
very  embarrassing  if  the  Government  are  asked  in  Parlia- 
ment whether  they  were  a  party  to  this  letter  and  its  pro- 
posals. Clarendon  told  me  this  was  only  one  of  many 
instances  in  which  the  conduct  of  the  French  had  been  very 
louche  and  insincere.  He  thinks  this  more  attributable  to 
Drouyn  than  to  his  master,  and  Walewski  has  behaved  with 
great  loyalty  and  straightforwardness ;  but  hardly  a  week 
had  passed  that  he  has  not  had  to  complain  of  something 
done  by  the  French  Government  in  a  separate  or  clandestine 
manner,  or  of  some  proposal  which  they  ought  not  to  make, 
ans  this  makes  one  of  the  difficulties  of  the  position  of  which 
nobody  is  aware — a  fine  prospect  to  be  married  to  such  a 
people  on  a  great  question  ;  but  what  can  be  expected  from 
the  Government  of  such  a  Sovereign  and  such  Ministers  ?  It 
confirms  my  long  settled  opinion,  that  we  are  always  in  ex- 
treme danger  of  being  thrown  over  by  them.  With  regard 
to  the  whole  question  (and  omitting  these  details)  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  has  behaved  well  enough  to  us  ;  for  he 
has  adhered  steadily  to  the  joint  policy,  though  it  is  his 
interest  to  maintain  peace,  and  public  opinion  in  France 
runs  as  strongly  that  way  as  here  it  runs  in  the  opposite 
direction. 

The  day  before  yesterday  John  Russell  introduced  his 
Reform  Bill,  having  resisted  the  most  urgent  representations 
and  entreaties  to  postpone  it.  His  speech  was  very  tame, 
and  nothing  could  be  more  cold  than  its  reception.  The  few 
remarks  that  were  made  were  almost  all  against  it,  or  par- 
ticular parts  of  it,  and  it  has  excited  no  enthusiasm  in  any 
quarter.  The  prevailing  impression  is  that  it  will  not  pass 


120  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

if  it  is  persisted  in.  If  any  Reform  Bill  were  to  be  proposed 
at  all,  this  does  not  seem  to  be  a  very  bad  measure,  and  some 
points  in  it  are  good  ;  but  nobody  wanted  any  measure,  and 
the  few  Radicals  who  do,  do  not  care  for  the  particular 
measures  Lord  John  proposes,  and  ask  for  other  things 
which  he  will  not  hear  of,  so  that  he  offends  and  alarms  the 
Conservatives  without  conciliating  the  Liberals,  and  he  dis- 
gusts and  provokes  his  own  adherents  by  his  refusal  to  defer 
his  Bill.  Palmerston  and  his  clique  are  sure  to  abuse  it,  and 
to  employ  all  the  underhand  means  they  can  to  stir  up  oppo- 
sition to  it. 

February  20fh. — John  Russell  answered  the  questions  put 
in  the  House  of  Commons  about  the  Emperor  Napoleon's 
letter  very  dexterously,  telling  the  truth,  but  in  a  way  not 
offensive  to  the  Emperor.  He  also  made  an  excellent  speech 
on  the  debate  on  the  Blue  Books,  brought  on  by  Layard  in 
a  bitter  speech  very  personal  against  Clarendon.  The 
House  of  Commons  as  well  as  the  country  are  so  exces- 
sively warlike  that  they  are  ready  to  give  any  number  of 
men  and  any  amount  of  money,  and  seem  only  afraid  the 
Government  may  not  ask  enough.  I  expect  we  shall  have 
had  quite  enough  of  it  before  we  have  done  with  this  ques- 
tion, and  that  our  successes  and  the  effect  produced  on 
Russia  will  not  be  commensurate  with  the  prevailing  ardor 
and  expectation  here.  The  most  serious  of  all  difficulties 
seems  to  be  rapidly  coming,  the  insurrection  of  the  Greek 
population  ;  and  this  is  a  matter  which  has  already  caused  a 
good  deal  of  difference  of  opinion  and  debate  in  the  Cabinet, 
one  half  wanting  to  assist  in  putting  down  the  Greeks,  the 
other  half  opposing  this  scheme.  The  danger  of  attacking 
the  Greeks  is,  that  we  should  thereby  throw  them  at  once 
into  the  arms  of  Russia,  whereas  the  true  policy  is  to  persuade 
them  if  possible  to  be  quiet,  and  induce  them  to  look  up  to  us 
for  protection  and  future  support.  It  is  an  element  in  the 
question  of  great  importance,  and  very  difficult  to  deal  with. 
It  is  disgusting  to  hear  everybody  and  to  see  all  writers 
vying  with  each  other  in  laudation  of  Stratford  Canning,  who 
has  been  the  principal  cause  of  the  war.  They  all  think  that, 
if  he  had  been  sincere  in  his  desire  for  peace,  and  for  an 
accommodation  with  Russia,  he  might  have  accomplished  it, 
but  on  the  contrary  he  was  bent  on  bringing  on  war.  lie 
said  as  much  to  Lord  Bath,  who  was  at  Constantinople. 
Lord  Bath  told  him  he  had  witnessed  the  fleets  sailing  into 


1854.]  LORD   CLARENDON'S   SPEECH.  121 

the  Black  Sea,  when  he  replied,  "  You  have  brought  some 
good  news,  for  that  is  war.  The  Emperor  of  Kussia  chose  to 
make  it  a  personal  quarrel  with  me,  and  now  I  am  revenged." 
This  Lord  Bath  wrote  to  Lady  Ashburton,  who  told  Claren- 
don. I  asked  John  Russell  yesterday  why  he  sent  Stratford 
back  to  Constantinople.  He  said  when  he  sent  him  the 
quarrel  was  between  France  and  Russia,  and  only  about  the 
Holy  Places  ;  they  knew  nothing  there  of  Menschikoff's  de- 
mands, and  nobody  was  so  qualified  as  Stratford  to  assist  in 
settling  the  original  affairs. 

February  25th. — Last  night  Clarendon  made  a  capital 
speech  in  the  House  of  Lords,  far  superior  to  any  he  ever 
made  before,  and  the  best  that  has  yet  been  made  in  defence 
of  the  Ministerial  policy.  He  has  got  on  wonderfully  since 
the  Session  began,  each  of  his  speeches  being  much  better 
than  the  preceding  one,  till  at  last  he  has  made  one  of  very 
great  merit  and  power,  as  all  admit.  It  was  spirited,  digni- 
fied and  discreet.  I  began  to  fear  he  would  never  get  over 
the  misfortune  of  his  want  of  early  practice,  and  never  excel 
as  a  speaker  ;  but  this  speech  was  so  good,  that  I  now  hope 
he  will,  having  acquired  confidence  and  facility,  speak  up  to 
the  level  of  his  ability.  The  rage  for  this  war  gets  every  day 
more  vehement,  and  nobody  seems  to  fear  anything,  but  that 
we  may  not  spend  money  and  men  enough  in  waging  it. 
The  few  sober  people  who  have  courage  enough  to  hint  at 
its  being  impolitic  and  uncalled  for  are  almost  hooted  down, 
and  their  warnings  and  scruples  are  treated  with  indignation 
and  contempt.  It  does  now  appear  as  if  Austria  had  made 
up  her  mind  to  act  with  us,  and  that  we  may  depend  upon 
her.  The  French  made  known  to  the  Austrian  Government 
some  time  ago  that,  in  the  alternative  of  her  taking  a  hostile 
part,  she  must  expect  to  be  attacked  in  Italy,  and  Clarendon 
early  in  the  business  pointed  out  to  Colloredo  all  the  serious 
consequences  his  Government  had  to  apprehend  in  all  parts 
of  her  dominions  if  she  abetted  Russia.  With  a  war  so 
popular,  and  supported  cordially  by  Parliament,  and  a  flour- 
ishing revenue  and  trade,  Government  would  look  round 
on  a  cloudless  horizon,  if  it  were  not  for  the  Reform  Bill, 
which  is  a  matter  replete  with  uncertainty,  difficulty,  and 
danger.  Nobody  has  an  idea  whether  it  will  be  carried  in 
the  House  of  Commons ;  almost  all  the  friends  of  Govern- 
ment want  Lord  John  to  withdraw  it,  and  the  Cabinet  is 
divided  on  the  subject,  Lord  John,  Graham,  and  Aberdeen 

6 


122  KEIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  V. 

being  strongly  in  favor  of  pressing  it  on  at  all  hazards,  Palm- 
erston  violently  against.  He  has  now  reproduced  all  his  own 
objections  and  arguments  against  the  Bill  itself,  as  well  as 
against  forcing  it  on  now,  quite  justified  in  the  latter,  but 
unjustifiable  in  the  former  course.  Having  once  knocked 
under,  and  come  back  to  office,  consenting  to  swallow  it, 
however  reluctantly,  it  is  too  late  to  cavil  at  the  Bill  itself  ; 
but  he  may  consistently  and  properly  unite  his  voice  with 
the  voices  of  all  prudent  and  moderate  men,  and  strenuously 
resist  its  being  persevered  in  at  this  moment  against  a  feel- 
ing and  opinion  which  are  all  but  universal.  On  the  whole, 
I  rather  expect  (but  with  much  doubt)  that  Lord  John  will 
yield  to  the  general  sentiment,  and  consent  to  postpone  it. 

February  27th. — We  are  on  the  very  verge  of  a  Minis- 
terial crisis.  John  Kussell  will  listen  to  no  reason  about  his 
Keform  Bill,  he  insists  on  going  on  with  it,  and  will  have  it 
that  his  honor  and  character  demand  that  he  should,  and  he 
says,  "  When  the  honor  of  public  men  is  preserved,  the 
country  is  safe."  Clarendon  dined  here  yesterday,  and  told 
me  he  thought  Lord  John  would  break  up  the  Government. 
It  is,  in  fact,  a  political  duel  between  Lord  John  and  Palmer- 

ston.     thinks,  and  probably  he  is  right,  that  at  the  last 

moment  Palmerston  will  give  way,  but  in  the  meantime  he 
himself  and  all  his  followers  and  admirers  are  moving  heaven 
and  earth  to  defeat  the  measure,  and  to  set  up  opposition  to 
it — none  more  active  than  Hayter,  Secretary  to  the  Treasury, 
whose  borough  is  one  of  those  to  be  disfranchised.  Every- 
body thinks  Sir  Edward  Denny's  motion  will  be  carried,  and 
if  it  is  that  Lord  John  wifl  retire.  If  it  were  not  for  the 
difficulty  about  leading  the  House  of  Commons,  this  would 
not  signify.  I  do  not  see  how  any  arrangement  is  possible 
but  that  Palmerstou  should  take  the  lead,  but  I  do  not  know 
if  this  will  not  lead  to  other  resignations.  Clarendon  is  in- 
dignant at  the  state  of  things  brought  about  by  Lord  John's 
obstinacy.  He  told  me  that  Graham  supported  Lord  John 
vehemently,  but  that  Aberdeen  took  no  strong  part,  and  had 
behaved  very  well.  Having  accepted  Lord  John's  Eeform 
measure,  and  pledged  himself  to  it,  he  was  ready  still  to 
abide  by  that  pledge.  There  never  was  such  a  mess  as  it  all 
is.  Clarendon  is  now  very  hot  on  this  war,  which  he  fancies 
is  to  produce  great  and  uncontemplated  effects.  He  says  for 
very  many  years  past  Russia  has  been  the  great  incubus  on 
European  improvement,  and  the  real  cause  of  half  the  ca- 


1854.]  THE   REFORM   BILL   POSTPONED.  123 

lamities  that  have  afflicted  the  world,  and  he  thinks  a  great 
opportunity  now  presents  itself  of  extinguishing  her  per- 
nicious influence,  and  by  liberating  other  countries  from  it, 
the  march  of  improvement  and  better  government  will  of 
necessity  be  developed  and  accelerated,  and  in  this  way  civ- 
ilization itself  may  be  the  gainer  by  this  contest.  The  Em- 
peror Napoleon  has  earnestly  pressed  that  our  contingent 
should  be  put  under  the  command  of  the  French  Marshal, 
to  which  we  have  altogether  objected,  and  he  has  acquiesced, 
though  reluctantly.  We  have  agreed  on  a  sort  of  mezzo  ter- 
mine,  viz.  that,  in  the  event  of  a  battle  in  which  both  forces 
are  engaged,  they  should  be  under  one  Commander-in-Chief, 
who  must  be  the  Frenchman.  Clarendon  lamented  that  he 
had  got  no  better  Minister  at  Vienna  than  Westmorland  just 
now,  who  though  well  meaning  is  nearly  useless,  as  Colloredo 
is  here,  who  will  take  nothing  on  himself.  He  says  Castel- 
bajac  at  St.  Petersburg  has  really  not  represented  the  French 
Government  at  all,  nor  acted  in  any  way  in  conjunction  with 
Seymour,  but  been  all  along  a  base  courtier  of  the  Emperor 
Nicholas.  Clarendon  has  again  and  again  remonstrated 
through  Cowley  with  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  on  this  inconsist- 
ency, and  Drouyn  has  always  replied  that  he  is  quite  aware 
of  it,  and  has  been  at  least  as  much  annoyed  at  it  as  we 
could  be,  but  that  the  Emperor  would  never  allow  him  to  be 
recalled.  I  asked  Clarendon  whether,  now  that  war  really 
was  inevitable,  Aberdeen  was  more  reconciled  to  it,  and  he 
said  not  at  all ;  he  yielded  to  the  necessity,  but  very  sulkily, 
and  in  the  discussions  relating  to  it  in  the  Cabinet  he  took 
no  part,  and  evinced  a  total  indifference,  or  rather  disgust. 
However,  he  expressed  great  admiration  of  Clarendon's 
speech,  which  he  said  was  the  best  he  ever  heard.  Lord 
John  has  sent  to  his  brother  to  come  to  town,  telling  him  a 
crisis  is  at  hand.  Granville,  who  is  all  with  Lord  John, 
personally  and  politically  a  Reformer,  and  highly  approving 
of  this  Bill,  is  going  to  him  to-day  to  see  if  he  can  prevail 
on  him  to  give  way  to  the  general  opinion,  and  at  all  events 
to  put  him  in  possession  of  what  is  said  and  thought  on  the 
subject. 

March  6th. — After  a  great  struggle  John  Russell  was 
persuaded  to  put  off  his  Reform  Bill,  but  only  till  the  end 
of  April,  so  that  in  a  few  weeks  the  same  embarrassment 
will  begin  again.  The  satisfaction  at  its  being  deferred  at 
all  is  great  and  general,  and  everybody  thinks  that  some 


12 1  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [Ciur.  V. 

expedient  will  be  devised  for  putting  it  off  again,  when  the 
time  comes,  and  so  that  we  shall  be  rid  of  it  for  this  year. 
All  the  Cabinet  was  for  putting  it  off,  except  Graham  and 
Aberdeen.  The  former  has  devoted  himself  to  Lord  John, 
and  goes  heart  and  soul  with  him.  Why  Aberdeen  took 
that  view  I  cannot  imagine,  unless  he  wished  to  bring  about 
a  crisis,  and  to  make  his  escape  by  favor  of  it.  My  own 
opinion  at  present  is,  that  on  April  27  Lord  John  will  insist 
on  bringing  it  on,  and  abide  the  consequences.  The  tenor 
of  his  speech,  and  still  more  that  of  Aberdeen,  the  same 
night,  lead  me  to  that  conclusion.  The  Radicals  with  old 
Hume  at  the  head  of  them,  approved  of  the  course  Lord 
John  took,  but  expressly  with  the  understanding  that  he 
really  meant  and  would  bring  it  on  at  the  period  to  which 
it  was  postponed  ;  and  as  he  is  sure  to  be  incessantly  urged 
on  by  his  entourage  to  be  firm  when  the  time  comes,  and  he 
will  be  very  reluctant  to  encounter  the  indignation  and  re- 
proaches of  his  reforming  friends  and  adherents,  the  chances 
seem  to  me  to  be  in  favor  of  the  battle  taking  place.  I 
think  his  speech  on  putting  it  off  was  not  at  all  good,  nor 
what  he  ought  to  have  said.  He  laid  himself  open  to  an 
attack  from  Disraeli,  which  was  very  just,  and  he  could  not 
answer  it.  It  was  quite  absurd  to  ground  the  postponement 
on  the  war  and  its  exigencies,  and  it  was  moreover  not  the 
real  and  true  reason.  He  put  it  off  because  he  was  impor- 
tuned by  everybody  to  do  so,  because  Hayter  proved  to  him 
that  he  would  infallibly  be  defeated,  and  because  there  was 
no  other  way  of  preventing  a  break-up  of  the  Government, 
lie  might  have  anticipated  Disraeli's  philippic  by  reverting 
to  what  he  had  before  said,  repeating  his  own  conviction 
that  the  war  afforded  no  reason  for  not  going  on  with  the 
Bill ;  but  that  he  found  so  many  of  his  own  friends  and  such 
a  general  concurrence  of  feeling  in  the  House  of  Commons 
on  the  other  side,  added  to  great  indifference  in  the  country, 
that  he  had  thought  it  right  to  defer  to  those  opinions,  and 
give  up  his  own  to  them.  Such  a  defence  of  his  conduct  as 
this  would  have  been  more  effective  and  more  consistent 
with  the  truth,  but  it  would  have  involved  something  like 
an  acknowledgement  of  error,  from  which  it  is  probable  that 
his  pride  and  obstinacy  revolted,  so  he  made  what  I  think 
was  a  very  bad  speech.  If  he  does  bring  it  on  again  in 
April,  I  expect  he  will  be  defeated,  and  then  retire.  In  any 
case  his  retirement  will  lead  to  Palmerston's  elevation,  as 


1S54]  DINNER  TO  SIB  CHARLES  NAPIER.  125 

leader  of  the  House  of  Commons  if  Lord  John  goes  alone,  as 
Prime  Minister  if  Graham  and  Aberdeen  go  with  him,  and 
there  seems  no  alternative,  unless  Lansdowne  can  be  induced 
to  replace  Aberdeen,  which  some  think  not  impossible,  though 
it  would  only  be  for  a  short  time. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

Dinner  to  Sir  Charles  Xapier— A  Ministerial  Indiscretion— Doubts  as  to  the  Reform  Bill — 
.Discontent  of  Lord  John  Russell — The  Secret  Correspondence  with  Eussia— War  de- 
clared— Weakness  of  the  Government — Mr.  Greville  disapproves  the  War — Divisions 
in  the  Cabinet— Withdrawal  of  the  Reform  Bill— Blunder  of  the  Government— The 
Fast  Day  Licenses  to  trade  in  War — Death  of  the  Marquis  of  Anglesey — Mr.  Glad- 
stone's Financial  Failures — Dissolution  of  Parties— Mr.  Gladstone's  Budget — Lord 
Cowley's  Opinion  of  the  Emperor's  Position — The  House  of  Commons  supports  the 
War— Disraeli  attacks  Lord  John  Russell — A  Change  of  Plans— Lord  John  Russell's 
Mismanagement — Attacks  on  Lord  Aberdeen — Popularity  of  the  War — Government 
Majority  in  the  Lords— Attitude  of  the  German  I'owers— A  Meeting  of  the  Liberal 
Party — An  Appointment  cancelled — Expedition  to  the  Crimea — English  and  French 
Policy  united  in  Spain— Close  of  the  Session  The  Character  of  Lord  Aberdeen's  Gov- 
ernment—Effect  of  the  Quarrel  with  Russia— Lord  Pahnt  rs ton's  Resignation— Way- 
wardness of  the  House  of  Commons. 

London,  March  13th,  1854. — The  only  event  of  recent 
occurrence  was  the  dinner  given  last  week  to  Sir  Charles 
Napier  at  the  Reform  Club,  with  Lord  Palmerston  in  the 
chair.  Everybody  disapproves  of  the  whole  proceeding, 
which  is  thought  to  have  been  unwise  and  in  bad  taste. 
The  only  Ministers  there  besides  Palmerston  were  Graham 
and  Molesworth,  and  the  former  made  an  excessively  foolish, 
indiscreet  speech,  which  has  been  generally  censured,  and 
to-night  he  is  to  be  called  to  account  for  it  in  the  House  of 
Commons.  It  is  marvellous  that  a  man  of  mature  age,  who 
has  been  nearly  forty  years  in  public  life,  should  be  so  rash 
and  ill-judged  in  his  speeches.1  There  seems  now  to  be  a 
better  chance  of  John  Russell's  again  putting  off  his  Reform 
Bill  next  month.  There  are  not  two  opinions,  except 
among  the  extreme  Radicals,  of  the  expediency  of  his  doing 
so,  and  his  best  friends  (including  his  brother)  greatly  regret 


ate 

goes  "into  the  Baltic  he 
my  free  consent  to  do  BO.  I  hope  the  war  may  be  short,  and  that  it  may  be 
sharp."  Sir  Charles  Napier's  subsequent  performances  in  the  Baltic  did  not 
at  all  correspond  to  this  heroic  language,  and  did  not  add  to  his  former  reputa- 
tion.] 


126  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  YI. 

that  he  did  not  put  it  off  sine  die  instead  of  to  another  fixed 
day. 

March  20th. — There  has  been  a  little  episode,  not  very 
important,  but  which  being  entirely  personal  caused  some 
noise  in  the  world.  About  a  week  ago,  or  perhaps  more, 
appeai-ed  the  Petersburg  "  Gazette  "  with  a  sort  of  manifesto, 
complaining  bitterly  of  the  conduct  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, which  was  said  to  be  the  more  inexcusable  as  a  con- 
fidential correspondence  had  taken  place  between  the  two 
Governments,  and  we  had  been  all  along  informed  of  their 
views  and  intentions.  The  "  Times  "  published  this  (as  did 
all  the  other  papers),  and  with  it  a  peremptory  denial  of  its 
truth,  stating  that  John  Eussell,  then  Foreign  Secretary, 
had  sent  an  indignant  refusal  to  the  proposals  made  to  us. 
Derby  took  this  up  in  the  House  of  Lords,  complaining  of 
State  secrets  having  been  imparted  to  the  "  Times,"  and  in- 
sinuating his  belief  that  Aberdeen  had  communicated  them. 
Aberdeen  denied  the  imputation  with  some  resentment,  and 
said  that  a  flagrant  breach  of  confidence  had  been  certainly 
committed,  and  he  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  culprit  was 
a  man  formerly  in  the  Foreign  Office  as  clerk,  though  now 
out  of  it,  who  had  been  appointed  by  Lord  Malmesburj7.  On 
this  Malmesbury  flared  up,  and  desired  to  know  his  name, 
which  Aberdeen  said  he  did  not  know.  On  a  subsequent 
night  Malmesbury  again  took  the  matter  up,  and  challenged 
Aberdeen  to  give  the  name  and  produce  his  proof.  Aberdeen 
said  he  had  received  the  information  in  a  way  which  left  no 
doubt  on  his  mind  of  its  truth,  and  he  was  willing  to  leave 
the  matter  to  the  gentleman  himself,  and  if  he  denied  it,  he 
would  acknowledge  that  he  was  mistaken  and  had  been  mis- 
informed. By  this  time  everybody  was  aware  that  a  young 
man  of  the  name  of  Astley  was  the  accused  party.  He  wrote 
a  letter  to  Malmesbury  denying  the  charge,  but  his  letter 
was  not  very  distinct.  However,  Malmesbury  read  it  in  the 
House,  and  called  on  Aberdeen  to  retract  the  charge,  which 
he  immediately  and  completely  did,  and  there  the  matter 
ended ;  but  though  the  man  is  thus  acquitted,  and  the 
Opposition  papers  abuse  Aberdeen  (who  in  fact  was  very  im- 
prudent to  mention  it),  there  seems  no  doubt  that  he  really 
did  babble  about  this  matter,  though  it  is  very  certain  it  was 
not  from  him  the  "Times  "  got  its  information.1  The  story 

>  [The  indiscretion,  such  as  it  was,  appears  to  have  been  that  of  Lord  Aber- 
deen himsel  t',  and  Lord  Malmesbury  quoted  with  a  good  deal  of  wit  and  a  propos, 


1854.]  LORD  JOHN   RUSSELL'S   REFORM  BILL.  127 

told  is  this  :  Astley  talked  of  the  correspondence  to  some 
person  in  a  railway  carriage.  That  person  told  it  to  Lady 
Ashburton,  who  repeated  it  to  Clarendon.  When  thus 
talked  of,  it  might  easily  get  to  the  "Times;"  and  the 
only  wonder  is,  it  did  not  get  into  many  other  papers  be- 
sides. 

Lord  John  Russell  continues  in  a  very  perplexed  and  un- 
certain state  about  his  Reform  Bill,  and  hesitates  whether 
to  bring  it  on  or  not  next  month.  On  one  hand  he  is  urged 
to  do  so  by  his  little  knot  of  domestic  adherents,  by  Graham 
vehemently,  and  to  a  certain  degree  by  Aberdeen  ;  on  the 
other  he  is  entreated  and  argued  with  by  all  the  rest  of  his 
colleagues,  by  his  brother,  by  Hayter,  and  by  an  immense 
majority  of  his  political  friends  and  supporters.  Still  he 
hesitates.  He  has  got  a  notion,  and  others  tell  him  so,  that 
his  character  is  concerned  in  bringing  it  on,  and  that  he  is 
bound  to  risk  everything  to  maintain  it.  Graham  is  quite 
inconceivable  ;  always  rash  at  one  moment  and  cowardly  at 
another,  he  is  now,  and  on  this  question,  in  his  rashest  mood, 
and  he  has  persuaded  himself,  and  tries  to  persuade  Lord 
John,  that  if  he  perseveres  and  is  beaten  (which  he  cannot 
disguise  from  himself  is  probable,  if  not  certain)  he  will  only 
have  to  go  out  in  order  to  return  in  triumph  as  Prime  Min- 
ister. If  a  dissolution  is  proposed,  and  the  Cabinet  consent 
to  it,  he  fancies  a  new  Parliament  will  give  him  everything  ; 
if  the  Cabinet  will  not  dissolve,  Lord  John,  Graham  and 
Aberdeen  would  retire,  the  Government  be  broken  up,  and 
Lord  John  would  have  Parliament  and  the  country  with  him 
in  forming  another.  All  this  I  believe  to  be  pure  .delusion. 
IJy  persisting  in  his  course  he  may,  and  probably  would, 
break  up  the  Government,  but  he  would  destroy  himself,  he 
would  never  be  forgiven  by  his  party  or  by  the  country  at 
large  for  breaking  up  the  Government  at  such  a  moment  as 
this,  and  all  his  visions  of  success  and  power  would  soon  be 
dispersed.  Whatever  else  might  happen,  he  would  be  ex- 
cluded from  office,  probably  forever.  His  discontent  with 
his  present  position  the  more  inclines  him  to  take  this  haz- 
ardous step,  because  he  wants  a  change  of  some  sort. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  came  to  me  the  other  day  to  tell 
me  Lord  John  was  determined  no  longer  to  go  on  as  he  now 
is,  and  it  seems  that  he  is  moved  principally  by  pecuniary 

in  the  House  of  Lords,  Sancho  Panza's  saying,  '*  that  a  cask  may  leak  at  the 
top  as  well  as  at  the  bottom."] 


128  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

considerations.1  He  is  poor  and  has  a  large  family.  While 
he  is  in  office  he  is  obliged  to  incur  expenses  by  giving  din- 
ners and  parties,  and  this  additional  expense  is  defrayed  by 
the  Duke,  but  in  a  very  unsatisfactory  way.  Lord  John 
sends  him  a  sort  of  estimate  or  account  of  his  extra  expenses, 
and  the  Duke  pays  the  money.  It  is  not  surprising  that 
Lord  John  dislikes  such  assistance  as  this,  and  though  he 
never  complains,  he  is  probably  mortified  and  provoked  that 
his  brother  does  not  once  for  all  give  him  a  sum  of  money  or 
a  large  annuity.  Everybody  else  is  amazed  that  he  does  not 
do  this  ;  but  though  he  is  much  attached  to  Lord  John,  ad- 
mires and  is  proud  of  him,  his  love  of  money  is  so  great 
that  he  cannot  bring  himself,  even  for  his  brother,  to  do  a 
generous  thing  on  a  great  scale.  His  colossal  fortune,  which 
goes  on  increasing  every  day,  and  for  which  he  has  no  use, 
might  well  be  employed  in  making  his  brother  easy," and  in 
buying  golden  opinions  for  himself  ;  but  the  passion  of  ava- 
rice and  the  pleasure  of  accumulation  outweigh  all  such  con- 
siderations, and  he  falls  in  readily  with  Lord  John's  notion 
of  taking  an  office  for  the  sake  of  its  emoluments.  The 
present  idea  is  to  have  this  matter  settled  before  Easter,  to 
turn  out  Mr.  Strutt  from  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  and  put 
Lord  John  in  the  place  with  an  increased  salary  during  his 
occupation  of  it.  Nothing,  however,  is  settled  about  it  yet. 

The  publication  of  the  secret  correspondence  with  Rus- 
sia has  excited  great  interest,  and  does  great  credit  to  the 
Government,  but  it  increases  the  public  indignation  against 
the  Emperor,  because  it  exposes  the  extreme  duplicity  of 
his  conduct ;  and  as  he  must  have  been  aware  that  such 
would  be  the  inevitable  result  of  publicity,  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  what  induced  him  to  provoke  it,  unless  Walewski's 
conjecture  is  the  true  one.  He  thinks  that  the  Emperor 
thought  it  would  make  bad  blood  between  us  and  France, 
fancying  that  we  had  not  imparted  the  correspondence  to 
the  French  Government,  in  which  he  was  mistaken,  as  we 
had  done  so. 

March  23th. — The  die  is  cast,  and  war  was  declared  yes- 
terday. We  are  already  beginning  to  taste  the  fruits  of  it. 
Every  species  of  security  has  rapidly  gone  down,  and  every- 
body's property  in  stocks,  shares,  etc.,  is  depreciated  already 
from  twenty  to  thirty  per  cent.  I  predict  confidently  that, 

1  [Lord  John  at  this  time  had  a  neat  in  the  Cabinet  and  led  the  House  of 
Commons  without  any  office  in  the  Ministry  and  without  any  salary.] 


1854.]  WAR  IS  DECLARED.  129 

before  many  months  are  over,  people  will  be  as  heartily  sick 
of  it  as  they  are  now  hot  upon  it.  Nobody  knows  where 
our  fleets  and  armies  are  going,  nor  what  they  mean  to 
attempt,  and  we  are  profoundly  ignorant  of  the  resources 
and  power  of  Russia  to  wage  war  against  us.  As  the  time 
for  action  approaches,  Austria  and  Prussia  grow  more  reluc- 
tant to  engage  in  it.  The  latter  has  proclaimed  her  neutral- 
ity, and  unless  some  events  should  make  a  change  in  her 
policy,  I  do  not  believe  the  former  will  ever  be  induced 
to  act  with  us  and  against  Russia.  The  Government  here 
are  in  a  very  weak  unsatisfactory  state.  They  are  supported 
in  carrying  on  war,  but  in  every  other  respect  they  are 
treated  with  great  indifference,  and  appear  to  have  very 
little  authority  or  influence  either  in  Parliament  or  in  the 
country.  Nobody  seems  to  have  risen  in  estimation,  except 
perhaps  Clarendon,  who  has  done  his  work  well  and  got 
credit  for  it.  Palmerston  and  Graham  have  positively  dis- 
graced themselves  by  their  dinner  to  Napier,  and  the  foolish 
speeches  they  made  both  there  and  in  the  House  of  Commons 
afterward.  I  do  not  know  what  Palmerston's  popularity 
might  turn  out  to  be  if  it  should  be  tested  by  some  change 
which  brought  him  forward,  but  he  certainly  has  greatly  lost 
ground  this  year  by  his  whole  conduct  from  his  resignation 
down  to  this  time.  Gladstone,  the  great  card  of  the  pack, 
has  forfeited  by  the  failure  of  his  financial  schemes  a  good 
deal  of  the  credit  he  had  obtained.  Jolm  Russell  has  of- 
fended everybody  by  his  obstinacy  about  his  ill-timed  Reform 
Bill,  so  that  the  Government  does  not  stand  very  high,  and 
is  only  strong  in  the  weakness  of  all  other  parties.  They 
are  constantly  beaten  on  small  matters  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, which  produces  a  bad  effect.  Up  to  this  moment 
nobody  knows  what  John  Russell  means  to  do  about  the 
Reform  Bill ;  if  he  puts  it  off  again,  he  ought  to  do  so  to- 
morrow, when  the  discussion  will  take  place  about  the  de- 
claration of  war. 

April  2d. — The  debates  in  both  Houses  were  marked  by 
great  bitterness  on  the  part  of  the  Opposition,  by  Derbv  in 
one  House,  and  by  Disraeli  and  Layard  in  the  other.  The 
war  fever  is  still  sufficiently  raging  to  make  it  impossible 
for  any  man  who  denounces  the  war  itself  to  obtain  a  pa- 
tient hearing.  Nobody  ventures  to  cry  out  against  it  but 
Bright  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  Grey  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  but  already  I  see  symptoms  of  disquietude  and  alarm. 


130  REIGN  OF   QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

Some  of  those  who  were  most  warlike  begin  to  look  grave, 
and  to  be  more  alive  to  the  risks,  difficulties,  and  probably 
dangers  of  such  a  contest.  I  can  not  read  the  remonstrances 
and  warnings  of  Bright  without  going  very  much  along  with 
him  ;  and  the  more  I  reflect  on  the  nature  of  the  contest,  its 
object,  and  the  degree  to  which  we  are  committed  in  it,  the 
more  uneasy  I  feel  about  it,  and  the  more  lively  my  appre- 
hensions are  of  our  finding  ourselves  in  a  very  serious 
dilemma,  and  being  involved  in  great  embarrassments  of  vari- 
ous sorts.  Among  other  misfortunes,  one  is  the  discredit 
into  which  Gladstone  has  fallen  as  a  financier.  Notwith- 
standing his  extraordinary  capacity,  most  people  who  are 
conversant  with  the  subject  of  finance  think  he  has  greatly 
mismanaged  his  affairs,  and  suffered  his  notions  or  crotchets 
to  get  the  better  of  his  prudence,  and  consequently  that  he 
has  prepared  for  himself  as  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
very  great  difficulties.  His  Budget  last  year  was  so  popular, 
and  his  wonderful  readiness  and  skill  in  dealing  with  every- 
thing relating  to  finance  excited  so  much  admiration,  that 
his  reputation  was  prodigious,  and  he  was  not  only  the 
strength  of  the  Government,  but  was  marked  out  as  the 
future  Prime  Minister  whenever  changes  took  place.  All 
this  prestige  is  very  much  diminished  ;  and  although  his 
failures  are  in  great  measure  attributable  to  accidents  over 
which  he  had  no  control,  many  who  are  not  unfriendly  to 
him  think  he  has  been  rash,  obstinate,  and  injudicious,  and 
no  longer  feel  the  same  confidence  in  him  which  they  did  a 
short  time  ago. 

April  3d. — The  Duke  of  Bedford  has  just  been  here,  as 
uneasy  about  the  state  of  affairs  and  as  disgusted  and 
alarmed  at  the  war  as  I  am.  He  does  not  know  what  Lord 
John  will  do  about  the  Reform  Bill,  but  fears  rather  than 
hopes  as  to  his  intentions.  Aberdeen  had  desired  that  there 
should  be  a  Cabinet  before  Easter,  and  that  Lord  John 
should  then  determine  what  he  would  do,  but  Palmerston  re- 
quested that  the  final  decision  should  only  be  made  on  the 
26th,  the  day  before  that  on  which  it  is  to  come  on.  What 
his  object  is  they  do  not  know.  The  Dnke,  in  talking  to 
Lord  John,  suggested  the  certainty  of  his  breaking  up  the 
Government  by  bringing  on  his  measure,  and  the  enormous 
evil  this  would  be,  to  which  Lord  John  replied  that  if  he 
knew  what  the  internal  state  of  the  Government  was,  he 
would  perhaps  not  think  the  evil  of  the  dissolution  so  great. 


1854.]  THE   REFORM   BILL   WITHDRAWN.  131 

The  fact  is  that,  when  the  Opposition,  as  is  their  wont,  taunt 
the  Government  with  their  internal  disagreement  and  want 
of  cordiality  and  union,  they  are  much  more  right  than  they 
themselves  are  aware  of.  The  Duke  told  me  that  the  Queen 
told  him  the  other  day  that  she  had  herself  written  to  Lord 
John  urging  him  to  give  up  bringing  on  his  Bill.  Not  long 
ago  the  Queen  was  in  favor  of  proceeding  with  it,  but  cir- 
cumstances were  very  different  at  that  time. 

April  15th. — This  has  been  a  week  of  excitement.  It 
had  been  settled  that  on  Monday  last  John  Russell  should 
announce  his  intention  with  regard  to  the  Reform  Bill.  His 
uncertainty  still  prevailed,  and  he  got  into  such  a  state  of 
mind  about  it  that  it  made  him  ill.  He  could  not  sleep,  and 
was  in  a  terrible  state  of  vexation  and  perplexity.  Aberdeen 
then  proposed  to  him  to  give  up  the  Bill,  but  to  obtain  from 
the  Cabinet  a  unanimous  consent  to  his  pledging  them  to 
go  on  with  it  hereafter  at  some  indefinite  time.  On  Sattfrday 
there  was  a  Cabinet,  at  which  he  made  this  proposal,  but 
Palmerston  and  Lansdowne  both  refused  their  consent,  and 
Lansdowne  was  in  conversation  with  his  friends  very  vehe- 
ment about  it.  Graham  appears  to  have  been  reasonable  at 
this  Cabinet,  and  ready  to  adopt  the  course  proposed  to  Lord 
John.  It  was  eventually  settled  that  he  should  announce  the 
abandonment  of  the  Bill,  and  make  the  best  statement  he 
could,  not  pledging  the  whole  Cabinet  as  he  had  intended  ; 
but  before  this  he  urged  them  to  accept  his  resignation, 
which  they  refused,  and  then  Palmerston  begged  he  might 
resign,  which  they  refused  equally.  So  matters  stood  on 
Saturday  night,  and  everybody  believed  it  was  settled.  On 
Sunday  Lord  John's  doubts  and  fears  returned,  his  mind 
became  unsettled  again,  and  he  was  inclined  to  withdraw 
from  his  agreement  and  to  go  on.  To  the  surprise  of  the 
whole  House  of  Commons,  when  Monday  came,  Lord  John 
only  said  he  would  make  his  statement  the  next  day.  Every- 
body saw  something  was  wrong,  and  the  curiosity  and  ex- 
citement were  very  great.  All  Monday  and  Tuesday  morn- 
ings were  passed  in  conferences  and  going  backward  and 
forward,  the  Duke  of  Bedford  being  called  in  to  work  upon 
Lord  John.  He  did  his  best,  and  at  last  on  Tuesday  morn- 
ing he  and  others  finally  persuaded  Lord  John  to  adhere  to 
what  had  been  determined  and  withdraw  his  Bill.  This  he 
did  in  a  very  good  speech,  full  of  an  emotion  and  manifes- 
tation of  sensibility  which  succeeded  completely  with  the 


132  REIGN  OF  QUEEX   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

House,  and  he  was  greeted  with  prodigious  cheering  and 
compliments  and  congratulations  on  all  sides.  Nothing 
could  in  fact  go  off  better,  or  in  a  way  more  gratifying  to 
him,  and  the  Government  appears  to  have  been  strengthened 
by  the  operation.  His  emotion  was  sincere  because  he  is 
no  actor,  but  it  was  in  my  opinion  totally  uncalled  for  ;  and 
as  there  is  but  a  step  between  the  sublime  and  the  ridiculous, 
it  might  just  as  well  have  appeared  ridiculous ;  but  fortu- 
nately for  him  his  audience  were  disposed  to  take  it  au  grand 
serieux.  Even  his  brother,  partial  as  he  is  to  him,  takes  the 
same  view  of  this  that  I  do,  and  has  written  to  me  that  as 
Lord  John  has  often  been  abused  when  he  did  not  deserve  it, 
so  he  has  now  been  overpraised. 

April  24:th. — When  this  Government  was  formed,  its 
principal  merit  was  supposed  to  be  its  great  administrative 
capacity,  and  the  wonderful  way  in  which  the  business  of 
the  country  was  to  be  done.  It  has  turned  out  just  the  re- 
verse of  what  was  expected,  for  they  commit  one  blunder 
after  another,  and  nothing  can  be  more  loose,  careless,  and 
ignorant  than  the  way  in  which  their  business  is  conducted. 
All  sorts  of  mistakes  and  embarrassments  are  continually 
occurring  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  I  have  had  occa- 
sion to  see  ample  proofs  of  what  I  say,  in  all  that  has  been 
done  and  is  doing  about  licences  and  trade  permissions,  con- 
sequent on  the  recent  declarations  and  Orders  in  Council.1 
Now  another  matter  has  occurred,  discreditable  from  the 
carelessness  which  has  been  evinced.  When  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  order  a  fast  day  for  the  war,  the  Queen  set  her 
face  against  it.  She  thought  it  very  absurd  (as  it  is)  and 
objected  in  toto.  Aberdeen  with  some  difficulty  overcame 
her  objections,  setting  forth  that  it  had  been  done  by  George 
III.,  and  that  the  religious  part  of  the  community  would 
make  a  clamor  if  it  were  not  done.  So  she  gave  way,  but 
still  insisted  it  should  not  be  a  "  fast,"  so  they  settled  it 
should  be  a  day  of  "humiliation."  The  Archbishop  of 

1  [On  the  outbreak  of  the  war  a  Committee  of  Council  was  summoned  to 
consider  and  frame  divers  Orders  with  reference  to  the  prohibition  of  the  export 
of  military  and  naval  stores,  the  detention  of  Russian  ships,  and  questions  of 
trade  in  Russian  produce.  Dr.  Lushington,  the  judge  of  the  Admiralty,  was  a 
member  of  this  Committee,  besides  several  Cabinet  Ministers.  The  French 
Government  proposed  to  revert  to  the  old  system  of  licences  to  trade  with  the 
enemy ;  but  this  proposal  was  not  agreed  to  by  Great  Britain.  The  Russian 
trade  was  left  open,  except  when  stopped  by  blockade.  Licences  were  issued 
by  the  Privy  Council  tor  the  export  of  military  and  naval  stores  to  neutral 
ports.] 


1851.]  THE   FAST  DAY.  133 

Canterbury  fully  concurred,  and  the  proclamation  was  is- 
sued accordingly.  But  the  other  day  the  merchants  took 
alarm,  and  represented  that,  as  the  word  "fast "  was  omitted, 
the  case  would  not  come  within  the  provisions  of  Master- 
man's  Bill,  and  that  bills  of  exchange,  &c.,  would  be  payable 
on  the  day  itself,  and  not  the  day  before  as  provided  by  that 
Act,  and  that  all  sorts  of  confusion  would  arise.  The  Bank 
of  England  took  the  Solicitor  General's  opinion,  who  thought 
that  such  would  be  the  law.  A  great  difficulty  arose,  for 
time  pressed.  The  Chancellor  thought  the  case  would  stand, 
and  was  for  taking  the  chance,  but  the  Cabinet  on  Saturday 
decided  that  it  would  be  safer  to  correct  the  error  even  thus 
late.  Aberdeen  went  to  the  Queen  and  told  her,  and  this 
afternoon  there  is  to  be  a  Council  to  turn  the  "day  of  hu- 
miliation" into  a  "fast  day,"  in  order  that  "merchants" 
bills  may  be  presented  on  one  day  instead  of  another,  and 
that  banking  operations  may  not  be  deranged.  The  ridicule 
this  throws  on  the  religious  part  of  the  question  is  obvious, 
and  the  effect  it  ought  to  have  is  to  discontinue  these  pre- 
posterous observances,  which  all  sensible  people  regard  as  a 
mockery  and  a  delusion.  But  all  this  ought  to  have  been 
provided  for,  and  the  law  officers  ought  to  have  foreseen  the 
consequences  and  advised  accordingly.  In  Peel's  time  this 
never  would  have  happened  ;  but  with  a  nominal  Premier,  a 
Home  Secretary  who  will  give  himself  no  trouble  about  the 
details  of  his  office,  and  an  Attorney  General  who  does  noth- 
ing, knows  nothing  of  law,  and  won't  attend  to  anything,  it 
is  no  wonder  that  such  things  and  many  others  occur. 

To  return  to  the  question  of  trading  licences.  When  we 
went  to  war,  the  Government,  I  believe  very  wisely,  resolved 
to  relax  belligerent  rights  and  give  all  possible  latitude  to 
trade,  with  no  more  restrictions  and  reservations  than  were 
essentially  necessary  for  carrying  on  the  war.  But  this  reso- 
lution involved  a  revolution  of  the  old  system  and  the  neces- 
sity of  completely  constructing  a  new  one,  and  as  they  long 
ago  knew  war  was  inevitable,  they  ought  to  have  well  con- 
sidered all  this,  and  framed  their  regulations  before  they 
issued  their  orders.  But  not  a  bit  of  this  was  done,  and  the 
consequence  was  a  state  of  unparalleled  confusion  and  em- 
barrassment, applications  from  all  sides,  and  hosts  of  peti- 
tions for  leave  to  export  goods  of  different  descriptions. 
The  Government  at  last  set  to  work  to  deal  with  these  cases, 
but  in  a  very  irregular,  unbusinesslike  way.  Some  two  or 


134  REIGN  OF   QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

throe  of  them  met  in  Committee  at  the  Council  Office,  and 
with  the  help  of  Cardwell,  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade 
but  not  in  the  Cabinet,  and  Dr.  Lushington,  who  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  Government,  they  have  contrived  to  scramble 
through  the  business ;  but  the  laches  and  indifference  of  those 
who  ought  to  be  most  concerned,  and  the  loose  way  of  pro- 
ceeding, have  been  very  striking.  Some  would  not  come  at 
all,  some  came  for  a  short  time,  different  people  attended  on 
different  days,  so  that  different  opinions  prevailed,  and  no 
regular  system  was  established.  The  other  day,  on  CardwelPs 
saying  these  questions  would  be  taken  up  as  soon  as  Parlia- 
ment met  and  Government  called  to  account,  I  suggested  to 

that,  such  being  the  case,  he  ought  to  get  Lord  John 

Kussell  to  attend  the  Committee.  He  said  he  would  ask  him, 
"  but  John  Russell  could  not  bear  details  ;  he  doubted  if  he 
would  come,  and,  if  he  did,  would  be  of  no  use,  as  he  would 
be  sure  to  go  to  sleep  ; "  and  this  is  the  way  business  of  the 
greatest  importance  is  transacted. 

May  3d. — The  death  of  Lord  Anglesey,  which  took  place 
a  few  days  ago,  has  removed  one  of  the  last  and  the  most 
conspicuous  of  the  comrades  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  who 
all  seem  to  be  following  their  commander  very  rapidly.  I 
have  lived  with  Lord  Anglesey  for  so  many  years  in  such 
intimacy,  and  have  received  from  him  such  constant  kind- 
ness, that  I  cannot  pass  over  his  death  without  a  brief 
notice. 

A  more  gallant  spirit,  a  finer  gentleman,  and  a  more  hon- 
orable and  kindhearted  man  never  existed.  His  abilities 
were  not  of  a  very  high  order,  but  he  had  a  good  fair  under- 
standing, excellent  intentions,  and  a  character  remarkably 
straightforward  and  sincere.  In  his  youth  he  was  notoriously 
vain  and  arrogant,  as  most  of  his  family  were,  but  as  he  ad- 
vanced in  age,  his  faults  and  foibles  were  diminished  or  soft- 
ened, and  his  virtues  and  amiable  disposition  manifested 
themselves  the  more.  He  distinguished  himself  greatly  in 
the  command  of  the  cavalry  in  Sir  John  Moore's  retreat, 
but  was  not  employed  in  the  Duke's  army  during  the  subse- 
quent years  of  the  Peninsular  war.  In  the  Waterloo  cam- 
paign he  again  commanded  the  cavalry,  not,  as  was  supposed, 
entirely  to  the  Duke's  satisfaction,  who  would  have  pre- 
ferred Lord  Combermere  in  that  post.  He  lost  a  leg  at  the 
battle  of  Waterloo  ;  for  this  wound  Lord  Anglesey  was  en- 
titled to  a  very  large  pension,  of  which  he  never  would  take 


1854.]  A  FINANCIAL  FAILURE.  135 

a  shilling.  He  was  a  great  friend  of  George  IV.,  and  ex- 
posed himself  to  unpopularity  by  taking  the  King's  part  in 
the  Queen's  trial ;  but  their  friendship  came  to  an  end  when 
Lord  Anglesey  connected  himself  with  the  Whig  party,  and 
when  he  went  to  Ireland  as  Lord  Lieutenant  he  deeply 
offended  the  King  by  his  open  advocacy  of  the  Roman  Catho- 
lic cause  in  1829.  The  Duke  of  Wellington,  then  Minister 
and  about  to  give  up  the  Catholic  question,  quarrelled  with 
Lord  Anglesey  and  recalled  him.  For  some  years  past  they 
had  not  been  on  very  friendly  terms.  Lord  Anglesey  was 
jealous  of  the  Duke,  and  used  to  affect  to  disparage  his 
capacity  both  as  a  general  and  a  statesman,  and  this  political 
difference  completed  their  mutual  estrangement.  These 
hostile  feelings  did  not,  however,  last  long ;  Lord  Anglesey 
had  a  generous  disposition,  and  was  too  fair  and  true  to  do 
permanent  injustice  to  the  Duke.  I  do  not  know  how  the 
reconciliation  between  them  was  brought  about,  but  their 
temporary  alienation  was  succeeded  by  a  firm  and  lasting 
friendship,  and  the  most  enthusiastic  admiration  and  attach- 
ment entertained  by  Lord  Anglesey  toward  the  Duke.  For 
many  years  before  the  death  of  the  latter,  the  two  old  war- 
riors were  the  most  intimate  friends  and  constant  compan- 
ions, and  every  vestige  of  their  former  differences  and  an- 
tipathies was  effaced  and  had  given  way  to  warm  sentiments 
of  mutual  regard.  When  the  regiment  of  Guards  became 
vacant,  King  William  sent  for  Lord  Anglesey  and  announced 
to  him  that  he  was  to  have  it ;  he  of  course  expressed  his 
acknowledgements  ;  but  early  the  next  morning  he  went  to 
the  King  and  said  to  him  that  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  repre- 
sent to  him  that  there  was  a  man  worthier  than  himself  to 
have  the  regiment,  that  Lord  Ludlow  had  lost  his  arm  at 
their  head,  and  that  he  could  not  bear  to  accept  that  to 
which  Lord  Ludlow  was  so  justly  entitled.  This  remon- 
strance, so  unselfish  and  honorable,  was  accepted,  and  the 
regiment  was  conferred  on  Lord  Ludlow.1 

May  7th.—  The  failure  of  Gladstone's  Exchequer  Bill 
scheme  has  been  very  injurious  to  the  Government,  and 
particularly  to  him.  The  prodigious  applause  and  admira- 
tion with  which  he  was  greeted  last  year  have  given  way  to 
distrust  and  apprehension  of  him  as  a  finance  minister,  and 

1  [George  James,  third  Earl  of  Ludlow  in  the  peerasre  of  Ireland,  and  created 
a  baron  of  the  United  Kingdom  in  1831,  was  born  December  12.  1758,  and  died 
April  16, 1842,  when  the  titles  became  extinct.  He  served  with  distinction  in 
the  army,  and  was  colonel  of  the  38th  regiment  of  foot.] 


136  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

the  repeated  failures  of  his  different  schemes  have  in  a  very 
short  time  materially  damaged  his  reputation,  and  destroyed 
the  prestige  of  his  great  abilities.  All  practical  men  in  the 
City  severely  blame  him  for  having  exposed  himself  to  the 
risk  of  failure,  and  reproach  him  with  the  folly  of  trying  to 
make  too  good  a  bargain,  and  by  so  doing  exposing  himself 
to  the  defeat  he  has  sustained.  The  consequences  will  not 
probably  be  serious,  but  the  Government  is  weakened  by  it, 
and  the  diminution  of  public  confidence  in  Gladstone  is  a 
public  misfortune. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  financial  difficulty  is  the  Ox- 
ford Bill,  with  which  Government  have  got  into  a  mess,  and 
they  are  struggling  through  the  measure  with  doubtful  and 
small  majorities,  having  been  beaten  on  an  important  point, 
and  now  quite  uncertain  if  they  shall  be  able  to  carry  it.  I 
fell  in  with  Graham  yesterday,  and  spoke  to  him  about  these 
things,  when  he  replied  that  Gladstone's  failure  was  very 
unfortunate,  but  he  had  no  doubt  he  would  make  a  great 
speech  in  his  own  defence  on  Monday  night.  With  regard 
to  Oxford,  he  said  it  was  quite  true  that  they  could  not  de- 
pend on  carrying  the  clauses  of  their  bill,  but  that  was  be- 
cause in  the  present  state  of  the  House  "  they  could  not 
carry  a  turnpike  bill,"  they  were  absolutely  without  power, 
and  "  it  was  a  state  of  things  that  could  not  go  on." l  Last 
night  I  had  a  talk  with  Charles  Wood  on  the  same  subject, 
and  he  said  that  the  truth  was,  a  revolution  had  silently 
been  effected.  Parties  were  at  an  end,  and  the  House  of 
Commons  was  no  longer  divided  into  and  governed  by  them  ; 
and  that  the  predicament  in  which  this  Government  is  placed 
would  be  the  same  with  every  other,  and  business  could  no 
longer  be  conducted  in  Parliament  in  the  way  it  used  to  be. 
All  this  is  in  my  opinion  quite  true,  and  what  has  long 
struck  me.  Whether  the  extreme  elasticity  of  our  institu- 
tions, and  the  power  of  adaptation  to  circumstances  which 
seems  to  pervade  them,  will  enable  us  to  find  remedies  and 
resources,  and  that  the  apparent  derangement  will  right  it- 
self, remains  to  be  seen.  But  it  is  a  condition  of  affairs  full 
of  uncertainty,  therefore  of  danger,  and  which  makes  me 
very  uneasy  whenever  I  think  of  it.  It  is  evident  that  this 
Government  is  now  backed  by  no  great  party,  and  that  it 

1  [Lord  John  Russell  introduced  n  hill  to  make  further  provision  for  the  pood 
povernmcnt  of  the  University  of  Oxford  and  the  coll  epos  tuerein,  which  passed 
Doth  Houses,  with  some  amendments,  in  the  course  of  the  session.] 


1854.]  MR.   GLADSTONE'S  BUDGET.  137 

has  very  few  independent  adherents  on  whom  it  can  count. 
It  scrambles  on  with  casual  support,  and  its  continuing  at 
all  to  exist  is  principally  owing  to  tile  extreme  difficulty  of 
forming  any  other,  and  the  certainty  that  no  other  that 
could  be  formed  would  be  stronger  or  more  secure,  either 
more  popular  or  more  powerful. 

May  Vth. — It  is  scarcely  a  year  ago  that  I  was  writing 
enthusiastic  panegyrics  on  Gladstone,  and  describing  him  as 
the  great  ornament  and  support  of  the  Government,  and  as 
the  future  Prime  Minister.  This  was  after  the  prodigious 
success  of  his  first  Budget  and  his  able  speeches,  but  a  few 
months  seem  to  have  overturned  all  his  power  and  authority. 
I  hear  nothing  but  complaints  of  his  rashness  and  passion 
for  experiments ;  and  on  all  sides,  from  men,  for  example, 
like  Tom  Baring  and  Eobarts,  one  a  Tory,  the  other  a  Whig, 
that  the  City  and  the  moneyed  men  have  lost  all  confidence 
in  him.  To-morrow  night  he  is  to  make  his  financial  state- 
ment, and  intense  curiosity  prevails  to  see  how  he  will  pro- 
vide the  ways  and  means  for  carrying  on  the  war.  Every- 
body expects  that  he  will  make  an  able  speech  ;  but  brilliant 
speeches  do  not  produce  very  great  effect,  and  more  anxiety 
is  felt  for  the  measures  he  will  propose  than  for  the  dexterity 
and  ingenuity  he  may  display  for  proposing  them.  Parlia- 
ment is  ready  to  vote  without  grumbling  any  money  that  is 
asked  for,  and  as  yet  public  opinion  has  not  begun  to  waver 
and  complain  ;  but  we  are  only  yet  at  the  very  beginning  of 
this  horrible  mess,  and  people  are  still  looking  with  eager 
interest  to  the  successes  they  anticipate,  and  have  not  yet 
begun  to  feel  the  cost. 

May  10th. — Gladstone  made  a  great  speech  on  Monday 
night.  He  spoke  for  nearly  four  hours,  occupying  the  first 
half  of  the  time  in  an  elaborate  and  not  unsuccessful  defence 
of  his  former  measures.  His  speech,  which  was  certainly 
very  able,  was  well  received,  and  the  Budget  pronounced  an 
honorable  and  creditable  one.  If  he  had  chosen  to  sacri- 
fice his  conscientious  convictions  to  popularity,  he  might 
have  gained  a  great  amount  of  the  latter  by  proposing  a  loan, 
and  no  more  taxes  than  would  be  necessary  for  the  interest 
of  it.  I  do  not  yet  know  whether  his  defence  of  his  abor- 
tive schemes  has  satisfied  the  monetary  critics.  It  was  cer- 
tainly very  plausible,  and  will  probably  be  sufficient  for  the 
uninformed  and  the  half-informed,  who  cannot  detect  any 
fallacies  which  mav  lurk  within  it.  He  attacked  some  of 


138  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

his  opponents  with  great  severity,  particularly  Disraeli  and 
Monteagle,  but  I  doubt  if  this  was  prudent.  He  flung  about 
his  sarcasms  upon  smaller  fry,  and  this  certainly  was  not 
discreet.  I  think  his  speech  has  been  of  service  to  his  finan- 
cial character,  and  done  a  good  deal  towards  the  restoration 
of  his  credit. 

May  12th. — Cowley  called  on  me  yesterday,  when  we 
talked  over  the  war  with  all  its  etceteras.  He  said  the  Em- 
peror had  been  most  reluctant  to  go  into  it,  but  was  now 
firmly  resolved  to  pursue  it  vigorously,  and  not  to  desist  till 
he  had  obtained  fair  terms  of  peace  ;  above  all  things  he  is 
bent  on  going  on  with  us  in  unbroken  amity.  Cowley  thinks 
his  political  position  as  secure  as  any  position  can  be  in 
France,  and  certainly  the  country  seems  satisfied  with  his 
rule.  His  social  position  is  unimproved  and  rather  worse  ; 
his  marriage  was  a  fatal  measure  ;  he  would  have  done  far 
better  if  he  could  have  married  the  Hohenlohe  girl,  who  was 
dying  to  be  Empress,  and  Cowley  thinks  the  Queen  was 
wrong  to  prevent  the  match.  In  that  case  the  Court  might 
have  been  very  different.  In  the  beginning,  after  his  mar- 
riage, he  attempted  to  purify  it  as  well  as  he  could,  and  to 
get  rid  of  all  the  disreputable  women  about  it ;  but  by  de- 
grees they  have  all  come  back  again,  and  now  they  are  more 
encanaillees  than  ever. 

The  French  Government  have  given  a  strong  proof  of 
their  goodwill  to  us  by  recalling  Baraguay  d'Hilliers  from 
Constantinople,  and  not  sending  another  ambassador,  as  they 
find  none  can  possibly  live  on  good  terms  with  Stratford. 
Cowley  says  the  war  might  have  been  prevented,  he  thinks, 
and  particularly  if  Stratford  had  not  been  there.  The  Em- 
peror would  have  made  greater  concessions  if  Stratford  had 
not  been  at  Constantinople,  and  another  ambassador  would 
have  striven  to  preserve  peace  instead  of  being,  as  he  was, 
bent  on  producing  a  war. 

Edward  Mills  tells  me  Gladstone's  recent  speech  has  im- 
mensely raised  him,  and  that  he  stands  very  high  in  the 
City,  his  defence  of  his  measures  very  able,  and  produced  a 
great  effect  ;  he  said  he  lately  met  Walpole,  who  told  him 
he  had  the  highest  admiration  of  Gladstone,  and  thought  he 
had  more  power  than  ever  Peel  had  even  at  his  highest  tide. 

May  "Z8th. — I  have  been  so  much  occupied  with  the  very 
dissimilar  occupations  of  preparations  for  Epsom  races  in 
the  shape  of  trials,  betting,  &c.,  and  the  finishing  and  cor- 


1854.]  DEFEATS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT.  139 

rection  of  an  article  in  the  "  Edinburgh  Review  "  on  King 
Joseph's  Memoirs,  that  I  have  had  no  leisure  to  think  of 
politics,  or  to  record  what  has  been  going  on  in  the  political 
world,  nor  in  truth  has  much  material  been  furnished  either 
by  domestic  or  foreign  transactions.  The  last  fortnight  in 
Parliament  has  been  going  on  much  in  the  way  in  which 
the  present  Government  always  goes  on,  and  Gladstone, 
whom  I  met  at  dinner  the  other  day,  repeated  to  me  very 
much  what  Graham  had  said  some  time  before,  about  their 
utter  inability  to  carry  their  measures  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. There  is,  however,  one  important  exception  to  this 
rule,  and  that  is  one  of  vital  importance.  On  everything 
which  relates  to  the  war,  and  on  all  questions  of  supply,  they 
can  do  whatever  they  please,  and  have  no  difficulty,  and  en- 
counter no  opposition.  Tom  Baring's  motion  on  Monday 
last  exhibited  a  striking  proof  of  this  ;  he  introduced  it  by 
an  able  speech,  and  he  mustered  all  the  support  that  could 
be  got,  and  yet  he  was  defeated  byabovelOO.  I  met  Disraeli 
in  the  street' the  next  day,  when  he  said,  "  Your  Government 
is  very  strong."  I  said,  the  war  which  was  supposed  to  be 
their  weakness  turns  out  to  be  their  strength.  They  can 
carry  everything  which  appertains  to  that,  and  nothing  else. 
And  so  it  is  ;  no  sooner  do  they  get  a  great  majority  on  some 
important  question  than  they  tind  themselves  in  a  minority, 
perhaps  more  than  one,  on  something  else.  John  Russell 
got  beaten  on  his  Oaths  Bill  the  other  night,  a  victory  which 
was  hailed  with  uproarious  delight  by  the  Opposition,  though 
leading  to  nothing,  and  only  mortifying  to  John  Russell 
personally.  These  defeats,  however,  do  not  fail  to  be  morally 
injurious  to  the  Government,  and  to  shake  their  credit.  It 
was  an  ill-advised  measure,  which  drew  down  upon  itself 
those  who  are  against  the  Jews  and  those  who  are  against 
the  Catholics.  Palmerston  has  been  showing  ill-humor  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  and  has  ceased  to  be  so  very  popular 
as  he  used  to  be  there.  They  have  great  difficulty  in  getting 
on  with  the  University  Bill,  and  Gladstone  told  me  the  other 
night  he  was  very  doubtful  if  they  should  be  able  to  bring 
it  to  a  successful  end.  All  the  Tories  and  High-Churchmen 
are  against  it  of  course,  and  the  Dissenters  regard  it  with  no 
favor  because  it  does  not  do  for  them  what  they  desire  ;  so 
it  is  left  to  the  support  of  the  friends  of  Government  and 
those  who  sincerely  desire  a  good  measure  of  reform  for 
those  bodies. 


140  REIGX  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

June  5t7i.—I  was  at  Epsom  all  last  week.  In  the  beginning 
of  it  or  the  week  before  there  was  a  great  passage  of  arms  in 
the  House  of  Commons  between  John  Eussell  and  Disraeli, 
not  a  very  creditable  exhibition,  but  which  excited  greater 
interest  than  more  important  matters.  Though  Disraeli  be- 
gan the  attack,  Lord  John  threw  the  first  stone  of  offence, 
which  he  had  better  have  let  alone.  In  reply  to  this  Disraeli 
broke  out  with  inconceivable  violence  and  made  the  most 
furious  assault  upon  John  that  he  could,  saying  everything 
most  offensive  and  provoking.  Lord  John  made  a  rejoinder, 
and  was  followed  by  Bright,  whose  speech  was  very  hostile 
and  spiteful,  and  much  more  calculated  to  annoy  Lord  John 
than  that  of  Disraeli,  though  much  less  vituperative.  Dis- 
raeli seems  inclined  to  have  recourse  to  his  old  tactics 
against  Peel,  and  to  endeavor  to  treat  John  Russell,  and 
Gladstone,  when  he  can,  in  the  same  way,  hoping  probably 
to  re-ingratiate  himself  with  his  own  side  by  giving  them 
some  of  those  invectives  and  sarcasms  against  their  oppo- 
nents which  are  so  congenial  to  their  tastes.  This  course 
will  not  raise  him  either  in  the  House  or  in  the  country,  and 
he  will  not  find  in  Lord  John  a  man  either  so  sensitive  or  so 
vulnerable  as  Peel,  and  he  can  make  out  nothing  against  a 
man  who  refuses  place,  patronage,  and  emolument,  and  gives 
his  gratuitous  services  at  a  great  personal  sacrifice  because 
he  thinks  it  his  public  duty  to  do  so.  There  is  nothing  new 
in  the  condition  of  the  Government  ;  they  are  very  firmly 
seated  in  their  places,  the  House  of  Commons  supporting 
thorn  by  large  majorities  in  all  their  great  measures  and 
those  which  involve  a  question  of  confidence  ;  but  having  no 
dependable  majority  on  miscellaneous  questions,  nor  even 
knowing  whether  they  can  carry  any  measure  or  not,  it  is 
idle  to  twit  them  with  being  a  Government  on  sufferance 
and  Lord  John  with  not  "  leading  "  the  House  of  Commons. 
A  revolution  has  taken  place  in  the  conditions  of  the  politi- 
cal existence  of  governments  in  general  and  their  relations 
with  Parliament,  and  there  is  at  present  no  likelihood  that 
any  government  that  can  be  formed  wilt  find  itself  in  differ- 
ent circumstances,  or  that  the  old  practice  by  which  a  gov- 
ernment could  command  the  House  of  Commons  on  almost 
everything  will  ever  be  restored,  Whether  the  new  system 
be  better  or  worse  than  the  old  may  be  doubtful,  but  govern- 
ments must  make  up  their  minds  to  conform  to  it  for  the 
present  at  least.  In  the  course  of  the  next  few  days  the 


1854.]  THE   PRESIDENCY   OF  THE   COUNCIL.  141 

division  of  the  Colonial  from  the  War  Department  will  take 
place.  There  seems  little  doubt  that  Newcastle  will  elect  to 
take  the  War  Department,  and  Clarendon  told  me  yesterday 
he  thought  he  would  be  the  best  man  for  it,  warmly  praising 
his  energy,  industry,  and  ability,  and  his  popular  and  con- 
ciliatory qualities.  Their  great  object  is  to  prevail  on  Lord 
John  to  take  the  Colonial  Office,  which  I  expect  he  will 
eventually  do,  but  not  without  much  reluctance  and  hesita- 
tion. Granville  tells  me  he  is  in  a  dissatisfied  state  of  mind, 
in  which  he  will  probably  long  remain,  especially  as  his  en- 
tourage will  always  do  their  best  to  foment  his  discontent. 

June  llth. — Yesterday  and  the  day  before  the  world  was 
made  acquainted  with  the  recent  arrangements  and  appoint- 
ments, which  have  been  received  with  considerable  disappro- 
bation.1 Nobody  can  understand  what  it  all  means,  and 
why  John  Russell,  if  he  was  to  take  office,  was  to  insist  on 
so  strange  an  arrangement,  and  such  a  departure  from  the 
invariable  practice  of  putting  a  peer  in  the  office  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  Council.  Nothing  can  be  more  ungracious  than 
the  air  of  the  whole  proceeding  :  he  turns  out  Granville  to 
make  room  for  himself,  and  turns  out  Strutt  to  make  room 
for  Grauville.  It  seems  that  they  wanted  him  to  be  Colo- 
nial Secretary,  but  this  he  would  not  hear  of  on  the  score  of 
his  health,  and  as  it  is  now  admitted  as  an  axiom  that  the 
leader  in  the  House  of  Commons  has  enough  to  do,  and  can 
not  efficiently  discharge  the  duties  of  a  laborious  depart- 
ment, it  was  reasonable  enough  that  Lord  John  should  de- 
cline the  Colonies  ;  but  there  seems  no  sufficient  reason  for 
his  not  taking  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  for  the  more  com- 
pletely the  office  is  a  sinecure,  the  more  consistent  his  taking 
it  would  appear.  However,  he  would  be  President  of  the 
Council  or  nothing.  I  have  been  amazed  at  his  indelicacy 
and  want  of  consideration  toward  Granville,  who  deserved 
better  treatment  at  his  hands.  Granville  has  always  been 
his  steady  and  stout  adherent,  defending  his  Reform  Bill, 
holding  himself  his  especial  follower  in  the  Coalition  Cabi- 

1  [Lord  John  Russell  insisted  on  taking  the  office  of  Lord  President  of  the 
Council,  which  has  always  been  held  by  a  peer,  and  to  effect  this  change  Earl 
Granville  was  removed*  from  the  higher  office  of  Lord  President  to  that  of 
Chancellor  of  the  Duchy.  The  Right  Honorable  Edward  Strutt,  who  had  been 
Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  with  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  was  dismissed  from  office, 
but  he  was  subsequently  raised  to  the  peeraze  with  the  title  of  Lord  Belper. 
This  transaction  reflected  no  credit  on  the  author  of  it,  who  consulted  nothing 
but  his  own  dignity  and  convenience.] 


142  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

net,  and  ready  to  support  him  or  go  out  with  him  if  neces- 
sary. It  was  therefore  particularly  odious  to  insist  on  foist- 
ing himself  into  Granville's  place,  "and  inflicting  on  him  the 
mortification  of  going  downstairs.  Granville  behaved  very 
well  about  it,  with  great  good  humor,  only  anxious  to  do 
whatever  was  best  for  the  general  interest,  and  putting  aside 
every  personal  consideration  and  feeling  ;  and  his  conduct  is 
the  more  meritorious,  because  he  dislikes  the  arrangement 
of  all  things,  Aberdeen  behaved  very  kindly  to  him,  and 
told  him,  if  he  objected  to  the  change,  he  would  not  consent 
to  it,  and,  cost  what  it  might,  would  tell  John  "Eussell  he 
could  not  and  should  not  have  the  place.  Grauville  proposed 
to  go  out,  at  least  for  a  time,  but  Aberdeen  said  he  could 
not  spare  him,  and  nothing  could  be  more  flattering  than  all 
he  expressed  of  his  usefulness  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  of 
the  value  of  his  services.  Personally,  therefore,  he  loses 
nothing ;  for  though  he  preferred  the  (Council  Office  to  the 
Duchy,  his  conduct  has  raised  him  in  everybody's  estima- 
tion, and  he  will  play  a  part  even  more  prominent  than  he 
did  before. 

One  reason  why  Lord  John  should  not  have  come  to  the 
Council  Office  was  the  embarrassment  he  will  be  sure  to  find 
himself  in  about  questions  of  education,  his  reputation  and 
his  antecedents,  as  well  as  his  political  connections,  making 
him  peculiarly  unfit  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  Education  De- 
partment ;  and  I  am  inclined  to  agree  with  Vernori  Smith, 
who  said  to  me  the  other  day  that  it  would  infallibly  end  in 
Lord  John's  bringing  in  next  year  an  impracticable  Educa- 
tion Bill  and  withdrawing  it.  George  Grey's  coming  into 
office  will  be  of  use  to  the  Government.  Newcastle's  being 
War  Minister  is  sure  to  be  attacked,  and  all  the  Pahner- 
stonians  are  indignant  that  Palmerston  is  not  in  that  place, 
which  never  was  offered  him,  nor  was  he  consulted  about  the 
arrangement. ,  I  think  there  is  still  a  considerable  opinion 
that  he  would  make  a  good  War  Minister,  though  everybody 
is  aware  he  makes  a  very  bad  Home  one,  and  the  prestige 
about  him  and  his  popularity  are  greatly  worn  out.  They 
have  been  obliged  to  go  back  to  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  to 
find  a  precedent  for  a  commoner  being  President  of  the 
Council,  when  they  say  there  was  one,  but  I  don't  know 
who  he  was. 

June  2Ist. — At  St.  Leonards  last  week  for  Ascot  races, 
where  I  got  wet,  and  have  been  ever  since  confined  with  the 


1854.]  LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL'S  POSITION.  143 

gout.  The  "  Times,''  though  by  way  of  supporting  the  Gov- 
ernment, went  on  violently  attacking  John  Russell  about  the 
recent  changes.  Lord  John  was  very  well  received  in  the 
City  at  his  election,  and  at  the  opening  of  the  Crystal  Palace 
he  was  more  cheered  than  anybody.  This  morning  the  Duke 
of  Bedford  came  here  and  told  me  he  had  had  a  good  deal  of 
conversation  with  his  brother  about  this  business,  to  which  he 
(the  Duke)  had  been  a  stranger  while  it  was  going  on.  Lord 
John  said  that  when  the  Government  was  formed  he  had  pro- 
posed to  Aberdeen  that  he  should  be  President  of  the  Coun- 
cil, but  Aberdeen  had  objected  on  the  score  of  its  being  so 
unusual,  therefore  he  was  only  going  back  to  his  original  de- 
sign. He  had  an  invincible  repugnance  to  taking  the  Duchy 
of  Lancaster  or  any  inferior  office.  Both  when  the  Govern- 
ment was  formed  and  now,  he  would  have  much  preferred 
to  have  kept  aloof,  and  to  have  led  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons that  section  of  the  Whig  party  which  would  have  fol- 
lowed him,  but  he  found  this  impossible,  and  as  the  Govern- 
ment could  not  have  been  formed  without  him,  and  could 
not  now  go  on  without  him,  he  was  obliged  to  sacrifice  his  own 
inclination.  I  said  I  could  not  conceive  why  he  could  not 
go  on  as  he  was  till  the  end  of  the  session,  and  then  settle  it ; 
that  his  pushing  out  Granville  had  a  very  ungracious  appear- 
ance, and  he  would  have  done  much  better  to  take  the  sine- 
cure office  of  the  Duchy,  it  being  quite  absurd  to  suppose 
that  he  could  be  degraded  by  holding  any  office,  no  mat- 
ter what.  The  Duke  owned  it  would  have  been  better  to 
wait  till  Parliament  was  up  before  anything  was  done,  and 
he  regarded  the  question  of  the  particular  office  much  as 
I  do. 

There  was  a  discussion  in  the  House  of  Lords  on  Monday 
night  on  the  war,  when  Lyndhurst  made  a  grand  speech, 
wonderful  at  his  age — 82  ;  he  spoke  for  an  hour  and  a  quar- 
ter with  as  much  force  and  clearness  as  at  any  time  of  his 
life  :  it  was  greatly  admired.  Clarendon  spoke  well  and 
strongly,  and  elicited  expressions  of  satisfaction  from  Derby, 
after  whom  Aberdeen  rose,  and  imprudently  spoke  in  the 
sense  of  desiring  peace,  a  speech  which  has  been  laid  hold  of, 
and  drawn  down  upon  him  a  renewal  of  the  violent  abuse 
with  which  he  has  been  all  along  assailed.  I  see  nothing  in 
his  speech  to  justify  the  clamor,  but  it  was  very  ill  judged  in 
him  with  his  antecedents  to  say  what  he  did,  which  malig- 
nity could  so  easily  lay  hold  of. 


144  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

June  25th. — There  never  was  such  a  state  of  things  as 
that  which  now  exists  between  the  Government,  the  Party, 
and  the  House  of  Commons.  John  Eussell  made  such  a 
hash  of  it  last  week,  and  put  himself  and  his  Government  in 
such  a  position,  that  nothing  but  the  war,  and  the  impossi- 
bility which  everybody  feels  there  is  of  making  any  change 
of  Government  in  the  midst  of  it,  prevents  the  immediate 
downfall  of  this  Administration.  Last  week  John  Russell 
opposed  the  motion  for  the  abolition  of  Church  rates  in  a 
flaming  High  Tory  and  Church  speech.  The  motion  was 
rejected  by  a  slender  majority,  but  his  speech  gave  great 
offence  to  the  Liberal  party  and  his  own  friends.  Immedi- 
ately afterward  came  on  the  motion  in  the  University  Bill 
for  admitting  Dissenters  to  the  University.  This  John 
Russell  opposed  again,  although  in  his  speech  he  declared 
he  was  in  favor  of  the  admission  of  Dissenters,  but  he  ob- 
jected to  the  motion  on  various  grounds.  The  result  was 
that  he  went  into  the  lobby  with  Disraeli  and  the  whole 
body  of  the  Tories,  while  the  whole  of  the  Liberal  party  and 
all  his  own  friends  and  supporters  went  against  him  and  de- 
feated him  by  a  majority  of  91.  He  took  with  him  six  or 
seven  of  his  colleagues,  and  two  or  three  of  the  underlings. 
Molesworth,  Bernal  Osborne,  and  some  more  stayed  away, 
and  some  others  voted  in  the  majority.  In  the  majority 
were  found  Christopher  and  a  few  Tories  besides,  who,  how- 
ever, only  voted  with  the  object  and  hope  of  damaging  the 
bill  itself  and  procuring  its  rejection  in  the  House  of  Lords. 
Never  was  man  placed  in  so  deplorable  and  humiliating  a 
position  as  John  Russell,  and  nothing  can  exceed  his  folly 
and  mismanagement  in  getting  himself  into  such  a  scrape. 
The  indignation  and  resentment  of  the  Liberals  are  bound- 
less, and  I  think  he  has  completely  put  an  extinguisher  on 
himself  as  a  statesman  and  as  the  leader  of  a  party ;  they 
never  will  forgive  him  or  feel  any  confidence  in  him  again. 
There  was  a  capital  article  on  him  and  his  proceedings  in  the 
"Times"  yesterday,  which  was  not  acrimonious,  like  some 
others  on  him,  and  was  perfectly  just  and  true. 

The  victorious  Liberals  managed  their  affairs  very  ill. 
Instead  of  resting  satisfied  with  a  victory  which  must  have 
been  decisive  (for  after  all  the  House  of  Commons  had  af- 
firmed the  principle  of  admitting  the  Dissenters  by  so  large 
a  majority,  neither  the  House  of  Lords  nor  the  University 
would  have  ventured  to  oppose  it),  they  imprudently  pressed 


1854.]  POPULARITY   OF  THE  WAR.  145 

on  another  division1  in  which  they  were  beaten,  though  by 
a  small  majority,  and  this  of  course  does  away  with  a  good 
deal  of  the  effect  of  the  first  division.  Between  the  recent 
changes  which  were  universally  distasteful,  and  his  extraor- 
dinary maladroitness  in  these  questions,  Lord  John  is  fallen 
prodigiously  in  public  favor  and  opinion,  and  while  he  is,  or 
has  been  till  very  recently,  dreaming  of  again  being  Prime 
Minister,  it  is  evident  that  he  is  totally  unfit  to  be  the  leader 
of  the  Government  in  the  House  of  Commons  even  in  a  sub- 
ordinate post.  He  communicates  with  nobody,  be  has  no 
confidence  in  or  sympathy  with  any  one,  he  does  not  impart 
his  intentions  or  his  wishes  to  his  own  political  followers,  and 
does  not  ask  to  be  informed  of  theirs,  but  he  buries  himself 
at  Richmond  and  only  comes  forth  to  say  and  do  everything 
that  is  most  imprudent  and  unpopular. 

The  House  of  Commons  is  in  a  state  of  complete  anarchy, 
and  nobody  has  any  hold  on  it ;  matters,  bad  enough  through 
John  Russell,  are  made  worse  by  Aberdeen,  whose  speech  the 
other  night  has  made  a  great,  but  I  think  unnecessary  clamor; 
and  Layard,  who  is  his  bitter  enemy,  took  it  up  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  and  has  given  notice  of  a  motion  on  it  which 
is  equivalent  to  a  vote  of  censure.  Almost  at  the  same  mo- 
ment Aberdeen,  with  questionable  prudence  and  dignity, 
gave  notice  in  the  Lords  that  on  Monday  he  should  explain 
the  speech  he  made  the  other  night.  Layard's  design  can 
hardly  be  matured,  because  they  never  can  permit  a  speech 
made  in  one  House  of  Parliament  to  be  made  the  subject  of 
a  motion  and  debate  in  the  other.  It  is,  however,  incontest- 
able that  clamor  and  misrepresentation  have  succeeded  in 
raising  a  vast  prejudice  against  Aberdeen,  and  that  he  is  ex- 
ceedingly unpopular. 

The  people  are  wild  about  this  war,  and  besides  the  gen- 
eral confidence  that  we  are  to  obtain  very  signal  success  in 
our  naval  and  military  operations,  there  is  a  violent  desire  to 
force  the  Emperor  to  make  a  very  humiliating  peace,  and  a 
strong  conviction  that  he  will  very  soon  be  compelled  to  do 
so.  This  belief  is  the  cause  of  the  great  rise  which  has  been 
taking  place  in  the  public  securities,  and  all  sorts  of  stories 
are  rife  of  the  terror  and  dislike  of  the  war  which  prevail  in 
Russia,  and  of  the  agitation  and  melancholy  in  which  the 

1  [It  seems  it  was  Mr.  Walpole  who  insisted  on  the  second  division,  which 
he  did  for  the  express  purpose  of  neutralizing  the  effect  of  the  first,  hoping  to 
get  a  majority,  which  he  did,  and  it  was  rather  dexterously  done.  ] 


146  REIGN   OF  QUEEN    VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

Emperor  is  said  to  be  plunged.  But  the  authentic  accounts 
from  St.  Petersburg  tell  a  very  different  tale.  They  say,  and 
our  Consul  just  arrived  from  St.  Petersburg  confirms  the 
statement,  that  the  Emperor  is  calm  and  resolute,  that  his 
popularity  is  very  great,  and  the  Kussians  of  all  classes  en- 
thusiastic in  his  cause,  and  that  they  are  prepared  to  a  man 
to  sacrifice  their  properties  and  their  lives  in  a  vigorous  prose- 
cution of  the  war. 

July  9tk. — It  is  remarkable  that  the  Government  are 
unquestionably  stronger  in  the  House  of  Lords  than  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  as  has  been  clearly  proved  by  the  result 
of  the  Oxford  University  Bill.  Derby  endeavored  to  alter 
it,  and  was  completely  defeated.  There  were  several  divis- 
ions, in  all  of  which  the  Government  obtained  large  majori- 
ties, and  at  last  Derby  said  it  was  evidently  useless  to  propose 
any  alterations,  as  the  Government  could  do  what  they 
pleased  in  that  House.  The  session  is  drawing  to  a  close  ; 
that  is,  though  it  will  last  a  month  longer,  all  important 
business  is  over.  The  Government  will  end  it  much  in  the 
same  condition  as  they  were  in  at  the  beginning  of  it,  only 
that  their  weakness  and  want  of  popularity  have  been  mani- 
fested in  a  thousand  ways  during  the  session.  Aberdeen's 
explanatory  speech  and  the  publication  of  his  despatch  of 
1829  have  given  rather  a  turn  to  the  current  against  him  ; 
for  though  his  violent  opponents  still  snarl  at  him  and  abuse 
him,  the  impartial  people  begin  to  think  he  is  not  so  bad  as 
he  has  been  represented,  and  the  excessive  absurdity  of  the 
charges  with  which  he  has  been  assailed  begins  to  strike 

Eeople.  There  is  still,  however,  a  strong  prejudice  against 
im,  particularly  among  the  extreme  Liberals,  and  I  saw  a 
long  letter  from  Sir  Benjamin  Hall  to  the  Duke  of  Bedford 
setting  forth  the  discontent  of  the  Liberal  party  and  vehe- 
mently urging  that  the  Government  should  be  immediately 
modified,  Aberdeen  retire,  and  Lord  John  Russell  again  be 
Minister,  with  Palmerston  as  War  Minister — perfectly  absurd 
and  impracticable,  but  showing  what  the  notions  are  of  the 
ultra- Radicals.  The  Tories,  agreeing  in  nothing  else,  concur 
with  the  Radicals  in  hating  Aberdeen  because  he  represents 
the  Peel  party,  and  is  Minister  as  the  successor  of  Sir  Robert 
Peel,  for  whose  memory  their  hatred  is  as  intense  as  it  was 
for  his  person  when  he  was  alive.  The  war  goes  on  without 
any  immediate  results,  and  without,  as  far  as  can  be  seen, 
a  probability  of  the  attainment  of  any  signal  or  important 


1854.]  ATTITUDE   OF  THE   GERMAN   POWERS.  147 

successes.  The  foolish  public  here,  always  extravagant  and 
impatient,  clamor  for  attacks  upon  Sebastopol  and  Cron- 
stadt,  and  are  very  indignant  that  these  places  are  not  taken, 
without  knowing  anything  of  the  feasibility  of  such  opera- 
tions. We  now  begin  to  believe  that  Austria  is  going  to  side 
actively  with  us,  but  we  do  not  feel  certain  of  it,  nor  shall 
we  till  she  actually  enters  on  the  campaign. 

July  19th. — Within  a  few  days  everything  is  changed. 
In  respect  to  Austria,  the  intrigues  of  Russia  with  Prussia, 
and  the  determination  of  the  King  to  do  everything  that  he 
can  or  that  he  dares  to  assist  his  imperial  brother-in-law, 
have  had  the  effect  of  paralyzing  the  Austrian  movements, 
and  suspending  the  operation  of  her  Treaty  with  Turkey. 
She  cannot  venture  to  declare  war  against  Russia  and  to 
march  her  army  into  the  Principalities  while  there  is  a  large 
Russian  force  on  the  borders  of  Galicia,  and  the  Prussians 
are  in  such  an  ambiguous  attitude  and  disposition,  that  she 
can  not  only  not  depend  upon  Prussia  to  execute  their  de- 
fensive Treaty  by  protecting  her  dominions  in  the  event  of 
their  being  attacked  by  Russia,  but  she  cannot  depend  upon 
not  being  taken  in  flank  by  Prussia  as  the  ally  of  Russia. 
Clarendon  told  me  on  Sunday  that  it  was  impossible  to  make 
out  what  Austria  was  about,  or  what  she  really  means  to  do. 
There  is  no  doubt  about  Prussia,  and  he  still  inclines  to  be- 
lieve that  Austria's  disposition  to  act  with  us  is  unchanged, 
but  that  she  is  compelled  to  act  a  cautious  and  dilatory  part 
by  her  uncertainty  as  to  Prussia. 

On  Monday  John  Russell  convoked  his  supporters  and 
quasi-supporters  to  a  gathering  in  Downing  Street,  when  he 
harangued  them  on  the  state  of  affairs  and  the  difficulties  of 
the  Government,  intimating  the  necessity  of  being  better 
supported  if  the  Government  was  to  go  on  at  all.  There  are 
differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  way  in  which  the  meeting 
went  off,  and  whether  it  was  on  the  whole  satisfactory.  The 
principal  speakers  were  Bright,  Vernon  Smith,  and  Hors- 
man,  the  two  latter  bitter  enough  against  the  Government. 
Bright,  rather  hostile,  spoke  well  and  alluded  to  Aberdeen 
in  a  friendly  spirit,  as  did  Hume.  The  meeting  gradually 
melted  away,  so  that  Lord  John  had  no  opportunity  of  mak- 
ing a  reply,  which  was  a  pity,  as  he  might  have  answered 
the  objectors.  The  best  proof,  however,  that  on  the  whole 
it  was  successful,  was  afforded  by  the  fact  that  there  was 
neither  debate  nor  division  on  the  War  Secretary's  estimate 


148  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

moved  for  by  Lord  John  that  night.  All  went  off  with  the 
greatest  ease.  I  am  in  hopes,  therefore,  that  the  Government 
is  somewhat  in  better  plight  than  it  was. 

August  tth. — I  have  been  out  of  town  for  the  greater 
part  of  the  time  since  the  19th  ultimo,  at  Goodwood,  nearly 
ten  days.  Nothing  very  important  has  occurred  in  politics. 
As  the  session  has  drawn  toward  a  close,  the  Government 
have,  on  the  whole,  done  rather  better  in  Parliament,  that 
is,  the  Opposition  have  been  quite  incapable  of  striking  any 
blows  or  doing  them  any  injury.  The  points  that  were 
expected  to  be  made  against  them  entirely  failed,  and,  with 
the  exception  of  one  personal  matter,  they  have  had  no  diffi- 
culties or  annoyances  to  vex  them.  This  matter  was  the  case 

of  ,  the  denouement  of  which  took  place  two  days  ago  ; 

after  being  Gladstone's  private  secretary  for  two  years,  this 
gentleman  was  appointed  by  Newcastle,  just  before  he  gave 
up  the  Colonies,  to  be  Governor  of  South  Australia.  The 
appointment  was  criticised,  but  about  ten  days  ago  it  was 
called  in  question  by  the  House  of  Commons,  and  at  the 
same  time  rumors  were  rife  that  he  had  been  gambling  in 
the  funds  and  had  lost  money ;  he  denied,  and  authorized 
his  friends  to  deny  the  imputation,  but  some  of  the  Carlton 
runners  got  scent  of  his  transactions  and  followed  it  up  with 
such  perseverance  that  he  became  alarmed,  and  thought  him- 
self obliged  to  prevent  the  shame  and  odium  of  detection  by 
confessing  the  fact.  The  consequence  was  that  the  appoint- 
ment was  cancelled,  and  the  whole  matter  explained  and 
discussed  on  Thursday  night  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
when  George  Grey  made  a  long  statement.  The  discussion 
upon  it  was  very  creditable  to  the  House,  for  there  was  no 
personal  animosity  and  no  coarseness  or  inhumanity  dis- 
played, but,  on  the  contrary,  forbearance  and  good  nature 
toward  the  individual.  Any  expectation  of  being  able  to 
wound  Gladstone  through  him  has  quite  failed.  He  is  a 
clever  fellow  enough  and  well  educated,  but  he  has  been 
very  imprudent,  and  contrived  at  once  to  lose  his  place  of 
private  secretary,  his  government,  his  seat  in  Parliament, 
his  character,  and  his  money. 

At  last  it  does  now  appear  as  if  Austria  was  going  to  join 
us  completely  against  Russia,  and  the  invasion  of  the  Crimea 
is  about  to  take  place  in  complete  ignorance  of  the  means 
of  resistance  and  defence  possessed  by  Russia,  and  whether 
it  will  be  a  nearly  impossible  or  comparatively  easy  enterprise. 


1854.]  CLOSE   OF  THE  SESSION.  149 

Clarendon,  when  I  saw  him  last  Sunday,  expressed  great 
alarm  at  the  state  of  affairs  in  Spain,  from  the  weakness  of 
Espartero,  the  difficulty  of  any  cordial  union  between  the 
military  chiefs,  so  long  rivals,  and  above  all  from  the  re- 
publican element  which  is  so  rife  in  Spain,  and  which  may 
produce  effects  extending  far  beyond  that  country.  He  said 
that  the  French  Government  were  acting  in  complete  har- 
mony and  concert  with  us ;  the  Emperor  is  much  alarmed 
at  the  state  of  Spain,  but  resolved  to  go  with  us  in  the  policy 
of  non-interference,  and  to  take  no  part  but  such  as  we  should 
take  also.  IE  he  adheres  to  this  wise  course,  it  will  cement 
the  alliance  between  the  countries,  and  bind  us  to  him  more 
than  anything  that  could  happen,  and  it  will  form  a  great 
and  happy  contrast  to  the  policy  of  Louis  Philippe  and  the 
conduct  of  Palmerston  and  Guizot. 

August  Itth. — The  session  closed  on  Saturday,  and,  all 
things  considered,  the  Government  wound  it  up  tolerably 
well.  Clanricarde,  true  to  the  last  to  his  spiteful  opposition, 
gave  Clarendon  an  opportunity  of  making  a  parting  speech 
on  foreign  affairs,  of  which  he  acquitted  himself  very  success- 
fully, and  placed  himself  and  the  Government  in  a  very  good 
position  as  respects  our  diplomacy  and  the  conduct  of  the 
war.  But  though  all  immediate  danger  is  removed  from  the 
Government,  and,  unless  they  fall  to  pieces  during  the  re- 
cess by  any  internal  dissensions,  they  will  probably  go  on 
unscathed,  the  state  of  affairs  is  very  unsatisfactory,  and 
pregnant  with  future  troubles  and  difficulties.  The  Govern- 
ment in  its  relations  with  the  House  of  Commons  throughout 
the  past  session  has  been  extraordinary,  and  I  believe  unpre- 
cedented. From  the  Revolution  to  the  time  of  the  Reform 
Bill,  that  is  during  150  years,  the  system  of  Parliamentary 
government  had  been  consolidating  itself,  and  was  practically 
established  ;  the  Sovereign  nominally,  the  House  of  Com- 
mons really,  appointed  the  ministers  of  the  Crown,  and  it 
was  settled  as  an  axiom  that  when  the  Government  was  un- 
able to  carry  its  measures,  and  was  subjected  to  defeats  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  its  resignation  was  indispensable — 
not  indeed  that  any  and  every  defeat  was  necessarily  fatal, 
because  governments  have  often  been  beaten  on  very  impor- 
tant questions  without  being  ruined  or  materially  weakened, 
but  it  was  supposed  that  repeated  defeats  and  Government 
measures  repeatedly  rejected  implied  the  withdrawal  of  the 
confidence  and  support  of  Parliament  so  clearly  that  in  the 


150  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

aggregate  such  defeats  were  equivalent  to  an  absolute  vote  of 
want  of  confidence,  which  is  in  itself  a  sentence  of  political 
death.  In  former  times  the  Crown  was  a  power,  and  the 
House  of  Commons  was  a  power,  generally  blended  and  act- 
ing harmoniously  together,  but  sometimes  resolving  them- 
selves into  their  separate  elements,  and  acting  independently, 
perhaps  antagonistically,  toward  each  other.  In  modern 
times,  and  more  entirely  in  our  own,  this  separate  and  inde- 
pendent action  ceased,  the  Crown  became  identified  with  the 
majority  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  no  minister,  when 
he  could  no  longer  command  that  majority  so  as  to  be  certain 
of  carrying  out  all,  or  nearly  all,  his  measures  of  government 
and  legislation,  could  continue  to  be  minister,  and  was 
obliged  as  a  matter  of  course  to  surrender  office  to  those  who 
were  in  possession  of,  or  could  count  upon,  that  command. 
The  ministers  were  taken  from  the  ranks  of  the  Parliament- 
ary majority,  and  when  once  appointed  it  was  considered 
indispensable  and  certain  that  the  same  majority  would  place 
confidence  in  them,  accept  at  their  hands  all  the  measures 
they  should  concert  and  propose,  and  support  them  against 
all  hostile  attacks,  the  spirit  of  party  and  combination  sup- 
pressing all  individual  prejudices,  crotchets,  fancies,  and 
partial  or  local  influences.  The  Government  and  the  party 
were  bound  by  a  sort  of  mutual  allegiance  to  each  other,  and 
supposed  to  be,  and  usually  were,  animated  by  the  same  spirit 
and  a  communion  of  opinion  and  interest.  Such  were  the 
general  relations  and  such  the  normal  state  of  things,  liable 
to  occasional  variations  and  disturbances,  bringing  about 
various  political  changes  according  to  circumstances.  But 
the  system  was  complete,  and  practically  it  worked  well,  and 
conduced  to  the  prosperity  and  progress  of  the  country. 

When  the  great  measure  of  Reform  in  Parliament  was 
introduced  in  1831,  apart  from  all  question  of  party  strug- 
gles there  was  the  still  greater  question  considered  by  many 
reflecting  people,  whether  the  new  Parliamentary  and  elect- 
oral system  would  be  found  compatible  with  the  old  practice 
of  government  by  means  of  party  and  steady  Parliamentary 
majorities.  The  Duke  of  Wellington  in  particular  expressed 
his  apprehension  that  it  would  not,  and  he  put  the  question 
which  has  so  often  been  quoted  and  referred  to,  "  How  is  the 
King's  Government  to  be  carried  on  ?  "  He  did  not,  so  far 
as  I  remember,  develop  his  thoughts  at  the  time,  and  argue 
the  matter  in  detail,  but  it  is  very  evident  that  what  he  an- 


1854.]  REVIEW  OF  PARTIES.  151 

ticipated  was  some  such  state  of  things  as  that  at  which  we 
now  appear  to  have  arrived.  For  a  long  time  his  apprehen- 
sions appeared  to  be  groundless,  and  certainly  they  were  not 
realised  by  the  course  of  events.  In  consequence  of  political 
circumstances  which  I  shall  not  stop  to  specify  and  explain, 
notwithstanding  all  the  changes  which  were  effected,  the 
governments  contrived  to  go  on  without  any  insuperable 
difficulties,  and  without  any  striking  difference  from  the  way 
in  which  governments  had  been  previously  conducted.  The 
popularity  of  the  Reform  Bill  Administration  supported 
them  for  a  few  years,  and  the  Tory  reaction,  together  with 
the  great  abilities  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  supported  the  Conserv- 
ative Government  for  a  few  years  more.  Matters  went  on 
better  or  worse,  as  might  be,  till  the  great  Conservative 
schism  in  1840,  which  completely  broke  up  that  party,  and 
produced  a  final  separation  between  the  able  few  and  the 
numerous  mediocrity  of  the  party.  Ever  since  that  time  the 
House  of  Commons  has  been  in  a  state  of  disorganisation  and 
confusion  :  the  great  party  ties  had  been  severed.  After  the 
repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  and  the  establishment  of  Free  Trade 
it  was  difficult  to  find  any  great  party  principles  which  could 
be  converted  into  bonds  of  union,  and  every  day  it  became 
obviously  more  and  more  difficult  to  form  any  government 
that  could  hope  to  be  strong  or  permanent.  John  Russell 
succeeded  on  the  fall  of  Peel,  but  the  Peelites  warmly  resent- 
ed the  conduct  of  the  Whigs  in  Peel's  last  struggle,  and, 
though  they  hated  Derby  and  his  crew  much  more,  never 
gave  Lord  John's  Government  a  cordial  support. 

Next  came  the  quarrel  between  Palmerston  and  Lord 
John  and  the  fall  of  the  Whig  Government.  Many  people, 
and  Graham  especially,  were  of  opinion  that  a  Derby  Govern- 
ment/or a  time  was  an  inevitable  but  indispensable  evil,  and 
after  one  abortive  attempt  at  length  a  Derby  Government 
was  formed.  From  the  beginning  nobody  thought  it  could 
last ;  the  wretched  composition  of  it,  its  false  position,  and 
the  mixture  of  inconsistency  and  insincerity  which  charac- 
terized it,  deprived  it  of  all  respect,  authority,  and  influence, 
and  it  was  the  more  weak  because  divided  and  dissatisfied 
within,  and  because  all  the  more  honest  and  truthful  of  the 
party  were  disgusted  and  ashamed  of  the  part  they  were 
playing.  Thus  feeble  and  powerless,  despised  by  the  public 
and  detested  by  the  Court,  the  first  moment  that  the  different 
parties  and  sections  of  parties  combined  to  overthrow  them, 


152  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

their  destruction  was  inevitable,  and  after  enjoying  office  for 
one  year  they  fell. 

It  was  easier  to  turn  them  out  than  to  find  a  good  and 
strong  government  to  replace  them.  It  was  obvious  that 
neither  the  Whigs  nor  the  Peelites  could  form  a  government, 
still  less  Palmerston  or  the  Radicals,  and  it  became  a  matter 
of  absolute  necessity  to  attempt  a  coalition,  which,  whatever 
objections  there  might  be  to  coalitions,  would  at  least  have 
the  advantage  of  tilling  the  several  offices  with  able  men. 

When  the  Queen  had  a  short  time  before,  in  anticipation 
of  the  event,  consulted  the  Duke  of  Bedford  as  to  whom  she 
should  send  for  when  Derby  resigned,  he  had  advised  her  to 
send  for  Lord  Lansdowne  and  Lord  Aberdeen,  being  himself 
conscious  that  Lord  John  could  not  again  form  a  government, 
at  least  not  at  that  time.  She  did  send  for  them,  and  each 
of  them  very  sincerely  and  earnestly  endeavored  to  persuade 
the  other  to  accept  the  post  of  Prime  Minister,  and  the  task 
of  forming  a  Government.  Lansdowne  was  ill  at  the  time, 
and  while  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  anything  would  have 
induced  him  to  come  forward,  his  attack  of  gout  was  enough 
to  insure  his  peremptory  refusal,  and  nothing  remained  but 
that  Aberdeen  should  make  the  attempt.  The  task  was 
difficult  and  unpleasant,  for  it  was  impossible  not  to  make 
many  people  discontented  and  mortified,  inasmuch  as  places 
could  not  be  found  for  all  who  had  previously  been  in  office, 
or  who  aspired  to  it,  and  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  decide 
who  should  be  taken  in,  and  who  left  out.  Aberdeen  resolved 
to  make  the  coalition  very  comprehensive,  and  as  much  as 
possible  to  form  a  government  which  should  represent  the 
Opposition  which  had  turned  Derby  out,  but  he  put  almost 
all  the  Peelite  leaders  into  good  offices,  and  the  exclusions 
were  principally  on  the  Whig  side.  For  a  long  time  it  was 
very  doubtful  whether  John  Russell  would  enter  the  Govern- 
ment  at  all,  but  Aberdeen  was  so  well  aware  that  he  could 
not  do  without  him  that  he  announced  his  determination  to 
throw  up  the  Government  unless  Lord  John  consented  to 
join.  After  much  hesitation,  and  a  struggle  between  his 
family  and  some  malcontent  hangers  on  who  wished  him  to 
keep  aloof,  on  one  side,  and  the  wisest  of  his  political  friends 
and  colleagues  who  urged  that  it  was  his  duty  to  come  for- 
ward on  the  other,  Lord  John  consented  to  lead  the  House 
of  Commons,  but  without  an  office.  He  proposed  indeed 
to  take  the  Presidency  of  the  Council,  to  which  Aberdeen 


1854.]  THE  COALITION  GOVERNMENT.  153 

objected,  but  gave  him  the  choice  of  every  other  office.  He 
said  that  if  he  could  not  be  President  of  the  Council  he 
would  be  nothing  at  all,  and  so  it  was  settled.  Next  came 
the  negotiation  about  Palmerston,  who  first  refused,  and 
afterward,  at  the  pressing  solicitation  of  Lansdowne,  agreed 
to  join.  Molesworth  came  in  to  represent  the  Radicals ; 
Monsell  and  Keogh  (not  in  the  Cabinet)  represented  the 
Irish,  and  so  the  Coalition  Government  was  completed. 

Very  strongly  composed,  it  never,  however,  was  so  strong 
as  it  looked.  The  Ministers,  Aberdeen,  John  Russell,  Palm- 
erston, having  consented  to  act  together,  were  too  sensible, 
too  gentlemanlike  and  well-bred,  not  to  live  in  outward  good 
fellowship  with  each  other,  but  their  respective  and  relative 
antecedents  could  not  be  forgotten.  There  could  be  no  real 
cordiality  between  Palmerston  and  Aberdeen,or  betweenPalm- 
erston  and  John  Russell,  and  both  the  latter  all  along  felt 
uncomfortable  and  dissatisfied  with  their  respective  positions. 
Lord  John  fancied  he  was  degraded,  and  his  flatterers  en- 
deavored to  persuade  him  he  was  so,  by  joining  a  govern- 
ment of  which  he  was  not  the  head,  and  by  serving  under 
Aberdeen.  Palmerston  could  not  forget  the  long  and  bitter 
hostility  which  had  been  carried  on  between  himself  and 
Aberdeen  upon  foreign  policy,  and  still  less  his  having  been 
turned  out  of  the  Foreign  Office  by  John  Russell.  The 
Whigs  were  dissatisfied  that  the  Peelites,  who  had  no  party 
to  bring  to  the  support  of  the  Government,  should  have  so 
large  a  share  of  the  offices,  and  above  all  the  great  bulk  of 
the  Whig  party  could  not  endure  that  a  Peelite  should  be  at 
the  head  of  the  Government,  and  of  all  the  Peelites  they  most 
particularly  disliked  Aberdeen,  so  that  they. yielded  a  reluct- 
ant allegiance,  and  gave  a  grudging  and  capricious  support 
to  the  coalition. 

Nevertheless,  the  first  session  of  Parliament  was  pretty 
well  got  through,  principally  owing  to  Gladstone's  success- 
ful Budget,  the  great  ability  he  displayed  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  the  efficient  way  in  which  the  public  busi- 
ness was  done,  while  the  numerous  measures  of  improve- 
ment which  were  accomplished  raised  the  reputation  of  the 
Government,  and  gave  them  security  if  not  strength.  The 
Session  of  1853  closed  in  quiet,  prosperity,  and  sunshine,  but 
during  the  recess  clouds  began  to  gather  round  the  Govern- 
ment ;  they  were  beset  with  internal  and  external  difficulties. 
John  Russell  became  more  and  more  discontented,  and  at 


154  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VI. 

last  he  announced  to  Aberdeen  that  he  was  resolved  not  to 
meet  Parliament  again  in  his  present  position,  and  intimated 
his  intention  to  be  once  more  Prime  Minister  or  to  quit  the 
concern.  In  the  meantime  the  Turco-Kussian  quarrel  had 
begun,  the  hostile  correspondence  with  Russia  was  in  full 
activity,  the  public  mind  in  a  high  state  of  excitement,  the 
press  bellowed  for  war  and  poured  forth  incessant  volleys  of 
abuse  against  the  Government,  but  more  particularly  against 
Aberdeen,  who  was  singled  out  as  the  object  of  attack,  and 
the  persevering  attempts  to  render  him  unpopular  produced 
a  certain  amount  of  effect.  The  Cabinet  became  divided  as 
to  the  mode  of  carrying  on  the  dispute  and  the  negotiations, 
some  being  for  what  were  called  vigorous  measures,  that  is, 
for  threats  and  demonstrations  of  force  which  could  only  lead 
to  immediate  war,  while  others  were  for  exhausting  every 
attempt  to  bring  about  an  accommodation  and  preserve 
peace.  Something  was  known  or  suspected  of  these  divis- 
ions, they  were  published  and  commented  on  with  enormous 
exaggerations  and  the  most  unscrupulous  violations  of  truth, 
and  the  Tory  and  Radical  newspapers  vied  with  each  other 
in  the  violence  of  their  denunciations  of  Aberdeen,  and  in 
a  less  degree,  of  Clarendon. 

When  this  fury  was  at  its  height,  the  world  was  startled 
and  astounded  by  the  news  of  Palmerston's  resignation.  It 
is  needless  to  state  here  the  history  of  that  affair,  which  I 
have  already  recorded  in  ample  detail.  It  was  in  vain  that 
the  "  Times"  proclaimed  that  it  was  the  Reform  Bill  and  not 
the  Eastern  Question  which  was  the  cause  of  it.  The  state- 
ment was  scouted  with  the  utmost  scorn,  and  the  public  in- 
credulity was  confirmed  when  the  "Morning  Post,"  which 
was  notoriously  devoted  to  Palmerston,  asserted  the  direct 
contrary.  Everybody  imagined  that  the  Government  would 
go  to  pieces,  that  when  Parliament  met  there  would  be  pro- 
digious revelations,  and  that  the  Eastern  Question  with  its 
supposed  mismanagement  would  prove  fatal  to  the  Coalition 
Cabinet.  The  Derbyites  were  in  raptures,  and  already 
counted  on  Palmerston  as  their  own.  Great  as  had  been  the 
public  surprise  and  the  exultation  of  the  Carlton  Club  at 
Palmerston's  resignation,  greater  still  was  that  surprise  and 
the  mortification  and  disappointment  of  the  Carlton,  when  a 
few  days  afterward  it  was  announced  that  Palmerston  had 
changed  his  mind  and  was  not  going  to  resign.  Nobody 
could  comprehend  what  it  all  meant,  and  ample  scope  was 


1854.]  THE  BLUE   BOOKS.  155 

afforded  to  every  sort  of  conjecture,  and  to  all  the  statements 
and  inventions  that  anybody  chose  to  circulate.  But  as 
about  the  same  time  the  Eastern  affair  progressed  a  step  or 
two,  and  some  energetic  measures  were  adopted,  the  most 
plausible  explanation  was,  that  Palmerston  had  resigned 
because  enough  was  not  done,  that  the  Government  had  been 
frightened  into  doing  what  he  had  before  advised,  and  that, 
on  their  adopting  his  suggestion,  he  had  consented  to  remain. 
In  process  of  time  the  truth  began  to  ooze  out,  but  it  never 
was  completely  known  till  Parliament  met,  and  even  then 
many  people  continued  to  believe  that  though  the  Reform 
Bill  was  the  pretext,  the  Eastern  Question  was  the  real  cause 
of  Palmerston's  conduct. 

These  threatening  clouds  cleared  away. '  Aberdeen  told 
Lord  John  nothing  should  induce  him  to  resign  after  all  the 
attacks  that  had  been  made  on  him,  and  he  would  meet 
Parliament  and  defend  himself.  Lord  John  gave  up  his 
demands,  and  consented  to  go  on  leading  the  House  of 
Commons.  Palmerston  agreed  to  swallow  the  Reform  Bill, 
and  at  length  Parliament  met.  Everybody  was  ravenous  for 
the  Blue  Books,  which  as  soon  as  possible  were  produced. 
Their  production  was  eminently  serviceable  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  though  some  criticisms  were  made,  and  there 
were  some  desultory  attacks  in  both  Houses,  and  the  press 
continued  to  be  as  scurrilous  and  abusive  as  ever,  the 
general  impression  was  extremely  favorable.  Clarendon's 
despatches  were  highly  approved  of,  and  all  fair  and  candid 
observers,  including  many  who  had  found  fault  with  the 
Government  before,  declared  that  they  were  perfectly  satis- 
fied that  our  policy  had  been  wise  and  proper,  and  the 
whole  of  the  negotiations  very  creditable  to  all  who  had 
been  concerned  in  carrying  them  on.  So  little  did  the  event 
correspond  with  the  general  expectation,  that  the  Eastern 
Question,  which  had  been  considered  to  be  the  weak  part  of 
the  Government,  turned  out  to  be  its  greatest  strength;  and 
the  war  which  eventually  broke  out  has  been  the  principal 
cause  of  their  being  able  to  maintain  themselves  in  power. 
It  is  now  the  fashion  to  say  that  if  it  were  not  for  the  war, 
they  would  have  been  turned  out  long  ago.  It  is  certainly 
true  that  their  power  in  the  House  of  Commons  has  been 
limited  to  all  that  concerns  the  war,  in  respect  to  which  they 
have  had  no  difficulty  to  contend  with.  The  estimates  have 
been  granted  without  a  semblance  of  opposition,  and  they 


156  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VL 

have  received  hearty  and  unanimous  support  in  every  meas- 
ure and  every  demand  requisite  for  carrying  on  the  war, 
nor,  though  exposed  to  some  adverse  criticism,  have  they 
been  seriously  assailed  with  regard  to  their  diplomacy  or 
their  warlike  preparations. 

But  while  this,  which  is  the  most  essential,  has  also  been 
their  strongest  point,  on  everthing  else,  without  exception, 
they  have  been  almost  powerless,  and  the  House  of  Commons 
has  run  riot  with  an  independence  and  waywardness  and  a 
caprice  of  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  find  an  example. 
The  Government  has  had  no  majority  on  which  it  could 
depend,  and  it  has  never  brought  forward  any  measure 
which  it  could  count  upon  carrying  through.  Obliged  to 
withdraw  many  measures  altogether,  and  to  submit  to  the 
alteration  of  others  till  they  became  totally  different  from 
what  they  originally  proposed,  their  defeats  have  been  innu- 
merable, and  nobody  seems  to  have  the  smallest  scruple  in 
putting  them  in  a  minority  upon  any  occasion;  at  the  same 
time  it  was  very  evident  that  the  House  of  Commons  was 
determined  that  they  should  continue  in  office,  for  when- 
ever any  vital  question  arose,  or  any  vote  which  could  be  con- 
strued into  a  question  of  confidence,  and  therefore  involved 
the  existence  of  the  Government,  they  were  always  sure  of  a 
majority,  and  the  Derbyite  opposition,  while  they  were  able 
to  worry  and  insult  them  by  partial  defeats  and  by  exposing 
their  general  weakness,  found  themselves  miserably  baffled 
whenever  they  attempted  anything  which  had  a  tendency  to 
place  the  Government  in  serious  embarrassment.  Thd  whole 
conduct  of  the  Session,  and  the  relations  of  the  Government 
with  the  House  of  Commons,  presented  something  certainly 
very  different  from  what  had  ever  been  seen  before  in  the 
memory  of  the  oldest  statesman,  implied  a  total  dissolution  of 
party  ties  and  obligations,  and  exhibited  the  Queen's  Govern- 
ment and  the  House  of  Commons  as  resolved  into  their  separate 
elements,  and  acting  toward  each  other  in  independent  and 
often  antagonistic  capacities.  Disraeli  was  always  reproach- 
ing the  Government  with  holding  office  on  what  he  termed 
the  unconstitutional  principle  of  not  being  supported  by  a 
majority  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  of  living  from  hand 
to  mouth  ;  but  though  this  was  a  plausible  topic,  he  knew 
very  well  that  no  other  government  could  be  formed  which 
could  exist  otherwise,  and  that  the  House  of  Commons,  while 
it  buffeted  the  Government  about  au  gre  de  ses  caprices,  was 


1854.]  PRECARIOUS   TENURE   OF  THE   MINISTRY. 

cept  Dundas  who  gives  credit  to  it.  They  are  impatient  for 
the  termination  of  Dundas's  period  of  service,  which  will  be 
in  December,  when  Lyons  will  command  the  fleet. 

September  llth. — I  went  to  The  Grove  on  Friday,  but 
was  brought  up  on  Saturday  by  gout,  and  detained  in  Lon- 
don ever  since.  We  had  much  talk  about  a  variety  of  things. 
The  Prince  is  exceedingly  well  satisfied  with  his  visit  to  the 
Emperor.  The  invitation  to  Windsor  appears  to  have  been 
publicly  given  in  an  after  dinner  speech.  Clarendon  said  a 
great  deal  about  the  Government,  its  prospects  and  its  diffi- 
culties, and  of  the  conduct  and  dispositions  of  different  men 
in  it,  that  the  Peelites  had  all  behaved  admirably,  and  he 
has  a  very  high  opinion  of  Newcastle,  who  is  able,  laborious, 
and  fair.  He  does  not  see  so  much  of  Aberdeen  as  he  did 
last  year  while  the  question  of  peace  or  war  was  still  pend- 
ing. He  and  Aberdeen  do  not  very  well  agree,  and  there- 
fore Aberdeen  does  not  come  to  the  Foreign  Office  as  he  used 
to  do.  I  asked  him  in  what  they  differed,  and  what  it  was 
Aberdeen  now  wanted  or  expected.  He  said  that  Aberdeen 
was  quite  of  opinion  that  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war 
afforded  the  best  chance  of  restoring  peace,  and  that  he  was 
as  eager  as  anybody  for  the  expedition  of  Sebastopol,  but  he 
was  out  of  humor  with  the  whole  thing,  took  no  interest  in 
anything  that  was  done,  and  instead  of  looking  into  all  the 
departments  and  animating  each  as  a  Prime  Minister  should 
do,  he  kept  aloof  and  did  nothing,  and  constantly  raised  ob- 
jections to  various  matters  of  detail.  In  the  Cabinet  he 
takes  hardly  any  part,  and  when  differences  of  opinion  arise 
he  makes  no  effort  to  reconcile  them,  as  it  is  his  business  to 
do.  In  short,  though  a  very  good  and  honorable  man,  he  is 
eminently  unfitted  for  his  post,  and  in  fact  he  feels  this  him- 
self, has  no  wish  to  retain  it,  but  the  contrary,  and  only 
does  so  because  he  knows  the  whole  machine  would  fall  to 
pieces  if  he  were  to  resign.  John  Russell  Clarendon  thinks 
a  necessity  as  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  but  he  is 
disgusted  with  his  perpetual  discontent  and  the  bad  influence 
exercised  over  him  by  his  confidants,  and  he  thinks  he  has 
not  acted  a  generous  part  toward  Aberdeen  in  suffering  him 
to  be  attacked  and  vilified  as  he  has  been  by  his  (John's) 
followers  and  adherents,  who  endeavor  to  make  a  distinction 
between  him  and  Aberdeen,  which  is  equally  unconstitutional 
on  principle  and  false  in  fact.  The  same  thing  applies  to 
Palmerston,  and  they  have  neither  of  them  stood  forward  as 


158  REIGN  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

health  of  both  armies  and  of  the  prevalence  of  cholera  both 
abroad  and  at  home.  The  French  particularly,  who  have 
lost  the  most,  are  said  to  be  completely  demoralized  and  dis- 
heartened, and  to  abhor  the  war  which  they  always  disliked 
from  the  beginning.  My  present  impression  is  that  we  shall 
come  to  grief  in  this  contest ;  not  that  we  shall  be  beaten  in 
the  field  by  the  Eussians,  but  that  between  the  unhealthy 
climate,  the  inaccessibility  of  the  country,  and  the  distance 
of  our  resources,  Kussia  will  be  able  to  keep  us  at  bay,  and 
baffle  our  attempts  to  reduce  her  to  submission. 

September  kth. — At  The  Grove  for  a  couple  of  days, 
where  I  had  much  talk  with  Clarendon,  and  he  showed  me 
a  great  many  papers  about  different  matters :  a  very  good 
letter  written  by  Prince  Albert  to  the  King  of  Prussia,  who 
had  written  to  him  a  hypocritical  letter,  asking  where  the 
English  and  French  fleets  were  going  to  winter,  and  whether 
he  might  depend  on  them  in  case  he  was  attacked  by  Eussia 
in  the  Baltic,  which  Clarendon  said  was  a  mere  artifice  to 
obtain  knowledge  of  our  plans,  that  he  might  impart  them 
to  the  Emperor  Nicholas,  as  he  well  knew  he  was  in  no  dan- 
ger of  being  attacked  by  Eussia.  The  Prince  wrote  an  ex- 
cellent answer,  giving  him  no  information,  and  entering 
into  the  whole  question  of  Prussian  policy  without  reserve. 
He  starts  to-day  to  Boulogne,  invited  by  a  letter  from  the 
Emperor  himself,  beginning  "  Mon  cher  frere,"  replied  to 
very  well  aad  civilly  by  Prince  Albert  who  began,  "  Sire  et 
mon  cher  fr&re."  Clarendon  said  Aberdeen  was  as  hot  as 
any  one  upon  the  Crimean  expedition. 

They  are  not  at  all  satisfied  with  Lord  Eaglan,  whom 
they  think  oldfashioued  and  pedantic,  and  not  suited  to  the 
purpose  of  carrying  on  active  operations.  They  wanted  him 
to  make  use  of  the  Turkish  light  cavalry,  Bashi-Bazouks, 
who  under  good  management  might  be  made  very  service- 
able, but  he  would  have  nothing  to  say  to  them  ;  and  still 
more  they  are  disgusted  with  his  discouragement  of  the  In- 
dian officers  who  have  repaired  to  the  army,  and  who  are,  in 
fact,  the  most  efficient  men  there  are.  They  look  on  Gen- 
eral Brown  as  the  best  man  there,  and  have  great  expecta- 
tions of  Cathcart.  It  is  very  curious  that  neither  the  Gov- 
ernment nor  the  commanders  have  the  slightest  information 
as  to  the  Eussian  force  in  the  Crimea  or  the  strength  of  Se- 
bastopol.  Some  prisoners  they  took  affirmed  that  there  were 
150,000  men  in  the  peninsula,  but  nobody  believes  that,  ex- 


1854.]  CRITICAL   RELATIONS   OF   TEE   MINISTERS.  159 

quite  determined  to  keep  it  alive,  and  not  to  allow  any  other 
to  be  substituted  for  it.  At  present  it  is  difficult  to  see  how 
this  state  of  things  is  to  be  altered,  and  time  alone  can  show 
whether  great  parties  will  again  be  formed,  and  governments 
be  enabled  to  go  on  as  in  times  past,  powerful  in  a  consistent 
and  continual  Parliamentary  support,  or  whether  a  great 
change  must  be  submitted  to,  and  governments  be  content 
to  dra<*  on  a  precarious  existence,  taking  what  they  can  get 
from  the  House  of  Commons,  and  endeavoring  to  strengthen 
themselves  by  enlisting  public  opinion  on  their  side. 

With  regard  to  the  prospects  of  this  Government,  much 
depends  on  the  progress  of  the  war ;  for  though  they  have 
done  their  part  and  are  not  responsible  for  failure  of  success, 
they  are  sure  to  be  strengthened  by  success  or  weakened  by 
failure.  But  much  depends  also  upon  what  passes  in  the 
Cabinet.  John  Russell,  whose  mind  is  in  a  state  of  chronic 
discontent  which  was  suspended  for  a  time,  is  again  becom- 
ing uneasy  and  restless,  and  will  soon  begin  making  fresh 
difficulties.  Then  his  Reform  Bill,  which  he  gave  up  so 
reluctantly,  is  still  in  his  thoughts,  and  he  will  most  lilcely 
insist  upon  bringing  it  forward  again,  a  proposition  which  is 
sure  to  produce  dissension  in  the  Cabinet. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Difficulties  of  the  Campaign— Prince  Albert  and  the  King  of  Prussia— The  Prince  goes  to 
France— Military  Commanders— Critical  Relations  of  the  Ministers— The  Crimea— Th« 
Emperor  Napoleon  and  Prince  Albert  —Austria  and  the  Allies— The  Landing  in  the 
Crimea  -The  Battle  of  the  Alma — Royal  Invitations — The  Crimean  Expedition — Lord 
John's  Hostility  to  hia  Colleagues— False  Report  froin  Sebastopol— The  Crimean  Cam- 
paign—Anecdotes of  Lord  Raglan— The  Russian  Defence— Trade  with  the  Enemy — 
Anecdote  of  Nesselrode— John  Bright' s  Opinion  of  the  War— Defence  of  Sebastopol— 
The  Balaklava  Charge— The  Judges  at  the  Nomination  of  Sheriffs— Lord  John  takes 
more  moderate  Views — The  Battle  of  Inkerman— Impolicy  of  the  War— Inkerman— 
Spirit  of  the  Nation— Military  Enthusiasm — Parliament  summoned— Want  of  Fore- 
sight— Accounts  of  the  Battle— Lord  Raglan  as  a  General — Sufferings  of  the  Army — 
Agreement  with  Austria— Opponents  of  the  War— Meeting  of  Parliament— The  Gov- 
ernment attacked — The  Foreign  Enlistment  Bill — Foreign  Enlistment  Bill  passed — Mr. 
Bright's  Speech  on  the  War— Review  of  the  Year. 

August  29th,  1854. — I  have  been  out  of  town  since  the 
above  was  written  ;  at  Grimston  for  York  races,  where  Lord 
Derby  was  in  high  force  and  spirits,  carrying  everything  be- 
fore him  at  the  races,  and  not  a  word  was  ever  uttered  on 
politics.  There  is  no  news,  but  dreadful  accounts  of  the 


160  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

they  ought  to  have  done  in  Aberdeen's  defence,  and  claimed 
a  joint  responsibility  with  him  in  every  act  of  the  Govern- 
ment. We  talked  over  what  could  possibly  be  done  if  Aber- 
deen did  retire,  and  I  -suggested  that  he  (Clarendon)  might 
take  his  place,  and  that  the  rest  would  be  more  willing  to 
accept  him  for  the  head  of  the  Government  than  any  other 
man.  He  expressed  the  greatest  disinclination  to  this  idea, 
to  which  he  never  could  consent,  but  owned  his  present 
office  was  extremely  agreeable  to  him  and  deeply  interesting. 
Nevertheless,  I  do  not  think,  if  the  case  occurred  and  the 
place  was  offered  to  him  consensu  omnium,  that  his  scruples 
would  be  insurmountable. 

So  certain  are  they  of  taking  Sebastopol  that  they  have 
already  begun  to  discuss  what  they  shall  do  with  it  when 
they  have  got  it.  Palmerston  wrote  Clarendon  a  long  letter 
setting  forth  the  various  alternatives,  and  expressing  his  own 
opinion  that  the  Crimea  should  be  restored  to  the  Turks. 
Clarendon  is  dead  against  this,  and  so,  he  told  me,  is  Strat- 
ford. At  Boulogne  the  Emperor  and  Newcastle  agreed  that 
the  best  course  will  be  to  occupy  the  Crimea  and  garrison 
Sebastopol  with  a  large  force  of  English  and  French,  and 
hold  it  en  depot  till  they  can  settle  something  definitive  ;  and 
Clarendon  leans  to  this  arrangement,  which  will  at  least  be 
a  gain  of  time. 

London,  September  \%th. — At  The  Grove  again  last  week, 
where  as  usual  I  heard  a  great  deal  of  miscellaneous  matters 
from  Clarendon  and  read  a  great  many  despatches  from 
different  people.  I  asked  him  what  the  Prince  had  told  him 
of  his  visit  to  Boulogne,  and  what  his  opinion  was  of  the 
Emperor.  He  said  the  Prince  had  talked  to  him  a  great  deal 
about  it  all  at  Osborne,  and  this  is  the  substance  of  what 
he  said  as  far  as  I  recollect  it  :  The  Prince  was  very  well 
satisfied  with  his  reception  ;  the  Emperor  took  him  in  his 
carriage  tete  d  fete  to  the  great  review,  so  that  they  con- 
versed together  long  and  without  interruption  or  witnesses. 
The  Emperor  seems  to  have  talked  to  the  Prince  with 
more  abandon  and  unreserve  than  is  usual  to  him.  The 
Prince  was  exceedingly  struck  with  his  extreme  apathy  and 
languor  (which  corresponds  with  what  Thiers  told  me  of 
him)  and  with  his  ignorance  of  a  variety  of  matters  which  it 
peculiarly  behoved  him  to  know.  He  asked  the  Prince  a 
great  many  questions  about  the  English  Constitution  and  its 
working,  relating  to  which  the  Prince  gave  him  ample  and 


1854.]    THE  EMPEROR  NAPOLEON  AND   PRINCE  ALBERT.       161 

detailed  explanation,  and  Clarendon  said  that  all  that  he 
repeated  as  being  said  to  the  Emperor  was  as  good,  sound, 
and  correct  as  it  possibly  could  be.  The  Emperor  said  that 
he  felt  all  the  difficulties  of  his  own  position,  and  enlarged 
upon  them  with  great  freedom,  particularly  adverting,  as 
one  of  them,  to  the  absence  of  any  aristocracy  in  France. 
The  Prince,  in  reply  to  this,  seems  to  have  given  him  very 
judicious  advice  ;  for  he  told  him  that  any  attempt  to  create 
an  aristocracy  in  France  resembling  that  of  England  must 
be  a  failure,  the  conditions  and  antecedents  of  the  two 
countries  being  so  totally  dissimilar  ;  that  he  might  confer 
titles  and  distinctions  to  any  amount,  and  so  surround  him- 
self with  adherents  whom  he  had  obliged,  but  that  he  had 
better  confine  himself  to  that  and  not  attempt  to  do  more. 
When  they  parted,  the  Emperor  said  he  hoped  it  would  not 
be  the  last  time  he  should  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  His 
Royal  Highness,  to  which  the  Prince  replied  that  he  hoped 
not,  and  that  he  was  charged  by  the  Queen  to  express  her 
hope  that  he  would  pay  her  a  visit  at  Windsor,  and  give  her 
an  opportunity  of  making  the  Empress's  acquaintance,  to 
which  the  Emperor  responded  "  he  should  be  very  glad  to 
see  the  Queen  at  Paris."  This  insouciant  reception  of  an  in- 
vitation which  a  few  months  before  he  would  have  jumped 
at  is  very  unaccountable,  but  it  meant  something,  for  it  was 
evidently  a  mot  (Tordre,  because  when  the  Prince  took  leave 
of  Marshal  Vaillant,  he  said  he  hoped  he  would  accompany 
the  Emperor  to  Windsor,  where,  though  they  could  show  no 
such  military  spectacle  as  the  Emperor  had  shown  him,  they 
would  do  what  they  could,  to  which  Vaillant  replied,  "  We 
hope  to  see  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  and  Your  Eoyal  High- 
ness at  Paris."  There  seems  no  disposition  at  present  to  give 
him  the  Garter  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  object  of  his 
ambition,  and  which  Walewski  is  always  suggesting. 

Clarendon  is  extremely  disgusted  at  the  conduct  of  Aus- 
tria and  her  declaration  of  neutrality,  and  he  said  that  the 
complaints  of  the  doings  of  the  Austrians  in  the  Principali- 
ties were  not  without  foundation.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  spoke 
very  openly  to  Hiibner  on  the  subject,  and  pitched  into  the 
Austrian  Government  without  stint  or  reserve,  and  Cowley 
sent  a  despatch  in  which  all  he  said  was  detailed,  with  the 
addition  that  it  was  Drouyn  de  Lhuys'  intention  to  embody 
it  in  a  formal  despatch  to  Bourqueney  to  be  communicated 
to  the  Austrian  Government. 


162  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

September  Z2d. — The  army  has  landed  in  the  Crimea 
without  opposition.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  the 
Kussians  should  have  been  so  utterly  wanting  in  spirit,  and 
so  afraid  to  risk  anything,  as  to  let  the  landing  take  place 
without  an  attempt  either  by  land  or  sea  to  obstruct  it. 
They  have  a  great  fleet  lying  idle  at  Sebastopol,  and  though, 
if  it  had  come  out,  its  defeat  and  perhaps  destruction  would 
have  been  certain,  it  would  have  been  better  to  perish  thus, 
vitam  in  vulnare  ponens,  and  inflicting  damage  on  its  enemy 
as  it  certainly  might  have  done,  than  to  remain  ingloriously 
in  harbor  and  wait  to  be  taken  or  destroyed,  as  it  infallibly 
will  be  when  the  town  itself  shall  fall.  Great  indignation  is 
expressed  at  the  prospect  of  Napier's  returning  from  the 
Baltic  without  making  any  attempt  on  Cronstadt,  or  to  per- 
form any  exploit  beyond  the  Bomarsund  affair.  He  is  de- 
tested by  his  officers,  and  they  one  and  all  complain  that  he 
has  been  so  little  adventurous,  and  maintain  that  more 
might  have  been  done.  The  justness  and  correctness  of 
this,  time  will  show. 

October  2d. — At  The  Grove  on  Saturday,  where  I  gener- 
ally pick  up  some  scraps  of  information  from  Clarendon  on 
one  subject  or  another.  On  Saturday  came  the  news  that 
Sebastopol  had  been  taken,  which  we  did  not  believe  a  word 
of,  but  after  dinner  the  same  evening  we  got  the  telegraphic 
account  of  the  victory  gained  on  the  20th  on  the  heights 
above  the  Alma,  and  yesterday  Raglan's  telegraphic  despatch 
was  published.  It  is  nervous  work  for  those  who  have 
relations  and  friends  in  the  army  to  hear  of  a  "desperate 
battle  "  and  severe  loss,  and  to  have  to  wait  so  many  clays  for 
the  details  and  casualties.  The  affair  does  not  seem,  so  far 
as  we  can  conjecture,  to  have  been  very  decisive,  when  only 
two  guns  and  a  few  prisoners  were  taken.  If  it  had  depended 
on  St.  Arnaud,  the  expedition  would  have  put  back  even 
after  it  had  sailed;  while  actually  at  sea,  St.  Arnaud,  who 
stated  himself  to  be  ill  and  unable  to  move,  summoned  a 
council  of  war  on  board  the  "  Ville  de  Paris."  The  weather 
was  so  rough  that  it  was  determined  that  it  would  not  be 
safe  for  Raglan  to  go,  as  with  his  own  arm  he  could  not  get 
on  board  ;  so  Dundas  went,  and  General  Brown,  and  some 
other  officer  deputed  by  Raglan  to  represent  himself,  to- 
gether with  the  French  Admiral.  A  discussion  took  place 
which  lasted  several  hours.  St.  Arnaud  strongly  urged  that 
the  expedition  should  be  put  off  till  the  spring,  and  -he  ob- 


185*.]  THE  INVITATION  TO   WINDSOR.  163 

jected  to  all  that  -was  proposed  as  to  the  place  of  landing — in 
short,  threw  every  obstacle  he  could  in  the  way  of  the  whole 
thing.  Dundas  and  all  the  English  officers  vehemently 
protested  against  any  delay  and  change  of  plan,  and  repre- 
sented the  intolerable  shame  and  disgrace  of  putting  back 
after  having  actually  embarked,  and  their  opposition  to  the 
French  general's  proposal  was  so  vehement  that  he  ended  by 
giving  way,  rose  from  his  sick  bed,  and  consented  to  go  on*. 
He  declared  that  he  only  agreed  to  the  place  proposed  for 
landing  in  consequence  of  the  urgent  representations  of  his 
allies,  and  this  he  wrote  home  to  his  own  Government. 
He  is  a  very  incapable,  unfit  man,  and  Clarendon  told  me 
that  his  own  army  recognized  the  great  superiority  of  Rag- 
lan to  him,  and  that  the  French  were  all  delighted  with  the 
latter. 

It  seems  that  there  was  some  misunderstanding  as  to  the 
invitation  given  by  the  Prince  to  the  Emperor  at  Boulogne, 
and  the  latter  gives  a  very  different  account  of  what  passed 
from  that  given  by  the  Prince.  The  Emperor  says  that 
when  he  took  leave  of  the  Prince,  he  said,  "  I  have  not  been 
able  to  give  you  such  a  reception  as  I  could  have  wished,  but 
you  see  I  am  only  occupying  an  hotel ;  if  you  will  come  to 
Paris,  where  I  should  be  delighted  to  receive  the  Queen,  I 
could  give  her  and  yourself  a  more  fitting  reception  ;"  and 
then,  he  says,  the  Prince  invited  him  to  Windsor,  which  he 
only  seems  to  have  taken  as  a  civility  unavoidable  under  the 
circumstances.  It  is  impossible  to  say  which  account  is  the 
true  one,  but  I  rather  believe  that  of  the  Emperor  to  be 
correct.  Clarendon  wrote  this  to  the  Queen,  whose  answer 
I  saw ;  she  eaid  the  intention  was  to  make  the  invitation 
something  between  a  cordial  invitation  and  a  mere  civility, 
which  the  Emperor  might  avail  himself  of  or  not,  according 
to  his  convenience.  However,  Her  Majesty  says  she  thinks 
the  matter  stands  very  well  as  it  is,  and  she  desires  it  may 
be  notified  to  the  Emperor  that  the  most  convenient  time 
for  his  visit,  if  he  comes,  will  be  the  middle  of  November. 

The  Duke  of  Cambridge  and  Prince  Napoleon  have  both 
been  strongly  opposed  to  the  Crimean  expedition ;  the  lat- 
ter, they  say,  does  nothing  but  cry,  and  is  probably  a  poor 
creature  ancl  a  poltroon.  I  am  surprised  the  Duke  should 
be  so  backward  ;  however,  I  hope  to  hear  he  has  done  his 
duty  in  the  field.  The  clamor  against  Dundas  in  the  fleet  is 
prodigious,  and  the  desire  for  his  recall  universal,  but  he 


164  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

will  stay  out  his  time  now,  which  will  be  up  in  December. 
It  is  the  same  thing  against  Napier  in  the  Baltic  ;  he  will 
come  away  as  soon  as  the  ice  sets  in,  and  next  year  Lyons 
will  be  sent  in  his  place,  as  the  war  will  then  be  principally 
carried  on  in  the  north. 

I  think  a  storm  will  before  long  threaten  the  Government 
from  the  quarter  of  John  Eussell,  who  has  been  for  some 
time  at  Minto.  He  wrote  to  Clarendon  the  other  day,  and 
alluded  to  the  necessity  of  having  an  autumn  session,  to 
which  Clarendon  replied  that  he  was  not  so  fond  of  Parlia- 
ment as  Lord  John  was,  and  deprecated  very  much  any  such 
measure.  To  this  Lord  John  sent  as  odious  and  cantanker- 
ous an  answer  as  I  ever  read,  and  one  singularly  illustrative 
of  his  character.  He  said  that  he  was  not  fonder  of  Parlia- 
ment than  other  people,  and  his  own  position  in  the  House 
of  Commons  had  not  been  such  as  to  make  him  the  more  so, 
and  that  it  had  been  rendered  more  disagreeable  by  the  fact 
of  the  two  morning  papers  which  professed  to  support  the 
Government  being  always  personally  hostile  to  him  ;  but,  he 
went  on,  if  we  were  fortunate  enough  to  obtain  a  complete 
success  in  the  Crimea,  he  did  not  see  why  he  should  not  be 
at  liberty  to  retire  from  this,  which  he  thought  the  very 
worst  government  he  had  ever  known.  Of  course,  if  there 
was  any  failure,  he  must  remain  to  bear  his  share  of  the  re- 
sponsibility of  it.  Clarendon  was  immensely  disgusted,  but 
wrote  back  a  very  temperate  answer.  He  said  that  it  was 
equally  difficult  to  go  on  with  him  and  without  him,  for  the 
Whigs,  though  often  very  angry  with  him,  would  follow  him 
and  would  not  follow  anybody  else.  He  thinks,  however, 
that  he  is  in  a  state  of  mind  to  create  all  sorts  of  embarrass- 
ments, and  particularly  that  he  will  propose  to  bring  forward 
his  Reform  Bill  again,  the  consequences  of  which  nobody 
can  foresee.  He  says  Palmerston  has  behaved  much  better, 
for  though  he  might  complain,  having  been  disappointed  in 
certain  objects  he  had  (such  as  being  War  Minister),  he  has 
made  no  difficulties,  and  been  very  friendly.  Clarendon 
confirmed  what  I  had  heard,  that  Aberdeen  is  in  a  state  of 
great  dejection  and  annoyance  at  the  constant  and  virulent 
attacks  on  him  in  the  press  ;  his  mind  is  dejected  by  the  ill- 
ness of  his  son,  whom  he  never  expects  to  see  again,  and  this 
renders  him  sensitive  and  fretful,  and  he  is  weak  enough  to 
read  all  that  is  written  against  him  instead  of  treating  it 
with  indifference  and  avoiding  to  look  at  the  papers  whose 


18M.]  BATTLE  OF   THE  ALMA.  165 

columns  are  day  after  day  full  of  outrageous  and  random 
abuse. 

October  8th. — The  whole  of  last  week  the  newspapers 
without  exception  (but  the  "  Morning  Chronicle "  particu- 
larly), with  the  "Times"  at  their  head,  proclaimed  the  fall 
of  Sebastopol  in  flaming  and  triumphant  articles  and  with 
colossal  type,  together  with  divers  victories  and  all  sorts  of 
details,  all  which  were  trumpeted  over  the  town  and  circu- 
lated through  the  country.  I  never  believed  one  word  of  it, 
and  entreated  Delane  to  be  less  positive  and  more  cautious, 
but  he  would  not  hear  of  it,  and  the  whole  world  swallowed 
the  news  and  believed  it.  Very  soon  came  the  truth,  and  it 
was  shown  that  the  reports  were  all  false.  Anybody  who 
was  not  run  away  with  by  an  exaggerated  enthusiasm  might 
have  seen  the  probability  that  reports  resting  on  no  good  au- 
thority would  probably  turn  out  untrue,  but  the  press  took 
them  all  for  gospel,  and  every  fool  follows  the  press.  When 
the  bubble  burst,  the  rage  and  fury  of  the  deluded  and  de- 
luding journals  knew  no  bounds,  and  the  "Times"  was 
especially  sulky  and  spiteful.  In  consequence  of  a-trifling 
error  in  a  telegraphic  despatch  they  fell  on  the  Foreign 
Office  and  its  clerks  with  the  coarsest  abuse,  much  to  the 
disgust  of  Clarendon. 

October  20tk. — At  Xewmarket  all  last  week ;  very  suc- 
cessful on  paper,  but  won  very  little  money.  I  am  every  day 
more  confirmed  in  my  resolution  to  get  rid  of  my  racehorses, 
but  shall  do  it  gradually  and  as  opportunities  occur,  and 
then  confine  myself  to  breeding.  The  two  objects  I  now  have 
in  view  are  this,  and  to  get  out  of  my  office.  I  want  to  be 
independent,  and  be  able  to  go  where  and  do  what  I  like  for 
the  short  remainder  of  my  life.  I  am  aware  that  "man 
never  is,  but  always  to  be  blest,"  and  therefore  when  I  have 
shaken  off  racing  and  office  I  may  possibly  regret  both  ;  but 
my  mind  is  bent  on  the  experiment,  and  I  fancy  I  can  amuse 
myself  with  locomotion,  fresh  scenes,  and  dabbling  in  litera- 
ture selon  mes  peiits  moyens.  Of  politics  I  am  heartily  sick, 
and  can  take  but  little  interest  in  either  governments  or  the 
individuals  who  compose  them  ;  with  the  exception  of  Clar- 
endon I  am  on  intimate  and  confidential  terms  with  no  one. 

Ever  since  the  news  came  of  the  battle  of  the  Alma,  the 
country  has  been  in  a  fever  of  excitement,  and  the  news- 
papers have  teemed  with  letters  and  descriptions  of  the 
events  that  occurred.  Raglan  has  gained  great  credit,  and 


166  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

his  march  on  Balaklava  is  considered  a  very  able  and  judi- 
cious operation.  Although  they  do  not  utter  a  word  of  com- 
plaint, and  are  by  way  of  being  fully  satisfied  with  our  allies 
the  French,  the  truth  is  that  the  English  think  they  did  very 
little  for  the  success  of  the  day,  and  Burgh ersh  told  some 
one  that  their  not  pressing  on  was  the  cause  (and  not  the 
want  of  cavalry)  why  the  Russian  guns  were  not  taken.  The 
French,  nevertheless,  have  been  well  disposed  to  take  the 
credit  of  the  victory  to  themselves. 

•  Burghersh  tells  two  characteristic  anecdotes  of  Eaglan. 
He  was  extremely  put  out  at  the  acclamations  of  the  soldiers 
when  he  appeared  among  them  after  the  battle,  and  said  to 
his  staff  as  he  rode  along  the  line,  in  a  melancholy  tone,  "  I 
was  sure  this  would  happen."  He  is  a  very  modest  man, 
and  it  is  not  in  his  nature  any  more  than  it  was  in  that  of 
the  Duke  of  "Wellington  to  make  himself  popular  with  the 
soldiers  in  the  way  Napoleon  used  to  do,  and  who  was  conse- 
quently adored  by  them.  The  other  story  is  that  there  were 
two  French  officers  attached  to  headquarters — very  good  fel- 
lows— and  that  the  staff  were  constantly  embarrassed  by  the 
inveterate  habit  Raglan  had  of  calling  the  enemy  "the 
French."  He  could  not  forget  his  old  Peninsular  habits. 

In  this  war  the  Russians  have  hitherto  exhibited  a  great 
inferiority  in  their  conduct  to  that  which  they  displayed  in 
their  campaigns  from  1807  to  1812,  when  they  fought  the 
battles  of  Eylau  and  Borodino  against  Napoleon.  The  po- 
sition of  Alma  must  have  been  much  stronger  than  that  of 
Borodino,  and  yet  how  much  more  stoutly  the  latter  was 
defended  than  the  former.  Then  their  having  allowed  the 
allies  to  land  without  molestation  is  inconceivable,  and  there 
is  no  doubt  that  they  might  have  attacked  Raglan  with 
great  effect  as  he  emerged  from  the  wood  on  his  march  to 
Balaklava,  but  all  these  opportunities  they  entirely  neglected. 
I  expect,  however,  that  they  will  make  a  vigorous  defence  at 
Sebastopol,  and  that  the  place  will  not  be  taken  without  a 
bloody  struggle  and  great  loss  of  life. 

Within  the  last  few  days  a  very  important  question  has 
arisen,  the  decision  of  which  is  a  very  difficult  matter.  It 
has  been  found  that  the  commerce  of  Russia  has  not  been 
materially  diminished,  as  their  great  staples  (hemp,  etc.)  have 
passed  regularly  through  the  Prussian  ports,  being  brought 
there  by  land,  and  it  is  now  desired  to  devise  some  means  of 
putting  an  end  to  this  exportation.  Clarendon  has  written 


1854.]  RUSSIAN   TRADE.  167 

to  Reeve  about  it,  and  Granville  has  obtained  returns  of  the 
amount  of  hemp  and  linseed  imported  from  Eussia  in  past 
years  and  in  the  present,  from  which  it  appears  that  though 
there  is  a  diminution  it  is  not  a  very  considerable  one.  The 
effect  produced  is  only  the  inevitable  consequence  of  the 
policy  that  was  adopted  deliberately  and  after  great  consid- 
eration at  the  beginning  of  the  war  ;  and  how  that  policy  is 
to  be  adhered  to,  and  the  consequences  complained  of  pre- 
vented, is  the  problem  to  be  solved.  A  blockade  of  the  Prus- 
sian ports  in  the  Baltic  has  been  suggested — a  measure,  as  it 
seems  to  me,  very  questionable  in  point  of  right  and  political 
morality,  and  certain  to  be  attended  by  the  most  momentous 
consequences.  Such  a  measure  may  not  be  without  prece- 
dent, or  something  resembling  precedent ;  but  no  Power  with 
anything  like  self- respect  or  pride  could  tamely  submit  to 
such  an  outrage  and  such  an  insult,  and  as  it  would  certainly 
afford  a  casus  belli,  Prussia  could  hardly,  without  abandon- 
ing all  claim  to  be  considered  a  great  Power,  abstain  from 
declaring  war  instanter ;  and,  whatever  may  be  the  senti- 
ments of  the  Prussian  nation  and  of  the  Germans  generally 
with  regard  to  Russia,  it  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that  such 
an  arbitrary  and  imperious  proceeding  would  enlist  the  sym- 
pathies and  the  passions  of  all  Germans  without  exception 
in  opposition  to  us,  and  to  France  if  she  became  a  party 
to  it. 

Newmarket. — Granville  told  me  on  Saturday  morning 
that  he  was  much  alarmed  at  the  disposition  evinced  by  John 
Russell,  and  he  expects  an  explosion  sooner  or  later. 

London,  October  3Qth. — I  returned  last  night  and  found 
a  meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Council  settled  for  to-day,  to 
consider  the  question  of  stopping  Russian  trade.  Wilson  has 
drawn  up  a  paper  in  which  he  discusses  the  various  modes 
of  accomplishing  this  object,  and  recommends  that  the 
Queen  should  forbid  all  trade  with  Russia,  and  prohibit  the 
importation  of  Russian  produce,  and  require  certificates  of 
origin  for  tallow,  hemp,  etc.  John  Russell  writes  word  that 
he  cannot  attend  the  meeting,  but  is  ready,  though  reluct- 
ant, to  vote  for  Wilson's  proposal.  Granville  and  Cardwell 
are  both  dead  against  it,  after  a  discussion  at  the  Council 
Office  at  which  the  majority  were  against  the  proposal. 

November  4th. — At  The  Grove  from  Wednesday  to  Satur- 
day ;  the  Walewskis,  Lavradios,  Granvilles,  Azeglio,  and 
Panizzi  were  there,  a  pleasant  party  enough.  Walewski 


168  REIGN   OF   QUEEN    VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

told  me  a  curious  thing  which  he  said  he  knew  to  be  true. 
"We  were  talking  of  Nesselrode,  and  I  asked  if  he  knew  what 
his  present  position  was  with  the  Emporor.  He  said  he 
had  been  out  of  favor,  but  latterly  had  resumed  all  his  influ- 
ence and  was  very  well  at  Court ;  that  although  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  quarrel  he  had  done  his  best  to  moderate  the 
Emperor  and  to  preserve  peace,  it  was  nevertheless  true  that 
he  was  perhaps  the  immediate  cause  of  the  war,  which  had 
turned  upon  the  acceptance  or  refusal  of  the  Turkish  modi- 
fications of  the  Vienna  Note  ;  that  when  they  arrived  the 
Emperor  was  inclined  to  accept  them,  and  that  Nessel- 
rode  dissuaded  him  from  doing  so,  advising  him  to  ad- 
here to  the  unaltered  Note,  not  to  listen  to  the  modifications, 
and  insisting  that,  if  he  did  so,  the  allies  would  compel  the 
Turks  to  waive  their  demands  and  to  accept  the  Note  in  its 
original  shape.  Walewski  also  said  that  the  Emperor  was 
exceedingly  incensed  when  the  fatal  circular,  which  made 
the  Vienna  Note  an  impossibility,  was  published.  He  said 
it  was  never  intended  for  publication,  and  he  found  great 
fault  with  the  document  itself,  insisted  on  knowing  by  whom 
it  had  been  composed,  and  ordered  the  author  to  be  brought 
before  him.  The  man  (whose  name  I  forget)  was  not  to  be 
found,  and  events  which  pressed  on  drove  it  out  of  His  Ma- 
jesty's mind. 

In  the  "  Times  "  of  yesterday  appeared  a  very  able  letter 
of  Bright's  with  his  view  of  the  war,  and  the  faults  com- 
mitted by  our  Government  in  respect  to  it,  which  letter  as 
nearly  as  possible  expresses  my  own  opinion  on  the  subject. 
I  have  never  agreed  with  those  who  fancy  that  by  mere  blus- 
ter we  might  have  averted  the  war,  but  I  think  by  more 
firmness  toward  not  only  Russia  but  toward  Turkey,  and 
still  more  toward  the  press  and  the  public  excitement  here, 
together  with  a  judicious  employment  of  the  resources  of 
diplomacy,  we  might  have  prevented  it.  However,  we  are 
in  for  it,  and  I  not  only  see  no  chance  of  getting  soon  out 
of  it,  but  I  do  not  feel  the  same  confidence  that  everybody 
else  does,  that  we  are  certain  to  carry  it  to  a  successful 
end. 

London,  November  13th. — At  Worsley  all  last  week  ;  noth- 
ing was  thought  of  but  the  war,  its  events  and  vicissitudes. 
The  tardiness  of  intelligence  and  the  perplexity  and  agita- 
tion caused  by  vague  reports  and  telegraphic  messages  drive 
everybody  mad  ;  from  excessive  confidence,  the  public,  al- 


1854.]  SEBASTOPOL  BESIEGED.  1G9 

ways  nose-led  by  the  newspapers,  is  fallen  into  a  state  of 
alarm  and  discouragement.  There  is  no  end  to  the  mischief 
which  the  newspapers  and  their  correspondents  have  done, 
are  doing,  and  no  doubt  will  continue  to  do.  There  does 
not  seem  at  this  moment  more  reason  to  doubt  that  we  shall 
take  Sebastopol  than  there  ever  was,  but  the  obstinate  de- 
fence of  the  Russians  indicates  that  its  capture  will  not  be 
effected  without  a  tremendous  struggle  and  great  sacrifice 
of  life.  On  the  otber  hand,  the  Russians,  instead  of  despair- 
ing of  being  able  to  hold  the  place,  are  full  of  confidence  that 
they  will  be  able  to  protract  their  defence,  till  our  losses, 
and  still  more  the  weather,  will  compel  us  to  raise  the  siege, 
and  then  they  expect  to  compel  us  to  abandon  the  Crimea 
altogether,  and  to  make  our  re-embarkation  a  dangerous 
and  disastrous  operation.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  such  a 
calamitous  result  is  not  in  store  for  us,  but  there  is  no' dis- 
guising from  ourselves  that  we  have  got  a  much  tougher  and 
more  difficult  job  on  our  hands  than  we  ever  contemplated, 
and  that  our  success  is  by  no  means  such  a  certainty  as  we 
have  all  along  flattered  ourselves  that  it  would  be  ;  for  sup- 
posing we  succeed  in  entering  the  place  by  storm,  our  work 
will  then  be  not  nearly  done.  Sebastopol  is  not  invested, 
and  when  the  Russian  garrison  finds  itself  no  longer  able  to 
hold  the  place,  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  its  evacuating  it 
on  the  other  side  and  effecting  a  junction  with  the  main 
Russian  army.  We  shall  then  have  to  reduce  the  forts  on 
the  northern  side,  to  put  the  place  in  a  state  of  defence,  and 
commence  a  fresh  campaign  against  Menschikoff  in  the  cen- 
tre of  the  Crimea.  All  this  presents  an  endless  succession 
of  difficulties,  demanding  large  supplies  and  resources  of  all 
sorts  which  it  will  be  no  easy  matter  to  afford.  AVe  are 
now  talking  of  sending  every  soldier  we  possess  to  the  scene 
of  action,  and  expending  our  military  resources  to  the  last 
drop,  leaving  everything  else  at  home  and  abroad  to  take 
care  of  itself,  a  course  which  nothing  but  an  extreme  neces- 
sity can  justify,  while  at  the  same  time  it  can  not  be  denied 
that  having  gone  so  far  we  can  not  stop  halfway,  and  having 
committed  so  large  a  part  of  our  gallant  army  in  this  un- 
equal contest,  we  are  bound  to  make  the  greatest  exertions 
and  sacrifices  to  prevent  their  being  overwhelmed  by  any 
serious  disaster.  But  this  very  necessity  only  affords  fresh 
ground  for  condemning  the  rashness  with  which  we  plunged 
into  such  a  war  and  exposed  ourselves  to  such  enormous 


1?0  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

dangers,  and  incurred  such  large  sacrifices  for  so  inadequate 
an  object. 

It  is  not  very  easy  to  ascertain  what  the  feeling  is  in 
Russia  about  the  war,  but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the 
nobles  are  getting  very  sick  of  it,  and  are  very  discontented 
with  the  Emperor,  not  so  much  for  having  engaged  in  it  as 
for  the  manner  in  which  it  has  been  carried  on.  At  St. 
Petersburg  there  prevails  an  intense  hostility  to  us,  and 
great  wrath  against  Austria,  and  instead  of  yielding,  or  any 
thought  of  it,  the  notion  is  that  they  mean  to  redouble  their 
efforts  next  year,  and  bring  into  the  field  far  greater  forces 
than  they  have  yet  done.  I  perceive  that  the  question  of  the 
disposal  of  the  Crimea  (when  we  get  it)  is  still  undecided. 
Some  fancy  that  we  ought  to  hold  it,  as  a  great  advantage 
to  have  the  power  of  offering  it  back  to  Eussia  when  the 
question  of  peace  arises.  I  am  more  inclined  to  the  other 
view,  of  destroying  the  place,  and  if  possible  the  harbor, 
and,  after  carrying  off  or  destroying  all  the  ships,  to  abandon 
the  peninsula  and  leave  the  Russians  to  reoccupy  it  if  they 
please.  This  would  be  very  consistent  with  the  object  with 
which  the  war  was  professedly  undertaken,  and  the  Crimea, 
without  Sebastopol  and  without  a  fleet,  would  be  no  longer 
formidable  to  Turkey  for  many  a  year  to  come  ;  but  no  doubt 
there  would  be  difficulty  in  this  as  in  any  arrangement,  and 
much  difference  of  opinion,  not  unlikely  to  produce  dissen- 
sion, among  our  allies  and  ourselves.  There  is  good  reason  to 
believe  that  our  late  naval  attack  on  the  forts  was  a  blunder, 
and  that  it  did  no  good  whatever.  If  Lyons  had  been  in 
command,  he  probably  would  have  declined  to  make  it,  and 
he  could  have  ventured  to  exercise  his  own  discretion,  which 
Dundas  could  not.  Then  it  was  very  badly  arranged,  and 
this  was  the  fault  of  the  French  Admiral,  who  at  the  last 
moment  insisted  On  altering  the  plan  of  attack,  and  (con- 
trary to  the  advice  of  all  his  officers)  Dundas  gave  way  to 
him.  In  this,  however,  it  is  not  fair  to  blame  the  English 
Admiral,  who  may  have  acted  wisely ;  for  his  position  was 
delicate  and  difficult,  and  he  had  to  consider  the  alliance  of 
the  countries  and  the  harmonious  action  of  the  two  fleets,  as 
well  as  the  particular  operation. 

November  \±th. — Yesterday  morning  we  received  tele- 
graphic news  of  another  battle,  from  which  we  may  expect 
a  long  list  of  killed  and  wounded.  The  affair  of  the  25th, 
in  which  our  light  cavalry  was  cut  to  pieces,  seems  to  have 


1854.]  BALAKLAVA.  171 

been  the  result  of  mismanagement  in  some  quarter,  and  the 
blame  must  attach  either  to  Lucan,  Cardigan,  Captain  Nolan 
who  was  killed,  or  to  Raglan  himself.  Perhaps  nobody  is 
really  to  blame,  but,  if  any  one  be,  my  own  impression  is  that 
it  is  Raglan.  He  wrote  the  order,  and  it  was  his  business  to 
make  it  so  clear  that  it  could  not  be  mistaken,  and  to  give 
it  conditionally,  or  with  such  discretionary  powers  as  should 
prevent  its  being  vigorously  enforced  under  circumstances 
which  he  could  not  foresee,  or  of  which  he  might  have  no 
cognizance. 

It  is  evidently  the  plan  of  the  Russians  to  wear  out  the 
allied  armies  by  incessant  attacks  and  a  prolonged  defence, 
sacrificing  enormous  numbers  of  men  which  they  can  afford, 
but  considering  that  they  gain  on  the  whole  by  the  dispro- 
portionate, but  still  considerable,  losses  they  inflict  upon  us. 
It  is  quite  on  the  cards,  if  they  can  keep  up  the  spirit  of 
their  men,  who  show  great  bravery  though  they  cannot  stand 
against  our's,  that  they  may  cunctando  restituere  rem,  and 
compel  us  at  last  to  raise  the  siege,  and  at  St.  Petersburg 
they  are  very  confident  of  this  result.  Here,  though  people 
are  no  longer  so  confident  and  elated  as  they  were,  no  human 
being  doubts  of  our  ultimately  taking  the  town. 

Yesterday  we  had  rather  an  amusing  scene  in  the  Court 
of  Exchequer  at  the  nomination  of  sheriffs,  which  does  not 
often  supply  anything  lively.  The  Head  of  Caius  College, 
Cambridge,  and  this  year  Vice-Chancellor,  was  on  the  list, 
and  Judge  Alderson  vehemently  protested  against  his  remain- 
ing there.  A  long  discussion  ensued,  in  which  almost  every- 
body took  part,  whether  his  name  should  be  kept  on  or  not, 
and  if  he  should  be  struck  off  the  roll.  At  last  Alderson 
moved  he  should  be  struck  off,  to  which  somebody  moved  as 
an  amendment  (a  course  I  suggested)  that  he  should  be  omit- 
ted, but  not  struck  off.  It  was  to  be  put  to  the  vote,  when 
I  asked  if  Alderson  himself  could  vote,  whether  it  was  not 
a  meeting  of  the  Privy  Council,  at  which  the  judges  attended 
to  give  in  names  for  sheriffs,  and  that  Privy  Councillors  only 
could  vote  as  to  the  choice  of  them.  Alderson  vehemently 
denied  this  view,  and  asserted  that  it  was  no  meeting  of  the 
Privy  Council,  the  proof  of  which  was  that  the  Chancellor  of 
the  Exchequer  took  precedence  of  the  Lord  President,  and 
that  the  puisne  judges  had  a  right  to  vote.  They  then  de- 
sired to  see  the  Act  of  Richard  II.,  which  the  Chancellor  ex- 
amined and  read  out,  and  afterward  he  gave  it  as  his  opinion 


172  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

that  the  judges  could  vote,  and  this  opinion  was  acquiesced 
in  by  the  rest.  Ultimately  they  all  agreed,  Alderson  in- 
cluded, to  accept  the  course  1  had  proposed,  and  the  Doc- 
tor's name  was  omitted  from  the  list,  but  not  struck  off  the 
roll. 

November  15th. — The  Duke  of  Bedford  tells  me  that  Lord 
John  is  in  a  better  frame  of  mind  than  was  apprehended  not 
long  ago,  by  no  means  satisfied  with  his  own  situation,  and 
complaining  of  much  that  appertains  to  the  Government,  but 
conscious  that  his  position  can  not  be  altered  at  present,  and 
not  at  all  disposed  by  any  captious  conduct  to  break  up  or 
endanger  the  Government  itself.  With  regard  to  Reform 
he  is  extremely  reasonable,  feeling  the  difficulty  of  his  own 
antecedents  in  regard  to  the  question  ;  he  is  ready  to  conform 
himself  to  the  necessities  of  the  case,  and  does  not  think  of 
urging  anything  unreasonable  and  impracticable.  He  is 
naturally  enough  very  anxious  that  the  Government  should 
manage  their  affairs  in  Parliament  better  this  year  than  last, 
and  not  expose  themselves  to  so  many  defeats  and  the  mor- 
tification of  having  their  measures  rejected  or  spoilt,  and  his 
notion  seems  to  be  that  they  should  introduce  and  announce 
fewer  measures,  only  such  as  are  urgent  and  generally  de- 
sired, and  such  as  they  may  reasonably  expect  to  carry,  and, 
having  taken  that  course,  to  stand  or  fall  by  them  ;"  this  is 
the  wisest  and  most  becoming  course,  and  I  hope  it  will  be 
adhered  to  and  succeed.  Its  success  depends  very  much  on 
Lord  John's  own  conduct,  and  the  way  in  which  he  treats 
the  Whig  and  Liberal  party.  I  hear  nothing  of  the  inten- 
tions and  expectations  of  the  Opposition,  but  Lyndhurst 
tells  me  he  considers  them  extinct  as  a  party  and  in  no  con- 
dition to  get  into  power.  He  spoke  very  disparagingly  of 
Disraeli,  and  said  his  want  of  character  was  fatal  to  him, 
and  weighed  down  all  his  cleverness. 

November  IQth. — A  telegraphic  despatch  arrived  from. 
Raglan  with  account  of  the  battle  of  the  5th,1  from  which 
we  learn  only  that  we  were  entirely  successful  in  repulsing 
the  Russian  attack,  but  that  our  loss  was  very  great.  An- 
other long  interval  of  suspense  to  be  succeeded  by  woe  and 
mourning ;  but  besides  the  private  misery  we  have  to  wit- 
ness, the  aggregate  of  the  news  fills  me  with  the  most  di>mal 
forebodings.  Raglan  says  the  Russian  force  was  even  greater 

1  [The  battle  of  Inkerman  was  fought  on  November  5.] 


1854.]  BATTLE   OF  IXKERMAN.  173 

than  at  Alma,  and  vastly  superior  to  his  own.  Menschikoff 
says  that  he  is  assembling  all  his  forces,  and  preparing  to 
take  the  offensive,  that  their  numbers  are  very  superior,  and 
he  confidently  announces  that  he  shall  wear  us  out,  and  that 
our  army  cannot  escape  him.  I  do  not  see  how  the  siege  is 
to  be  continued  by  an  army  itself  besieged  by  a  superior 
force  and  placed  between  two  fires.  The  reinforcements 
cannot  possibly  arrive  in  time,  and  even  if  they  were  all 
there  now,  they  would  not  be  sufficient  to  redress  the  bal- 
ance. I  dread  some  great  disaster  which  would  be  besides  a 
great  disgrace.  Whether  every  exertion  possible  has  been 
made  here  to  reinforce  Raglan,  or  whether  anything  more 
could  have  been  done,  I  cannot  pretend  to  say  fbut  if  mat- 
ters turn  out  ill  there  will  be  a  fine  clamor,  and  principally 
from  those  rash  and  impatient  idiots  who  were  so  full  of 
misplaced  confidence,  and  who  insisted  on  precipitating  our 
armies  on  the  Crimea,  and  on  any  and  every  part  of  the  Rus- 
sian territory,  without  knowing  anything  of  the  adequacy  of 
our  means  for  such  a  contest.  To  overrate  the  strength  and 
power  of  the  allies,  and  to  underrate  that  of  Russia  on  her 
own  territory,  has  been  the  fault  and  folly  of  the  English 
public,  and  if  they  find  themselves  deceived  in  their  calcula- 
tions and  disappointed  in  their  expectations,  their  rage  and 
fury  will  know  no  bounds,  and  be  lavished  on  everybody  but 
themselves.  In  the  height  of  arrogance  few  exceptions  were 
found  to  those  who  imagined  it  would  be  quite  easy  to  crum- 
ple up  Russia,  and  reduce  her  to  accept  such  terms  as  we 
might  choose  to  impose  upon  her.  All  the  examples  which 
history  furnishes  were  disregarded,  and  a  general  belief  pre- 
vailed that  Russia  would  be  unable  to  oppose  any  effectual 
or  prolonged  resistance  to  our  forces  combined.  When  the 
successes  of  the  Turks  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  became 
known,  this  confidence  not  unnaturally  became  confirmed, 
and  boundless  was  the  contempt  with  which  the  Russians 
were  treated  ;  and  the  bare  idea  of  granting  peace  to  the 
Emperor  except  on  the  most  ruinous  and  humiliating  terms 
was  scouted.  We  now  see  what  sort  of  a  fight  the  Russians 
can  make  ;  and  though  the  superhuman  valor  and  conduct 
of  our  troops  still  inspire  confidence  and  forbid  despair,  it  is 
evident  that  we  have  rashly  embarked  in  a  contest  which 
from  the  nature  of  it  must  be  an  unequal  one,  and  that  we 
are  placed  in  a  position  of  enormous  difficulty  and  danger. 
November  23d. — Last  week  at  Savernake  and  at  The 


174  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

Grange  ;  came  back  on  Tuesday ;  and  yesterday  morning 
arrived  the  despatches  with  an  account  of  the  furious  battle 
of  Inkerman,  in  which,  according  to  Raglan's  account,  8,000 
English  and  6,000  French  resisted  the  attack  of  60,000  Rus- 
sians, and  eventually  defeated  and  drove  them  back  with 
enormous  loss,  our  own  loss  being  very  great.  The  accounts 
of  Raglan  and  Canrobert  do  not  quite  agree  as  to  the  num- 
bers engaged,  but,  admitting  that  there  may  be  some  exag- 
geration in  the  estimate  of  the  numbers  of  the  Russians  and 
of  their  loss,  it  still  remains  one  of  the  most  wonderful  feats 
of  arms  that  was  ever  displayed  ;  and,  gallantly  as  our  troops 
have  always  behaved,  it  may  be  doubted  if  they  ever  evinced 
such  constancy  and  heroism  as  on  this  occasion — certainly 
never  greater.  My  brother  lost  his  youngest  and  favorite 
son  in  this  battle — a  boy  of  18,  who  had  only  landed  in  the 
Crimea  a  few  weeks  before,  and  who  was  in  a  great  battle 
for  the  first  and  last  time.  This  is  only  one  of  innumerable 
instances  of  the  same  kind,  and  half  England  is  in  mourn- 
ing. It  is  dreadful  to  see  the  misery  and  grief  in  which  so 
many  are  already  plunged,  and  the  universal  terror  and  agi- 
tation which  beset  all  who  have  relations  engaged  in  the  war. 
But  the  nation  is  not  only  as  warlike  as  ever,  but  if  possible 
more  full  of  ardor  and  enthusiasm,  and  thinking  of  nothing 
but  the  most  lavish  expenditure  of  men  and  money  to  carry 
on  the  war ;  the  blood  that  has  been  shed  appears  only  to 
animate  the  people,  and  to  urge  them  to  fresh  exertions. 
This  is  so  far  natural  that  I,  hating  the  war,  feel  as  strongly 
as  anybody  that,  now  we  are  in  it,  and  our  soldiers  placed  in 
great  jeopardy  and  peril,  it  is  indispensable  to  make  every 
possible  exertion  to  relieve  them ;  and  I  am  therefore  anx- 
ious for  ample  reinforcements  being  sent  out  to  them,  that 
they  may  not  be  crushed  by  overwhelming  force. 

In  reading  the  various  and  innumerable  narratives  of 
the  battle,  and  the  comments  of  the  "  correspondents,"  it  is 
impossible  to  avoid  coming  to  some  conclusions  which  may 
nevertheless  be  erroneous  ;  and  I  have  always  thought  that 
people  who  are  totally  ignorant  of  military  matters,  and 
who  are  living  at  ease  at  home,  should  not  venture  to  criti- 
cise operations  of  which  they  can  be  no  judges,  and  the  con- 
duct of  men  who  cannot  explain  that  conduct,  and  who  are 
nobly  doing  their  duty  according  to  their  own  judgment, 
which  is  more  likely  to  be  right  than  any  opinions  we  can 
form.  With  this  admission  of  fallibility,  it  still  strikes  me 


1854.]  PARLIAMENT   SUMMONED.  175 

that  there  was  a  lack  of  military  genius  and  foresight  in  the 
recent  operations.  It  is  asserted  that  our  position  was  open 
and  undefended,  that  General  Evans  had  recommended  that 
precautions  should  be  taken  and  defences  thrown  up,  all  of 
which  was  neglected,  and  nothing  done,  and  hence  the  sad 
slaughter  which  took  place.  This  was  Kaglan's  fault,  if  any 
fault  there  really  was.  It  is  admitted  that  no  tactical  skill 
was  or  could  be  displayed,  and  the  battle  was  won  by  sheer 
courage  and  firmness.  Then  Cathcart  seems  to  have  made 
a  false  and  very  rash  move  which  cost  his  own  life  and  500 
men  besides.  These  are  melancholy  reflexions,  and  the  facts 
prove  that  we  have  no  Wellingtons  in  our  army  now. 

November  26th. — Government  have  determined  to  call  Par- 
liament together  on  the  12th  of  December,  though  it  stands 
prorogued  to  the  14th.  This  is  done  under  the  authority  of 
an  Act,  37th  George  III.  ch.  120.  In  the  present  state  of 
affairs  they  are  quite  right,  and  it  is  better  for  them  to  have 
fair  Parliamentary  discussion  than  clamor  and  the  diatribes 
of  the  press  out  of  doors.  The  "  Times,"  as  usual,  has  been 
thundering  away  about  reinforcements,  and  urging  the 
despatch  of  troops  that  do  not  exist  and  cannot  be  created 
in  a  moment.  I  had  a  great  battle  with  Delane  the  other 
day  about  it,  and  asked  why  he  did  not  appeal  to  the  French 
Government,  who  have  boundless  military  resources,  instead 
of  to  our's  who  have  none  at  all,  and  accordingly  yesterday 
there  was  a  very  strong  article  entirely  about  French  re- 
inforcements. 

In  the  course  of  our  talk  he  did,  I  must  confess,  make 
some  strong  charges  against  the  Government,  and  particu- 
larly Newcastle.  He  complained  that  after  the  expedition 
was  sent  to  the  Crimea  they  remained  idle,  and  made  no  at- 
tempt to  form  an  army  of  reserve  or  to  send  continual  re- 
inforcements to  supply  the  casualties  which  everybody  knew 
must  occur,  and  this  is  true.  Again,  when  he  returned  from 
the  East1  he  went  to  Newcastle  and  urged  him  to  make  an 
immediate  provision  of  wooden  houses  against  the  winter, 
which  would  in  all  probability  be  required,  and  he  suggested 
that  this  should  be  done  at  Constantinople,  where,  all  the 
houses  being  built  of  wood  and  the  carpenters  very  skilful, 
it  might  easily  be  done  at  a  comparatively  small  expense, 
and  whence  the  conveyance  was  expeditious  and  cheap.  His 

1  [Mr.  Delane  ha<i  pone  to  the  theatre  of  war  in  the  autumn,  and  was  there 
with  Mr.  Kinglake,  the  brilliant  historian  of  the  Crimean  War.] 


176  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

advice  was  not  taken  ;  nothing  was  done,  and  now  that  the 
winter  is  come,  and  the  troops  are  already  exposed  to  dread- 
ful suffering  and  privation,  the  work  is  begun  here,  where 
it  will  cost  four  times  as  much  and,  when  done,  will  require 
an  enormous  time  to  convey  the  houses  to  the  Crimea,  be- 
sides taking  up  the  space  that  is  urgently  required  for  other 
purposes.  I  was  obliged  to  confess  that  this  was  inexcusable 
negligence  and  blundering,  and  I  repeated  what  had  passed 
to  Granville  last  night,  who  could  make  no  defence,  and 
only  said  that  Newcastle,  with  many  merits,  had  the  fault 
of  wishing  to  do  everything  himself,  and  therefore  much 
was  not  done  at  all ;  and  that  the  fact  was,  nobody  ever 
imagined  we  should  be  reduced  to  such  straits,  and  there 
was  a  universal  belief  that  all  would  have  been  over  in  the 
Crimea  before  this,  and  that  such  things  would  not  be  re- 
quired. I  am  afraid  Newcastle,  who  is  totally  ignorant  of 
military  affairs  of  every  sort,  is  not  equal  to  his  post,  and 
hence  the  various  deficiences  ;  nor  is  Sidney  Herbert  much 
better — very  well  both  of  them  in  ordinary  times,  but  with- 
out the  ability  or  the  resource  necessary  to  deal  with  such 
an  emergency  as  the  present. 

I  saw  a  letter  yesterday  from  Charles  Windham,  a  Q.-M.- 
General  on  poor  Cathcart's  staff,  with  an  account  of  the 
battle,  and  he  says  that  if,  directly  after  the  march  on 
Balaklava,  Sebastopol  had  been  assaulted,  it  must  have  been 
taken.  This  corresponds  with  the  reports  of  Russian  de- 
serters, who  declare  that  there  were  only  2,000  men  in  the 
place  after  the  battle  of  Alma.  There  is  always  so  much 
difference  of  opinion  and  fault  finding  in  such  affairs  that  it 
is  not  easy  to  come  to  a  sound  conclusion  thereupon. 

November  29^. — My  surviving  nephew  arrived  from  the 
Crimea  yesterday  morning.  He  gave  me  an  account  of  the 
battle,  and  denies  that  General  Cathcart  ever  refused,  or 
was  ever  offered,  the  aid  of  General  Bosquet,  as  has  been 
stated.  He  says  that  Cathcart  was  not  in  command,  and  it 
was  not  therefore  to  him  that  the  offer  would  have  been 
made,  and  that  Cathcart  did  not  go  into  action  till  he  was 
sent  for  by  General  Pennefather,  when  he  got  his  Division 
out,  and  went  on  the  field.  He  was  killed  quite  early,  about 
twenty  minutes  after  he  reached  the  field  of  battle.  My 
nephew  confirms  what  has  been  said  about  the  non-fortifica- 
tion of  the  position,  which  seems  to  have  been  an  enormous 
blunder,  against  which  most  of  the  Generals  of  Division 


1854.]  LORD   RAGLAN  AS   A   GENERAL.  177 

remonstrated.  He  says  Cathcart  was  opposed  to  the  expe- 
dition to  the  Crimea,  not  thinking  they  were  strong  enough, 
and  he  strongly  advised,  and  in  opposition  to  Raglan,  that 
the  place  should  be  attacked  immediately  after  the  battle  of 
Alma,  while  the  Russians  were  still  panic  struck,  and  before 
they  had  time  to  fortify  the  town  on  the  south  side.  He 
says  he  left  the  army  in  good  health  and  spirits,  but  not  ex- 
pecting to  take  Sebastopol  this  year.  Their  sufferings  had 
not  been  very  great,  though  it  was  a  hard  life — plenty  to 
eat,  but  mostly  salt  meat.  He  thinks,  though  the  French 
behaved  very  gallantly  and  their  arrival  saved  the  army, 
that  they  might  have  done  more  than  they  did  ;  and  a  body 
of  them  that  came  late  on  the  field  actually  never  stirred 
and  did  nothing  whatever. 

In  the  evening  I  met  Clarendon  at  the  Travellers',  and 
had  a  long  talk  with  him  about  all  sorts  of  things.  He  has 
been  much  disturbed  at  the  "  Times,"  especially  as  to  two 
things — its  violent  abuse  of  Austria  and  its  insertion  of  a 
letter  from  the  Crimea,  reflecting  severely  on  Prince  Napo- 
leon. With  regard  to -Austria  it  is  peculiarly  annoying,  be- 
cause we  are  now  on  the  point  of  concluding  a  tripartite 
Treaty  which  is  actually  on  its  way  to  Vienna,  and  in  a  day 
or  two  it  will  be  decided  whether  she  signs  it  or  not ;  and 
nothing  is  more  calculated  to  make  her  hang  back  than 
such  articles  in  the  "Times."  Then  as  to  Prince  Napo- 
leon, it  has  annoyed  the  Emperor  and  all  his  family  beyond 
expression,  and  to  such  a  degree  that  Drouyn  de  Lnuys  has 
written  an  official  letter  to  Walewski  about'it— a  very  proper 
and  reasonable  letter,  but  still  expressing  their  vexation,  and 
entreating  that  such  attacks  may,  if  possible,  be  prevented 
for  the  future. 

We  talked  over  Lord  Raglan  and  his  capacity  for  com- 
mand, and  we  both  agreed  that  he  had  given  no  proofs  of 
his  fitness  for  so  mighty  a  task.  Clarendon  said  he  waa 
struck  with  the  badness  of  his  private  letters,  as  he  had  been 
from  the  beginning  by  those  from  Varna,  showing  that  he 
had  evidently  not  a  spark  of  imagination,  and  no  originality. 
We  both  agreed  that  it  would  never  do  to  hint  a  doubt  about 
his  merits  or  capacity,  and  at  all  events  that  he  is  probably 
equal  to  anybody  likely  to  be  opposed  to  him.  His  personal 
bravery  is  conspicuous,  and  he  exposes  himself  more  than  he 
ought.  It  is  said  that  one  of  his  aides-de-camp  remon- 
strated with  him  and  received  a  severe  rebuff,  Raglan  telling 


178  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORLV.  [CHAP.  VII. 

him  to  mind  his  own  business,  and  if  he  did  not  like  the  fire 
to  go  to  the  rear.  Clarendon  says  there  is  no  chance  of  tak- 
ing Sebastopol  this  year,  nor  of  taking  it  at  all  till  we  have 
an  army  strong  enough  to  drive  the  Eussians  out  of  the 
Crimea.  For  this,  150,000  men  would  be  required  to  make 
it  a  certainty ;  but  with  this  force,  no  Russian  army,  how- 
ever numerous,  could  resist  the  allies,  and  then  the  place 
would  fall.  This  is  a  distant  prospect.  I  expressed  my 
wonder  at  the  Russians  being  able  to  obtain  supplies,  and  he 
said  they  got  them  from  the  Don  and  from  Kertch. 

December  5th. — I  was  at  Middletou  on  Saturday  and  re- 
turned yesterday.  There  I  saw  a  letter  from  Stafford,  who 
is  at  Constantinople  tending  the  sick  and  wounded,  writing 
for  and  reading  to  them,  and  doing  all  the  good  he  can — a 
very  wise  and  benevolent  way  of  re-establishing  his  reputa- 
tion and  making  his  misdeeds  at  the  Admiralty  forgotten.1 
He  says  he  had  heard  so  much  of  the  sufferings  and  priva- 
tions of  the  soldiers,  and  of  the  bad  state  of  the  hospitals, 
that  he  resolved  to  go  there  and  judge  for  himself  of  the 
truth  of  all  that  had  been  written  and  asserted  on  the  sub- 
ject ;  that  he  did  so,  and  found  the  very  worst  accounts 
exceeded  by  the  reality,  and  that  nothing  could  be  more 
frightful  and  appalling  than  it  all  was.  It  had  greatly  im- 
proved, but  still  was  bad  enough.  The  accounts  published 
in  the  "Times,"  therefore,  turn  out  to  be  true,  and  all  the 
aid  that  private  charity  could  supply  was  no  more  than  was 
needed.  I  believe  there  has  been  no  lack  of  zeal  and  hu- 
manity here,  but  a  great  deal  of  ignorance  and  inexperience, 
and,  above  all,  culpable  negligence  on  the  part  of  Lord 
Stratford,  who  had  carte  blanche  from  the  Government  as 
to  expense,  and  who,  after  having  done  his  best  to  plunge  us 
into  this  war,  might  at  least  have  given  his  time  and  atten- 
tion to  provide  relief  for  the  victims  of  it ;  but  it  seems  that 
from  some  fit  of  ill-temper  he  has  chosen  to  do  nothing,  and 
evinced  nothing  but  indifference  to  the  war  itself  and  all  its 
incidents  ever  since  it  broke  out.  This  I  am  assnred  is  the 
case.  His  wife  has  been  very  active  and  humane,  and  done 
all  she  could  to  assist  Miss  Nightingale  in  her  mission  of 

1  [Mr.  Augustus  Stafford  had  been  Secretary  to  the  Admiralty  under  Lord 
Derby's  first  Administration,  where  he  was  supposed  not  to  have  done  well ; 
but  when  the  accounts  arrived  of  the  sufferings  and  privations  of  the  army  in 
the  dreadful  winter  of  1854-'55,  Mr.  Stafford  was  one  of  the  first  persons  to  go 
out  and  endeavor  to  relieve  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  troops.] 


1854.]  THE  AUSTRIAN  TREATY.  179 

benevolence  and  charity.  But  to  return  to  Stafford's  letter. 
He  says  that  while  nothing  could  exceed  the  heroism  of  our 
soldiers,  the  incapacity  of  their  chiefs  was  equally  conspicu- 
ous, and  that  the  troops  had  no  confidence  in  their  leaders ; 
he  adds,  it  is  essential  to  give  them  a  good  general  if  the 
war  goes  on.  This,  and  much  more  that  I  have  heard,  con- 
firms the  previous  impression  on  my  mind  that  Eaglan  is 
destitute  of  military  genius  or  skill,  and  quite  unequal  to 
the  command  of  a  great  army.  It  does  not  appear,  however, 
that  the  enemy  are  better  off  than  we  are  in  this  respect,  and 
we  do  not  know  that  in  England  a  better  general  would  now 
be  found.  The  man,  Stafford  says,  in  whom  the  army  seem 
to  have  the  greatest  confidence  is  Sir  Colin  Campbell.  All 
this  is  very  serious,  and  does  not  tend  to  inspire  a  great  ex- 
pectation of  glorious  results.  From  what  Clarendon  said  to 
me  it  is  evident  that  he  does  not  think  much  of  Eaglan,  but 
it  would  never  do  to  express  any  doubt  of  his  ability  or  of 
his  measures  in  public.  Delane  told  me  yesterday  that  he 
had  received  letters  without  end  in  this  sense,  and  that  he 
entertained  the  same  doubts  that  I  did,  but  should  take  care 
not  to  give  utterance  to  them  in  the  " Times."  This  reserve 
is  the  more  necessary  and  even  just  because,  after  all,  the 
opinions  may  not  be  well  founded  ;  and,  as  it  is  impossible 
to  change  the  command,  it  is  very  desirable  not  to  weaken 
the  authority  and  self-confidence  of  the  General  by  casting 
doubts  upon  his  conduct  of  the  war. 

December  llth. — For  the  last  week  the  Austrian  Treaty 
has  occupied  everybody's  thoughts,  though,  as  the  exact 
terms  of  it  are  not  yet  known,  people  do  not  very  well  know 
what  to  expect  from  it.  The  great  question  that  lies  behind 
it  is,  whether  Prussia  will  follow  in  the  wake  of  Austria,  and 
the  rest  of  Germany  with  her.  If  all  Germany  joins  the 
Allies  it  seems  absolutely  impossible  that  Russia  should  offer 
any  effectual  resistance  to  such  a  combination  of  forces  ;  and 
it  will  then  be  to  be  seen  what  impression  can  be  made  on  an 
Empire  which,  with  many  political  deficiencies,  nature  has 
made  so  strong  for  defensive  purposes,  and,  if  the  contest 
continues,  whether  the  opinions  and  object  of  the  Allies  will 
not  diverge  and  ultimately  break  \\p  the  alliance. 

Bright  has  published  his  letter  in  a  penny  form  (or  some- 
body has  done  it  for  him)  with  pieces  fustificatives  extracted 
from  the  Blue  Books  and  from  other  sources,  and  in  my 
opinion  he  makes  out  a  capital  and  unanswerable  case.  He 


180  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VU 

does  not,  indeed,  prove,  nor  attempt  to  prove,  that  the  Em- 
peror of  Eussia  is  in  the  right  absolutely,  but  he  makes  out 
that  he  is  in  the  right  as  against  England  and  France,  and 
he  shows  up  the  conduct  of  the  Western  Powers  very  success- 
fully. But  in  the  present  temper  of  the  country,  and  while 
the  war  fever  is  still  raging  with  undiminished  violence,  all 
appeals  to  truth  and  reason  will  be  totally  unavailing.  Those 
who  entertain  such  opinions  either  wholly  or  in  part  do  not 
dare  to  avow  them,  and  all  are  hurried  along  in  the  vortex. 
I  do  not  dare  to  avow  them  myself  ;  and  even  for  holding  my 
tongue,  and  because  I  do  not  join  in  the  senseless  clamor 
which  everywhere  resounds,  I  am  called  "a  Eussian."  The 
progress  of  the  contest  has  changed  the  nature  of  public 
opinion,  for  now  its  principal  motive  is  the  deep  interest 
taken  in  the  success  of  our  arms  and  the  safety  of  the  band 
of  heroes  who  have  been  fighting  in  the  Crimea.  This  is, 
of  course,  right  and  patriotic,  and  a  feeling  which  must  be 
common  to  those  who  have  been  against,  and  those  who  have 
been  for  the  war. 

Panshanger,  December  14^. — The  debates  on  Tuesday 
night  were  on  the  whole  satisfactory,  and  not  bad  for  the 
Government.  Derby  made  a  slashing,  effective  philippic  on 
the  text  of  "  Too  late,"  asserting  that  the  fault  of  the  Gov- 
ernment had  been  that  they  had  done  everything  too  late. 
Newcastle  answered  him,  but  was  dull  and  feeble,  totally 
unequal  to  meet  Derby  in  debate.  His  case  was  not  bad, 
but  he  could  not  handle  it  with  effect.  Government  did 
better  in  the  Commons,  where  Sidney  Herbert  made  a  capi- 
tal speech,  and  produced  a  very  good  case  in  a  very  complete 
and  satisfactory  manner.  He  proved  that  reinforcements 
had  been  sent  out  month  after  month,  and  that  they  had 
never  folded  their  hands  and  stood  still  as  Derby  charged 
them  with  having  done.  All  the  rage  for  the  war  which  is 
apparent  in  the  country  was  manifested  in  both  Houses. 
According  to  present  appearances,  there  will  be  very  little 
done  on  the  part  of  the  Opposition  against  the  Government 
during  this  short  session. 

December  Ytth. — These  smooth  appearances  were  deceit- 
ful, for  the  Government  met  with  an  unexpected  and  violent 
opposition  to  their  Foreign  Enlistment  Bill,  and  only  car- 
ried the  second  reading  by  a  majority  of  12.  Ellenborough, 
puffed  up  with  conceit  and  soured  by  disappointment  and 
the  nullity  of  his  position,  commenced  a  furious  attack  on 


1854.]  THE  FOREIGN  ENLISTMENT  BILL.  181 

this  bill  in  an  able  speech  replete  with  bitterness  and  sar- 
casm. Derby-too  happy  to  join  in  any  mischief,  brought 
the  support  oj  his  party,  and  a  debate  ensued,  in  which,  as 
usual,  the  speaking  of  Ellenborough  and  Derby  gave  them 
the  advantage,  but  the  Government  got  a  majority  enough 
for  their  purpose.  The  bill  itself  is  very  unpopular,  nobody 
can  tell  why,  except  that  all  sorts  of  misrepresentations  were 
made  about  it  the  first  night,  and  people  have  not  yet  been 
undeceived.  I  doubt  if  it  was  worth  while  to  bring  in  such 
a  bill,  but  it  is  certain  if  they  had  not  done  so,  and  imme- 
diately, they  would  have  been  furiously  reproached  by  those 
who  oppose  them  now,  and  above  all  accused  of  being  "  too 
late."  The  imprudent  speech  which  John  Eussell  made 
about  Austria  the  first  night  elicited  a  violent  attack  on  him 
in  the  "Times,"  which  is  sure  to  have  put  him  in  very  bad 
humor.  The  speech  and  the  attack  were  equally  unjustifi- 
able and  mischievous.  I  have  no  idea  why  he  said  what  he 
did,  unless  it  was  for  the  sake  of  appearing  to  fall  in  with 
the  vulgar  prejudice  against  Austria. 

December  18th. — The  dislike  of  the  Foreign  Enlistment 
Bill  is  very  general,  but  nobody  can  give  any  reason  for  their 
opposition  to  it.1  It  is,  however,  so  great  that  it  is  not  cer- 
tain that  it  can  be  carried  through  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  so  little  is  the  Government  cared  for  that  I  doubt  many 
being  found  who  will  incur  the  resentment  of  their  constitu- 
ents or  give  an  unpopular  vote  to  save  them.  If  they  should 
be  beaten,  I  think  they  must  go  out.  John  Russell  is  in 
a  bad  disposition  of  mind,  as  may  be  gathered  from  his 
entourage,  who  are  in  rabid  opposition.  Lord  John,  how- 
ever, will  probably  do  what  he  can  to  make  this  measure  go 
down,  as  I  find  he  is  himself  the  author  of  it ;  but  I  much 
doubt  if  he  would  care  for  the  Government  being  broken  up, 
and  he  is  not  unlikely  to  regard  such  a  catastrophe  as  the 
event  best  calculated  to  restore  him  to  the  post  he  so  much 
covets.  It  is  certainly  possible  that  Derby,  conscious  he 
could  not  make  a  Government  himself,  would  offer  to  sup- 
port the  Whig  section  of  this  Cabinet  with  all  the  Peelites 
eliminated  from  it,  and  that  an  attempt  might  be  made  to 
form  a  Government  with  Lord  John,  Palmerston,  and  per- 

1  [The  object  of  the  Foreign  Enlistment  Bill  was  to  enable  the  Government 
to  enlist  15,000  foreigners  in  the  British  army  to  be  drilled  in  this  country.  It 
was  denounced  and  opposed  especially  in  the  House  of  Lords  as  a  dangerous 
and  unconstitutional  measure,  but  it  eventually  passed,  and  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  Germans  were  enlisted  under  it.] 


182  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

haps  Ellenborough.     However,  all  this  is  vague  speculation, 
and  not  worth  following  out. 

December  20th. — Government  got  a  majority  of  39,  better 
than  was  expected.  Lord  John  threatened  to  resign  if  he 
was  beaten.  The  debate  will  not  do  them  much  good  when 
it  is  read,  nor  serve  to  render  their  measure  more  popular. 
Everybody  thinks  the  whole  affair  has  been  grossly  misman- 
aged, and  that,  instead  of  making  a  mystery  of  their  inten- 
tions, they  ought  to  have  thrown  out  such  intimations  of 
them  as  would  have  elicited  public  opinion  ;  but  the  truth 
is,  not  one  of  them  had  the  least  suspicion  that  the  measure 
would  meet  with  any  resistance  or  even  objection,  nor  would 
there  have  been  any  if  Ellenborough  had  not  started  the 
hare,  and  then  Derby  and  his  party  joyfully  availed  them- 
selves of  the  opportunity  to  do  mischief,  and  joined  in  the 
cry.  When  the  bill  was  announced,  Derby  never  dreamt  of 
opposing  it.  The  arguments  against  the  measure  seem  to 
me  very  plausible,  except  the  constitutional  one,  which  is  all 
stuff,  and  in  which  none  of  those  who  urge  it  are  sincere ; 
on  the  other  hand,  the  former  precedents  do  not  apply  in 
this  case.  The  best  argument  for  it  is,  that  Kaglan  wants 
trained  men  as  soon  as  possible,  and  complains  that  they 
send  nothing  but  boys,  who  are  of  little  use  at  first,  and  who 
die  in  great  numbers  under  the  hardships  and  privations  the 
climate  and  the  operations  inflict  on  them.  Not  only  were 
the  Government  totally  unconscious  of  the  opposition  they 
should  encounter,  but,  when  they  found  the  steam  was  get- 
ting up,  they  neglected  to  enter  into  such  explanations  and 
make  out  such  a  case  as  might,  if  well  done,  have  extin- 
guished dissension  in  the  beginning.  All  this  displays  a 
want  of  prudence  and  foresight,  for  in  a  matter  of  such  im- 
portance it  is  not  enough  to  say  that  they  did  not  expect  any 
fault  to  be  found  with  their  proposal,  and  they  ought  to  have 
employed  some  means  to  see  what  was  likely  to  be  thought 
of  it  before  they  committed  themselves  to  it.  They  ought 
to  have  ascertained  how  it  was  to  be  carried  into  effect,  and 
if  they  could  count  upon  its  success,  and  to  be  able  to  give 
Parliament  some  assurance  of  it,  instead  of  saying  they  had 
taken  no  initiative  steps  out  of  affected  deference  to  consti- 
tutional scruples,  and  -knew  not  how  they  were  to  get  the 
men  they  are  asking  for.  It  seems  the  general  opinion  of 
their  own  friends  that  they  have  mismanaged  their  case,  and 
plunged  into  a  difficulty  they  might  have  avoided.  The  best 


1854.]  LOUD  RAGLAN'S  DEFICIENCIES.  183 

way  of  avoiding  it  would  have  been  to  raise  a  regiment  or 
two  without  applying  to  Parliament  at  all,  mustered  and 
arrayed  them  at  Malta  or  at  Heligoland,  or  wherever  they 
pleased  out  of  England,  and  sent  them  off  as  an  experiment 
to  the  Crimea.  Then,  if  they  had  done  good  service,  and 
Raglan  had  expressed  his  satisfaction  and  asked  for  more, 
they  might  have  raised  any  number  and  landed  them  here 
without  cavil  or  objection  ;  but  to  have  adopted  this  course 
they  must  have  seen  the  necessity  of  feeling  their  way,  which 
not  one  of  them  did.  The  great  complaint  now  is  the  want 
of  organisation  and  good  arrangement  in  the  Crimea,  and 
generally  at  and  about  the  seat  of  war,  the  confusion  that 
has  taken  place  in  forwarding  and  distributing  supplies,  and 
the  want  of  all  expedients  for  facilitating  the  service  in  its 
various  branches.  There  is  much  truth  in  all  this,  but  the 
responsibility  for  it  rests  upon  Raglan,  who,  if  he  had  been 
of  a  prompt  and  energetic  character,  would  have  looked  to 
these  things,  seen  what  was  wanting,  and  have  taken  care  to 
provide  everything  and  set  the  necessary  machinery  in  mo- 
tion. He  had  carte  blanche  from  the  Government  as  to 
money  and  everything  else,  and,  if  he  had  concerted  what 
was  necessary  with  Stratford,  and  insisted  on  his  exerting 
himself,  I  believe  none  of  the  complaints  would  have  been 
made,  and  none  of  the  deficiencies  have  been  found.  This 
is  what  the  Duke  of  Wellington  would  have  done,  and  his 
despatches  are  full  of  proofs  that  it  is  what  he  was  always 
.doing. 

December  21th. — The  third  reading  of  the  Enlistment  Bill 
carried  by  38,  after  a  very  fine  speech  from  Bright,  con- 
sisting of  a  part  of  his  letter  with  its  illustrations.  In 
my  opinion  this  speech  was  unanswerable,  and  no  attempt 
was  made  to  answer  it.  He  was  very  severe  on  both  Lord 
John  and  Palmerston.  It  is  impossible  that  such  reasoning 
as  B  right's  should  not  make  some  impression  in  the  country; 
but  I  do  not  think  any  reasoning  however  powerful,  or  any 
display  of  facts  however  striking,  can  stem  the  torrent  of 
public  opinion,  which  still  clamors  for  war  and  is  so  burn- 
ing with  hatred  against  Russia  that  no  peace  could  be 
deemed  satisfactory,  or  even  tolerable,  that  did  not  humble 
Russia  to  the  dust  and  strip  her  of  some  considerable 
territory.  Yesterday  the  "  Times  "  ventured  on  an  article 
against  Raglan  as  the  cause  of  the  disorder  and  confusion 
and  consequent  privations  which  prevail  in  the  army. 


184  REIGN  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

Delane  wrote  to  me  about  it,  and  said  he  was  aware  he 
should  be  bitterly  reviled  for  speaking  these  truths.  I  agree 
entirely  with  what  he  said,  and  see  no  reason  why  the  saddle 
should  not  be  put  upon  the  right  horse. 

The  Grove,  December  31st,  1854. — The  last  day  of  one  of 
the  most  melancholy  and  disastrous  years  I  ever  recollect. 
Almost  everybody  is  in  mourning,  and  grief  and  despair  over- 
spread the  land.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  we  sent  forth 
an  army  amidst  a  tumult  of  joyous  and  triumphant  antici- 
pation, and  everybody  full  of  confidence  and  boasting  and 
expecting  to  force  the  Emperor  Nicholas  in  the  shortest 
possible  time  humbly  to  sue  for  peace,  and  the  only  question 
was,  what  terms  we  should  vouchsafe  to  grant  him,  and  how 
much  of  his  dominions  we  should  leave  him  in  possession 
of.  Such  presumptuous  boasting  and  confidence  have  been 
signally  humbled,  and  the  end  of  this  year  sees  us  deploring 
the  deaths  of  friends  and  relations  without  number,  and  our 
army  perishing  before  the  walls  of  Sebastopol,  which  we  are 
unable  to  take,  and,  after  bloody  victories  and  prodigies  of 
valor,  the  Kussian  power  hardly  as  yet  diminished  or  im- 
paired. All  last  week  I  was  at  Hatchford  with  Lord  Grey, 
when  we  did  nothing  but  talk  over  the  war,  its  management 
and  mismanagement,  Kaglan,  etc.  Grey's  criticisms  are 
clever  and  not  unfair,  far  from  favorable  to  the  Government, 
but  detesting  Derby,  of  whom  he  has  the  worst  opinion, 
formed  from  a  very  ancient  date  and  upon  long  experience 
of  his  character  and  conduct.  Grey's  idea  is  that  there  has 
been  much  mismanagement  here  and  still  greater  on  the  spot, 
and  that  Raglan  is  quite  incompetent  and,  as  far  as  we  can 
see,  nobody  else  any  better.  The  opinion  about  Raglan 
appears  to  be  rapidly  gaining  ground,  and  the  Ministers 
have  arrived  at  the  same  conclusion. 

I  came  here  yesterday  to  meet  Cowley,  come  over  for  a 
few  days  from  Paris,  and  to  have  a  talk  with  him  and 
Clarendon.  Cowley  says  that  the  alliance  between  the  two 
countries  is  very  hollow,  and  in  fact  there  is  nobody  in  France 
really  friendly  to  us  except  the  Emperor,  Persigny,  and 
perhaps  Drouyn  de  Lhuys.  The  Emperor  is  bent  on  pursu- 
ing the  war  with  vigor,  and  is  sensible  of  the  importance  to 
himself  of  the  French  flag  being  triumphant.  I  asked  him 
what  they  thought  of  our  armies  and  our  generals  ;  he  said 
from  the  Emperor  downward  they  had  the  highest  admira- 
tion for  the  wonderful  bravery  of  the  troops,  but  the  greatest 


1854.]  THE  FRENCH   ALLIANCE.  185 

contempt  for  the  military  skill  of  the  commanders,  and  for 
all  our  arrangements  and  savoir  faire.  He  told  us  the  follow- 
ing anecdote  as  a  proof  of  the  blundering  way  in  which  our 
affairs  are  conducted.  Newcastle  wrote  to  him  lately  to  beg 
he  would  ask  the  French  Government  to  give  us  a  model  of 
certain  carts  their  army  used  in  the  Crimea,  the  like  of  which 
our  people  there  had  applied  to  him  for.  The  French 
Minister  replied  that  he  could  give  drawings,  but  had  no 
model ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  advised  us  not  to  think  of 
having  similar  ones,  as  these  carts  are  so  ill  adapted  for  the 
purpose  that  they  had  discarded  them,  and  had  ordered 
others  and  better  ones  to  be  made,  which  were  now  in  course 
of  construction  at  Malta.  So  that  we  propose  to  get  these 
machines  without  finding  out  whether  they  are  suitable  or 
not,  while  the  French  supply  themselves  with  the  proper 
article  in  our  own  territory. 

I  find  from  Clarendon  that  he  is  not  only  fully  alive  to 
Raglan's  inefficiency,  but  has  all  along  suspected  it,  and  now 
the  Government  seem  to  have  the  same  conviction;  still  they 
can  take  no  step  in  the  matter,  for  he  has  done  nothing  and 
omitted  nothing  so  flagrantly  as  to  call  for  or  justify  his  re- 
call, and  if  they  were  to  recall  him  they  do  not  know  where 
to  look  for  a  better  man  to  replace  him.  The  war  has  hith- 
erto failed  to  elicit  any  remarkable  abilities  or  special  apti- 
tude for  war,  except  in  one  instance,  that  of  Captain  Butler, 
the  defender  of  Silistria,  a  young  man  of  remarkable  promise 
who,  if  he  had  lived,  would  probably  have  done  great  things 
and  have  risen  to  distinction. 

Canrobert  writes  to  his  Government  that  he  hopes  soon 
to  attempt  the  assault,  but  the  Emperor  and  M.  Vaillant  by 
no  means  approve  of  it,  and  have  sent  him  orders  not  actually 
prohibiting  it,  but  enjoining  caution  in  such  a  manner  as 
will  most  probably  effectually  deter  him  from  doing  any- 
thing. They  all  think  that  the  capture  of  the  place  could 
only  be  achieved  (if  at  all)  at  a  great  cost  of  life,  and  that 
the  captors  could  not  hold  it  for  many  hours,  as  they  would 
be  pounded  from  the  Northern  forts  which  entirely  command 
the  place. 

AVe  discussed  Austria  and  what  she  will  do  when  the 
Russian  answer  comes  to  the  last  communication  of  the  Con- 
ference at  Vienna,  and  what  she  can  do.  Even  if  she  recalls 
her  ambassador  from  St.  Petersburg  and  declares  war,  Cowley 
thinks  she  will  never  cross  bayonets  with  the  Russians  or  fire 


186  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VII. 

a  shot  unless  attacked  ;  and  he  believes,  on  what  appear  good 
grounds,  that  if  any  fighting  takes  place  between  the  Aus- 
trians  and  the  Russians,  the  former  will  get  beaten,  and  that 
the  Russian  army  is  much  the  best  of  the  two.  This  is  the 
reverse  of  the  general  notion,  but  it  seems  that  the  Austrian 
officers  themselves  are  of  that  opinion.  It  is  no  wonder, 
therefore,  that  they  have  no  mind  to  go  to  war  and  to  en- 
counter this  danger  to  accommodate  us,  whom  they  still  cor- 
dially hate  on  many  accounts,  but  especially  for  the  Haynau 
affair,  which  still  rankles  in  their  hearts  and  in  which  they 
think  their  uniform  was  insulted.  Jt  propos  of  this,  Clarendon 
told  me  that  the  Queen  was  talking  to  him  very  lately  about 
this  affair,  and  told  him  that  she  had  entreated  Palmerston 
at  the  time  to  write  some  expression  of  regret  to  the  Austrian 
Government,  but  that  nothing  would  induce  him  to  do  it, 
and  he  never  did. 

I  asked  Clarendon  what  was  Palmerston's  present  tone 
about  the  war.  He  said  he  was  very  uneasy  about  the  army 
and  its  condition,  but  just  as  confident  as  ever  as  to  the  final 
result  of  the  war,  and  as  lofty  in  his  ideas  of  the  terms  of 
peace  we  should  exact  from  Russia.  He  is  all  for  restoring 
the  Crimea  to  Turkey,  and,  what  is  more,  he  has  persuaded 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  to  embrace  that  opinion.  As  usual, 
he  never  sees  any  difficulty  in  anything  he  wishes  to  do.  I 
told  Cowley  and  Clarendon  what  Grey  said — viz.  that  he 
agreed  entirely  with  Bright's  letter,  and  that  the  war  might 
have  been  avoided  by  either  of  the  two  courses — to  have  told 
the  Emperor  of  Russia  in  the  beginning  we  would  make  war 
on  him  if  he  persisted,  and  compelled  to  understand  that 
we  really  meant  it,  or  to  have  forced  the  Turks  to  accept 
the  Vienna  Note  ;  and,  in  either  case,  war  would  have  been 
avoided,  but  that  the  Cabinet  itself  being  divided,  every- 
thing was  done  in  a  spirit  of  compromise,  and  a  middle 
course  adopted  which  led  to  all  the  mischief.  Cowley  an- 
swered the  first  alternative  and  Clarendon  the  second.  Cow- 
ley  said  that  one  of  the  great  difficulties  of  the  British  Gov- 
ernment was  to  secure  concert  with  the  French,  and  to  ex- 
plain their  own  conduct  without  hurting  the  susceptibility  of 
their  allies  or  divulging  what  passed  between  the  two  Gov- 
ernments. The  French  were  perpetually  blowing  hot  and 
cold,  with  a  false  air  of  vigor  superior  to  our's  at  one  mo- 
ment, and  at  another  wanting  to  do  what  our  Ministers 
would  have  been  torn  to  pieces  for  consenting  to.  For  in- 


1854.]  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  FRANCE.  187 

stance,  in  spite  of  us  they  would  send  their  fleet  to  the 
Dardanelles  to  support  the  Turks,  and  afterward  they  pro- 
posed to  send  the  two  fleets  to  Constantinople  to  compel  the 
Sultan  to  sign  the  Vienna  Note.  Cowley  told  me  this  war 
in  its  present  shape  and  with  these  vast  armaments  had  gone 
on  insensibly  and  from  small  beginnings,  nobody  could  well 
tell  how.  In  the  first  instance,  the  Emperor  told  Cowley 
he  had  no  intention  of  sending  any  land  forces  to  the  East, 
and  when  we  proposed  to  him  to  despatch  there  a  small  corps 
of  5,000  English  and  10,000  French,  he  positively  declined. 
Soon  after  Sir  John  Burgoyne  was  sent  to  examine  and  re- 
port on  the  state  of  the  country  and  he  gave  an  opinion  that 
it  would  be  desirable  to  send  such  a  force  to  occupy  a  forti- 
fied position  at  Gallipoli  in  case  of  the  Russians  making  a 
sudden  attack  with  their  fleet  on  Constantinople,  in  which 
case  our  fleets  might  be  in  some  danger.  Cowley  took  him 
to  the  Emperor,  to  whom  he  told  his  story.  The  Emperor 
said  he  thought  his  reasons  good,  and  this  was  a  definite  and 
tangible  object,  and  he  would  send  the  troops.  When  Bag- 
Ian  was  offered  the  command  of  the  forces  we  were  to  send 
out,  he  said  he  would  not  go  with  less  than  20,000  men  ; 
and  when  we  agreed  to  send  this  force,  the  French  said  if 
we  sent  20,000  they  must  send  40,000,  and  so  the  expedition 
began,  and  it  has.  since  swelled  to  its  present  magnitude — 
our's  in  consequence  of  the  clamor  here  and  pressure  from 
without,  and  their's  to  keep  pace  with  our's  in  relative  pro- 
portions. With  regard  to  the  Vienna  Note,  Clarendon  said 
Stratford  never  would  have  let  the  Turks  sign  it,  and  if 
they  had  recalled  him  the  Cabinet  here  would  have  been 
broken  up,  Palmerston  would  have  gone  out,  Stratford 
would  have  come  home  frantic  and  have  proclaimed  to  the 
whole  country  that  the  Turks  had  been  sacrificed  and  be- 
trayed, and  the  uproar  would  have  been  so  great  that  it 
would  have  been  impossible  to  carry  out  the  intention.  I 
think  the  first  answer  is  more  weighty  than  the  last,  and 
that  the  popular  clamor  and  Palmerston's  secession  ought  to 
have  been  encountered  at  whatever  hazard  rather  than  per- 
sist in  the  fatal  course  which  could  hardly  fail  to  lead,  and 
did  eventually  lead,  us  into  this  deplorable  war. 


188  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 


CHAPTEE  VIII. 

Lord  John's  Views  on  the  Ministry— Gloomy  Prospects— Attacks  on  Lord  Rn<rhn—  Tlns- 
sian  and  Prussian  Diplomacy — Lord  Paimerston  more  in  favor — French  View  of  iho 
British  Army — Russian  Negotiations— Lord  John  Russell  in  Paris — Conference  at 
Vienna — Lord  Raglan  unmoved — Terms  proposed  to  Kussia — Failure  of  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle — Hesitation  of  Austria  and  Fracce — Deplorable  State  of  the  Annies — 
Chances  of  Peace — Meeting  of  Parliament — Further  Negotiations — Lord  John  Kussell 
resigns— Ministers  stay  in — The  Debate  on  Roebuck's  Motion — Resignation  of  Lord 
Aberdeen — Lord  John  Russell's  real  Motives — Lord  Derby  sent  for — and  fails — Wise 
Decision  of  the  Queen — Ministerial  Negotiations — LordPahnerston  sent  for — The  Pi-el- 
ites retusetojoin— Lord  Paimerston  forms  a  Government— Lord  Palmerston's  Pros- 
je  t; — Lord  John  Kussell  sent  to  Vienna — Lord  Paimerston  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons— General  Alarm — Difficulties  of  Lord  Paimerston — The  Peelites  secede— Lord 
John  accepts  the  Colonial  Office — Sir  George  Lewis  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer — 
Death  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas  of  Kussia — Lord  Paimerston  supposed  to  be  n  weak 
Debater— Weakness  of  the  Government — Fresh  Arrangements— The  Budget — The 
Press. 

January  2d,  1855. — I  received  yesterday  a  letter  from 
the  Duke  of  Bedford  relating  to  the  views  and  position  of 
Lord  John  Russell.  He  had  talked  over  his  position  with 
the  Duke,  disclaimed  any  wish  to  be  again  Prime  Minister, 
but  desired  Lord  Lansdowne  should  be  in  the  post ;  that  he 
liked  personally  both  Aberdeen  and  Newcastle,  but  thought 
them  unfit  for  the  emergency.  He  had  proposed  that 
Paimerston  should  be  War  Minister  but  was  overruled,  and 
now  (the  Duke  asks)  what  is  he  to  do  if  a  vote  of  censure  on 
the  management  of  the  war  is  proposed  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  thinking  as  he  does  that  it  has  been  mismanaged  ? 
He  would  willingly  break  up  this  Government,  which  he 
really  thinks  a  very  bad  one  (what  he  wrote  to  Clarendon 
being  his  deliberate  opinion),  if  he  could  see  a  chance  of  a 
better  being  substituted,  and  if  he  thought  Derby  could  carry 
on  the  war  more  efficiently,  which  he  does  not.  This  letter 
is  a  complete  reply  to  the  objection  Clarendon  urged  against 
Palmerston's  being  War  Minister,  for  if  Lord  John  himself 
wished  it,  nobody  else  could  well  object.  He  ought  to  have 
insisted  on  it,  and,  if  he  had,  it  must  have  been  done. 

Nothing  can  wear  a  gloomier  aspect  than  affairs  do  at 
home  and  abroad — the  Government  weak,  unpopular,  dis- 
pirited, and  divided,  the  army  in  the  Crimea  in  a  deplorable 
state,  and  the  prospects  of  the  war  far  from  brilliant,  no  con- 
fidence in  the  commanding  officers  there,  and  no  likelihood 
of  finding  more  competent  ones,  everybody  agreeing  that  till 
we  have  150,000  men  in  the  Crimea  we  cannot  count  on 
taking  Sebastopol,  and  the  difficulty  of  ever  assembling  such 
a  force  appearing  very  great.  So  far  as  I  can  collect,  the 


1355.]  CENSURES   OF   LORD   RAGLAN.  189 

violent  articles  which  the  "  Times  "  emits  day  after  day  have 
excited  general  resentment  and  disgust.  They  overdo  every- 
thing, and,  while  they  are  eternally  changing  their  course, 
the  one  they  follow  for  the  moment  they  follow  with  an 
outrageous  violence  which  shocks  everybody.  But  as  those 
who  complain  most  of  the  "  Times  "  still  go  on  reading  it, 
the  paper  only  gets  more  rampant  and  insolent,  for  as  long 
as  its  circulation  is  undiminished  it  does  not  care  what  any- 
body thinks  or  says  of  it. 

January  4th. — I  wrote  the  Duke  an  answer  with  my 
opinion  on  Lord  John's  position  and  obligations,  which  has 
elicited  another  from  him  this  morning.  He  says  that  it  was 
a  few  weeks  ago  that  John  made  a  formal  proposal  to  Aber- 
deen that  Palmerston  should  replace  Newcastle  at  the  War 
Department.  Aberdeen  desired  time  to  consider,  and  then 
refused.  Subsequently  the  matter  was  renewed,  when  Palm- 
erston himself  objecte'd,  and  then  it  necessarily  ended.  The 
Duke  thinks  that  Lord  John  will  not  now  stir  it  again,  and 
will  make  up  his  mind  to  go  on,  and  to  defend  his  Govern- 
ment in  the  House  of  Commons.  He  consulted  Sir  George 
Grey,  Lord  Lansdowne,  and  Panmure,  and  they  all  advised 
him  not  to  resign.  It  is  strange  that  while  this  is  imparted 
to  me  "  very  confidentially,"  and  I  had  heard  nothing  of  it 
before,  it  is  currently  reported,  and  stated  positively  in  the 
'•'  Morning  Herald,"  that  Lord  John  and  others,  mentioned 
bv  name,  have  insisted  on  Newcastle's  being  turned  out. 
That  some  part  of  what  has  occurred  has  got  out  is  clear, 
and  I  incline  to  think  that  some  of  his  satellites  have  set  to 
work,  and  that,  by  way  of  assisting  Lord  John's  object,  they 
have  given  notice  of  what  was  going  on  to  some  of  the  Der- 
byites.  There  is  a  mysterious  allusion  to  some  impending 
event  in  the  "  Press  "  on  Saturday  last,  which  looks  very 
like  this. 

The  "Times"  goes  on  against  Eaglan  with  greater  vehe- 
mence every  day,  and  will  not  be  restrained  by  any  remon- 
strances. Evans  has  put  himself  in  communication  with 
Delane  (though  certainly  having  no  hand  in  these  attacks) 
and  has  sent  him  an  account  of  his  having  addressed  a  letter 
to  Canrobert  many  days  before  the  battle  of  Inkerman  for 
the  purpose  of  getting  him  to  assist  in  taking  precautionary 
measures  to  resist  the  attack  he  was  persuaded  the  Russians 
would  make,  and  Canrobert's  answer,  in  which  he  says  that 
his  means  are  curtailed  by  the  necessity  of  providing  for  the 


190  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIIL 

defence  of  Balaklava,  and  of  extending  his  line  and  making 
dispositions  "dans  ]'inter6t  de  la  situation  commune/'  but 
that  he  has  ordered  Bosquet  to  move  nearer  to  Evans'  divi- 
sion, and  to  be  in  readiness  if  anything  should  happen. 
There  was  a  passage  omitted  in  the  printed  letter  of  Evans 
to  Raglan  in  which  he  alludes  to  the  neglect  of  the  precau- 
tionary measures  he  had  recommended. 

Gortschakotf  has  declared  the  Emperor  of  Eussia  will 
accept  the  first,  second,  and  fourth  articles  of  the  four  points, 
and  will  consider  of  the  third.  This  may  mean  that  he 
really  wishes  to  make  peace,  or  only  be  done  for  the  sake  of 
Austria,  and  to  give  her  a  pretext  for  not  declaring  against 
him.  Clarendon  is  satisfied  with  Usedom,  but  not  at  all 
with  his  proposals.  He  says  the  King  of  Prussia  has  sent 
him  to  try  and  make  a  treaty  with  France  and  England  en- 
tirely out  of  jealousy  and  mortification  at  Austria  having 
made  one,  but  he  does  not  propose  one  similar  to  the  Aus- 
trian Treaty,  only  a  defensive  one.  Clarendon  says  the  King 
in  his  heart  hates  Russia  and  winces  under  the  influence  he 
submits  to,  that  he  is  indignant  at  the  insults  which  have 
been  heaped  on  him  by  his  Imperial  brother-in-law,  and  the 
contumely  with  which  he  has  been  treated,  but,  being  physi- 
cally and  politically  a  coward,  he  has  not  energy  to  shake  off 
the  yoke  he  has  suffered  to  be  imposed  on  him. 

Aldenliam,  January  6th. — I  came  here  to-day.  I  saw 
Cowley  yesterday,  who  has  been  to  Windsor,  and  tells  me 
that  he  finds  by  conversations  he  has  had  with  Stockmar 
that  the  Queen  is  much  softened  toward  Palmerston  and  no 
longer  regards  him  with  the  extreme  aversion  she  did.  On 
the  other  hand,  she  is  very  angry  with  John  Russell,  and 
this  is,  of  course,  from  knowing  what  he  has  been  doing,  and 
resentment  at  his  embarrassing  and  probably  breaking  -up 
the  Government.  This  relaxation  in  her  feelings  toward 
Palmerston  is  very  important  at  this  moment,  and  presents 
the  chance  of  an  alternative  which,  if  this  Government  fails, 
may  save  her  from  Derby  and  his  crew,  whom  she  cordially 
detests.  I  hear  Newcastle  is  very  low,  as  well  he  may  be, 
for  no  man  was  ever  placed  in  so  painful  a  position,  and  it  is 
one  from  which  it  is  impossible  for  him  to  extricate  himself. 
When  the  Government  goes  to  pieces,  as  I  am  persuaded  it 
will,  the  Queen  is  very  likely  to  send  for  Palmerston,  and  he 
and  Ellenborough,  as  War  Minister,  might  make  a  Govern- 
ment that  would  probably  stand  during  the  war,  and  which 


1855.]          CANROBERT'S  OPINION  OF  BRITISH  ARMY.  191 

in  present  circumstances  the  House  of  Commons  and  the 
country  could  not  but  support.  My  notion  is  that  Lord 
John  would  not  take  any  office,  but  would  support  Palmer- 
ston,  and  advise  all  his  friends  and  followers  to  dp  so.  I 
know  no  reason  why  Ellenborough  should  not  act  with  any- 
body, and  many  of  the  present  Government  might  stay  in, 
and  certain  changes  be  made  which  would  let  in  more  Whigs, 
and  so  conciliate  that  party,  while  the  Conservatives  would 
abstain  from  supporting  any  Government  which  did  not  con- 
tain Aberdeen  and  Newcastle.  Gladstone  might  be  a  diffi- 
culty ;  Clarendon  would  be  none,  for  he  and  Palmerston 
have  pulled  very  well  together,  and  I  have  no  doubt  Palmer- 
ston would  be  very  happy  to  keep  him.  This  opens  a  new 
prospect,  and  one  very  preferable  to  having  Derby  and  his 
friends  in  office  again. 

I  asked  Cowley  about  Canrobert's  confidential  letters  to 
his  Government  on  the  state  of  our  army  of  which  I  had 
heard.  He  said  it  was  very  true,  and  he  had  seen  several  of 
these  letters,  in  which  Canrobert  said  that  nothing  could 
exceed  his  admiration  of  the  British  soldiers,  but  he  was 
convinced  the  army  would  disappear  altogether,  for  their 
organization  and  management  were  deplorable  ;  and  he  en- 
treated his  Government,  if  they  possibly  could,  to  interpose 
in  the  interest  of  the  common  cause  to  procure  some  ameli- 
oration of  the  organization,  without  which  nothing  could 
save  the  army  from  destruction.  The  Emperor,  Cowley 
said,  never  mentioned  our  troops  or  commanders  to  him 
except  in  terms  of  respect  and  with  expressions  of  his  ad- 
miration, but  he  knew  that  to  others  he  spoke  in  a  very 
different  tone,  and  said  that  our  army  was  commanded  by 
an  old  woman. 

January  12th. — I  returned  to  town  last  night.  The 
Emperor  of  Russia's  acceptance  of  the  four  points,  as  inter- 
preted by  us,  of  course  excites  hopes  of  peace,  but  I  think 
few  people  are  sanguine  as  to  the  result.  It  is  suspected  to 
be  only  a  dodge  to  paralyze  the  action  of  Austria,  but  unless 
there  was  some  secret  concert  with  Austria,  which  is  not 
likely,  I  cannot  see  what  Russia  is  to  gain  by  accepting 
conditions  which  she  does  not  really  mean  to  abide  by. 
Such  conduct  could  only  deceive  the  Allies  for  a  short  time, 
and,  as  there  is  no  question  of  any  suspension  of  military 
operations,  nothing  would  be  gained  in  that  respect,  while 
as  soon  as  some  decisive  test  of  the  Emperor's -sincerity  was 


192  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

applied,  his  real  meaning  must  be  made  manifest,  and  then 
not  only  would  the  acharnement  of  the  Western  Powers  be 
increased,  but  it  would  be  quite  impossible  for  Austria  not 
to  join  the  Coalition,  and  to  act  verily  and  indeed  against 
Eussia.  These  reasons  would  induce  me  to  put  faith  in  the 
Russian  announcement ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  barely 
credible  that  the  Emperor  should  consent  to  the  sacrifice  of 
Sebastopol  in  the  present  state  of  the  campaign,  and  with 
the  almost  certainty  that  we  cannot  take  it  for  many  months 
to  come,  if  at  all. 

John  Russell  is  gone  to  Paris,  not  for  any  political  object, 
but  merely  to  see  one  of  his  wife's  sisters ;  but  his  journey 
there  and  conversations  with  the  Emperor  may  not  be  with- 
out some  consequences.  I  hear  almost  daily  from  the  Duke 
of  Bedford  on  the  subject  of  John's  conduct,  the  conduct  of 
the  war,  and  the  state  of  the  Government.  Eor  the  present 
he  appears  to  desist  from  doing  anything  to  make  an  explo- 
sion. The  curious  thing  is  that  the  public,  and  particularly 
the  Derbyite,  newspapers  should  be  so  well  informed  as  they 
are  of  what  is  going  on.  Though  the  immediate  danger  of 
a  break  up  seems  to  be  over,  I  still  think  the  animus  Lord 
John  exhibits,  the  manifold  difficulties  of  the  Government, 
and  their  undoubted  though  unjust  unpopularity,  will  before 
long  break  them  to  pieces. 

January  \Uh. — I  met  Clarendon  last  night  and  had  a 
talk  about  affairs  at  home  and  abroad.  John  Russell  at 
Paris  is  satisfied  with  his  conversation  with  the  Emperor, 
who  agreed  that  we  could  make  no  peace  but  one  which 
would  be  glorious  for  us.  Clarendon  does  not  believe  the 
Emperor  of  Russia  really  means  to  sacrifice  Sebastopol,  and 
thinks  when  he  sent  his  acceptance  of  the  four  points  he  was 
not  apprised  of  what  had  passed  in  the  Conference,  which 
was  merely  verbal.  Gortschakoff,  in  a  passion,  said,  "  I 
suppose  you  mean  to  limit  our  naval  force,  or  to  dismantle 
Sebastopol,  or  both  ; "  to  which  they  replied,  u  Yes "  ;  but 
nothing  was  put  in  writing  to  this  effect.  This  makes  a 
great  difference,  but  I  do  not  despair.  There  is  a  great 
question  about  a  negotiator,  and  the  Queen  and  Prince  want 
Clarendon  himself  to  go.  He  refused  point  blank  ;  he  does 
not  like  to  leave  it  to  Westmorland  alone.  I  suggested  Can- 
ning, but  he  thought  Canning  had  not  had  experience 
enough,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  a  Cabinet  Minister,  and 
asked,  "Why  not  Palmerston  ?"  I  objected  the  difficulty 


1855.]  LOKD    RAGLAN'S   COMPOSURE.  193 

of  relying  on  him,  his  hatred  of  Austria,  and  the  terror  he 
would  inspire  ;  and  I  said  Granville  might  do,  but  that  I 
saw  no  reason  why  he  should  not  go  himself  if  he  had  reason 
to  think  it  was  likely  to  succeed,  though  I  would  not  go 
merely  to  return  re  infectd.  We  then  talked  of  Lord  John 
and  of  Newcastle.  He  said  that  Newcastle  is  exceedingly 
slow,  and  has  a  slow  mind,  but  that  there  is  no  case  what- 
ever for  turning  him  out,  and  he  cannot  be  blamed  for  the 
failures  in  matters  of  detail,  and  as  for  the  great  measures 
the  responsibility  belongs  alike  to  all.  Lord  John  never  is 
and  never  will  be  satisfied  without  being  again  Prime  Minis- 
ter, which  is  impossible.  1  said  the  Duke  of  Bedford  as- 
sured me  that  his  brother  did  not  now  want  to  be  Prime 
Minister.  "What  does  he  want  then? — to  retire  alto- 
gether ?"  "Yes,"  said  Clarendon,  "that  is  his  intense  self- 
ishness ;  utterly  regardless  of  the  public  interests,  or  of 
what  may  happen,  he  wants  to  relieve  himself  from  the  re- 
sponsibility of  a  situation  which  is  not  so  good  as  he  desires, 
and  to  run  away  from  his  post  at  a  moment  of  danger  and 
difficulty.  If  we  had  some  great  success — if  Sebastopol  were 
taken,  for  example — we  should  hear  no  more  of  his  retire- 
ment." As  matters  are,  however,  Clarendon  thinks  very  ill 
of  them  abroad  and  at  home.  This  disposition  of  Lord 
John's  keeps  the  Government  in  constant  hot  water,  and 
no  confidence  can  be  placed  in  Eaglan,  while  it  is  impossible 
to  find  anybody  who  would,  as  far  as  we  can  judge,  do  any 
better. 

The  Court  are  exceedingly  annoyed  and  alarmed  at 
Raglan's  failure  ;  the  Prince  showed  Clarendon  (or  told  him 
of)  a  letter  from  Colonel  Steele,  who  said  that  he  had  no  idea 
how  great  a  mind  Raglan  really  had,  but  that  he  now  saw 
it,  for  in  the  midst  of  distresses  and  difficulties  of  every  kind 
in  which  the  army  was  involved  he  was  perfectly  serene  and 
undisturbed,  and  his  health  excellent !  Steele  meant  this 
as  a  panegyric,  and  did  not  see  that  it  really  conveyed  a 
severe  reproach.  The  conviction  of  his  incapacity  for  so 
great  a  command  gains  ground  every  day  ;  he  has  failed  in 
those  qualities  where  everybody  expected  he  would  have  suc- 
ceeded best,  even  those  who  thought  nothing  of  his  military 
genius.  But,  having  learned  what  he  knows  of  war  under 
the  Duke,  he  might  at  least  have  known  how  lie  carried  on 
war,  and  have  imitated  his  attention  to  minute  details  and  a 
general  supervision  of  the  different  services,  seeing  that  all 
9 


194  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

was  in  order  and  the  merely  mechanical  parts  properly  at- 
tended to  on  which  so  much  of  the  efficiency  as  well  as  of 
the  comfort  of  the  army  depended.1 

January  19th. — We  are  still  uncertain  as  to  the  real  in- 
tentions of  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  and  whether  he  means 
to  accept  the  terms  offered  by  the  Allies  ;  but  my  own  im- 
pression is  that  he  will  not  accept  them  in  cur  sense,  and  that 
he  never  will  consent  to  the  sacrifice  of  Sebastopol  till  we 
have  taken  the  place  and  destroyed  the  fortifications,  thereby 
rendering  its  dismantling  a  fait  accompli.  There  is  cer- 
tainly nothing  in  the  present  state  of  our  affairs  which  war- 
rants our  lofty  pretensions,  and  the  proposal  of  terms  EO 
humiliating  to  the  Emperor.  The  only  possible  grounds  that 
can  be  imagined  for  his  acceptance  are,  his  own  knowledge 
of  the  state  of  his  own  country  and  of  the  resources  he  can 
command  for  carrying  on  the  war,  and  a  dispassionate  and 
farsighted  calculation  of  the  disposition  and  of  the  resources 
of  his  opponents.  It  is  not  impossible  that  he  may  foresee 
that  he  must  eventually  succumb  in  a  contest  so  unequal  and 
in  which  the  number  of  his  enemies  increases  every  day.  He 
may  deem  it  better  to  make  certain  sacrifices  now,  with  the 
view  of  being  able  before  long  to  retrieve  his  losses,  than  to 
expose  himself  to.  the  chance  and  great  probability  of  being 
obliged  to  make  much  greater  sacrifices  hereafter,  and  such 
as  it  will  be  more  difficult  for  him  to  repair.  The  Duke  of 
Bedford  tells  me  that  Aberdeen  and  Clarendon  are  both 
hopeless  of  peace,  and  that  Lord  John  and  Palmerston  do 
not  consider  it  so  absolutely  hopeless  ;  Aberdeen  says  the 
negotiations  will  not  last  half  an  hour. 

The  accounts  from  the  army  are  as  bad  as  possible ; 
one  third  of  it  is  in  the  hospitals,  and  the  quays  of  Balaklava 
are  loaded  with  enormous  stores  of  every  kind,  which  it  was 
impossible  to  transport  to  the  camp.  Very  intelligent  peo- 
ple therefore  entertain  the  greatest  apprehension  of  some 
catastrophe  occurring  whenever  the  severity  of  the  winter, 
which  has  hitherto  been  comparatively  mild,  sets  in.  The 
best  security  is  in  the  equally  distressed  state  of  the 
Russians,  and  in  fact  nothing  but  this  can  account  for  their 
having  left  us  alone  so  long. 

1  [It  may  be  proper  to  remark  that  a  different  and  far  more  favorable  view 
of  Lord  Raglan's  capacity  as  a  General  will  be  found  infra  at  the  beginning  of 
Chapter  XII.  of  this  Journal,  upon  the  evidence  of  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  who  was 
entirely  in  the  confidence  of  the  Coramander-in-Chief.] 


1835.]  ILL   CONDUCT   OF   THE   WAR.  195 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  and  I  talked  over  the  state  of  af- ' 
fairs  here,  and  the  political  possibilities  in  the  event  of  this 
Government  falling  to  pieces  or  being  compelled  to  resign. 
We  both  desire  any  arrangement  rather  than  another  Derby 
Government,  and  we  agree  in  thinking  that  on  the  whole  the 
best  would  be  for  Lord  Lansdowne  to  undertake  the  forma- 
tion of  a  Government,  if  ho  can  be  persuaded  to  do  so,  which 
does  not  appear  wholly  impossible.  This  would  satisfy  Lord 
John,  who  would  then  remain  in  his  present  office,  half  a 
dozen  of  the  present  Cabinet  would  go  out,  some  Whigs 
might  replace  them,  and  the  thing  would  undoubtedly  go  on 
for  a  time.  It  is  impossible  for  Newcastle  to  continue  to 
conduct  the  war,  with  the  universal  clamor  there  is  against 
him  and  the  opinion  of  his  own  colleagues  (at  least  of  such 
of  them  as  I  know  the  opinions  of)  that  he  is  unfit  for  the 
post.  He  has  two  very  great  faults  which  are  sufficient  to 
disqualify  him  :  he  is  exceedingly  slow,  and  he  knows  noth- 
ing of  the  qualifications  of  other  men,  or  how  to  provide 
himself  with  competent  assistants  ;  nor  has  he  any  decision 
or  foresight.  He  chose  for  his  under-secretaries  two  wholly 
incompetent  men  who  have  been  of  no  use  to  him  in  manag- 
ing and  expediting  the  various  details  of  the  service,  and 
he  has  a  rage  for  doing  everything  himself,  by  which  means 
nothing  is  done,  or  done  so  tardily  as  to  be  of  no  use.  Then 
all  the  subordinate  Boards  are  miserably  administered,  and 
the  various  useless,  inefficient,  or  worn  out  officers  have  been 
suffered  to  remain  at  their  posts,  to  the  enormous  detriment 
of  the  service.  The  genius  of  Lord  Chatham  or  the  energy 
and  will  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  would  have  failed  with 
such  a  general  staff  here,  and  with  such  a  Commander-in- 
Chief  as  Hardinge,  and  with  the  faineantise  of  Raglan. 

January  2Qth. — It  is  only  by  degrees  one  can  unravel  the 
truth  in  political  affairs.  John  Russell  told  me  last  night 
that  Austria  has  never  given  in  her  adhesion  to  our  condi- 
tion of  making  the  destruction  of  Sebastopol  a  sine  qua  non 
of  peace.  She  joins  us  in  insisting  on  the  "faire  cesser  la 
prepotence,"  but  the  means  of  accomplishing  this  remain  to 
be  discussed.  This  is  very  different  from  what  I  had  imag- 
ined, and  makes  it  anything  but  certain  that  she  will  join 
her  forces  to  ours,  if  the  negotiations  fail  in  consequence  of 
our  demands.  We  are  now  endeavoring  to  bring  the  Court 
of  Vienna  into  an  agreement  with  us  as  to  the  conditions  to 
be  required,  and  it  is  no  easy  matter  to  get  the  Cabinet  to 


196  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

agree  upon  the  wording  of  the  communications  we  make  to 
her.  This  arises  from  the  necessity  of  looking  to  the  effect 
of  what  will  appear  in  the  Blue  Books.  Blue  Books,  Parlia- 
mentary discussions,  and  the  Press  tie  up  the  hands  of  a 
Government,  fetter  its  discretion  and  deliberate  policy,  and 
render  diplomatic  transactions  (especially  with  Governments 
whose  hands  are  more  free)  excessively  difficult.  Granville 
told  me  yesterday  morning  that  the  course  of  Eussia  had  been 
more  straightforward  than  that  of  England  and  France,  and 
this  morning  he  reminded  me  of  having  said  so,  and  added 
that  we  were  in  a  great  diplomatic  mess,  France  always 
finessing  and  playing  a  game  of  her  own  ;  and  I  infer  from 
what  he  said  that,  having  got  all  she  can  out  of  us,  she  is 
now  coquetting  with  Austria,  and  disposed  to  defer  to  her 
wishes  and  objects,  and  to  be  less  exigeante  toward  Russia. 
This  is  only  of  a  piece  with  what  Clarendon  has  often  said 
to  me  about  France  and  her  way  of  dealing  with  us  ;  how- 
ever, if  France  will  only  insist  on  making  peace  on  plausible 
terms,  and  with  the  semblance  of  its  being  an  honorable  and 
consistent  peace,  we  cannot  do  otherwise  than  acquiesce  in 
her  determination,  and  if  we  only  follow  the  lead  she  takes, 
the  public  here  must  needs  be  satisfied.  This  is  Granville's 
own  idea,  as  it  is  mine,  and  God  grant  that  affairs  may  take 
this  turn,  and  so  we  may  get  out  of  the  tremendous  scrape 
we  are  in,  the  escape  from  which  will  be  cheaply  purchased 
by  the  fall  of  the  Government — a  consequence  that  is  almost 
certain  if  it  does  not  happen  before  anything  can  be  done. 

Day  after  day  the  accounts  from  the  Crimea  represent  a 
more  deplorable  state  of  things,  entirely  confirmative  of 
Canrobert's  statements  to  his  own  Government,  and  it  is 
difficult  to  read  them  and  not  apprehend  some  fatal  catas- 
trophe. We  know  nothing  of  the  state  of  the  Russians 
either  within  or  without  Sevastopol,  and  this  ignorance  is 
not  one  of  the  least  remarkable  circumstances  in  this  war, 
but  we  must  conclude  either  that  their  condition  is  as  bad 
as  ours  and  that  they  are  unable  to  attack  us,  or  that  their 
policy  is  to  let  the  winter  do  its  work,  and  that  they  do  not 
think  it  necessary  for  them  to  fight  sanguinary  battles  with 
very  doubtful  results  when  disease  is  ravaging  the  allied  army 
and  producing  effects  as  advantageous  for  them  as  the  most 
complete  victories  could  do,  as  surely,  only  more  gradually. 

January  2'2d. — Every  day  one  looks  with  anxiety  to  pee 
and  to  hear  whether  the  chances  of  peace  look  well  or  ill, 


1855.]  ABORTIVE   NEGOTIATIONS.  197 

and  at  present  they  look  very  ill.  Clarendon  seems  to  set 
his  face  against  it — that  is,  he  considers  it  hopeless ;  and  it 
is  not  promising  that  the  negotiations  should  be  under  the 
management  of  one  who  has  no  hopes  of  bringing  them  to  a 
successful  issue,  and  whose  despair  of  it  evidently  arises  from 
his  determination  to  exact  conditions  that  there  is  no  chance 
of  obtaining.  I  hear,  too,  this  morning,  that  the  instructions 
to  Bourqueney  are  to  be  as  exigeant  as  possible — not  very  wise 
pretensions  anyhow,  but  they  rather  indicate  the  tone  adopted 
by  England  than  the  real  intentions  of  France,  for  it  is  one 
thing  to  make  great  demands  and  another  to  persist  in  them. 
It  is,  however,  idle  to  speculate  on  the  progress  of  a  negotia- 
tion which  must  be  so  largely  influenced  by  the  operations 
and  events  of  the  war.  Parliament  meets  to-morrow,  and  I 
think  a  very  short  time  will  elapse  before  the  fate  of  the 
Government  is  decided  by  some  vote  about  the  conduct  of 
the  war.  I  think  the  Government  themselves  desire  it,  and, 
conscious  of  the  state  of  public  opinion  and  of  the  deplorable 
state  of  affairs,  and  most  of  them  thinking  there  has  been 
great  and  fatal  mismanagement,  they  wish  the  question  to 
be  decided,  would  not  be  sorry  to  be  driven  out  by  an  ad- 
verse vote,  and  consider  that  it  would  be  a  better  and  more 
respectable  way  of  ending  than  by  those  internal  dissensions, 
which,  like  a  cancer,  are  continually  undermining  them. 
John  Russell  sees  nothing  but  difficulties  in  the  formation 
of  another  Government  of  a  Whig  complexion  including  a 
large  portion  of  the  present  Ministers,  and  says  that  he  does 
not  think  Lord  Lansdowne  would,  or  that  he  or  Palmerston 
could  accomplish  it.  He  means  now  to  stand  by  his  col- 
leagues, to  accept  his  share  of  responsibility,  and  defend 
what  has  been  done. 

January  23d. — Parliament  meets  to-day,  and  probably 
no  time  will  be  lost  in  attacking  the  Government,  but  it  is 
impossible  yet  to  know  whether  they  will  be  harassed  by  a 
continual  succession  of  skirmishes  and  bitter  comments  on 
details,  or  whether  some  grand  and  decisive  assault  will  be 
made.  The  general  impression  is  that  the  War  Department 
cannot  remain  in  Newcastle's  hands,  and  if  he  cannot  be  got 
rid  of  without  the  whole  Ministry  going  to  pieces  it  must  so 
end.  I  think  this  is  pretty  much  the  opinion  of  the  Minis- 
ters themselves ;  and  though  I  believe  they  all,  or  most  of 
them,  personally  like  him,  they  seem,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  to 
be  agreed  that  he  is  unequal  to  his  post. 


198  REIGN  OF  QUEE.V  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

With  regard  to  peace,  the  prospect  looks  anything  but 
bright.  The  negotiations  will  not  begin  till  we  receive  posi- 
tive information  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  Emperor  of  Kussia 
in  accepting  the  four  points.  Some  weeks  ago  Clarendon 
wrote  a  despatch  to  Westmorland,  in  which  he  stated  ex- 
plicitly the  meaning  we  attached  to  the  four  points,  but  this 
has  never  been  put  officially  before  the  Emperor,  that  we 
know  of.  Buol  acquiesced,  as  I  understood,  in  our  explana- 
tion, but  John  Russell  distinctly  told  me  that  Austria  had 
never  signified  her  concurrence  in  making  the  demolition  of 
Sebastopol  a  sine  qud  non  condition.  Now,  however,  some 
fresh  communication  has  been  made  by  Austria  to  Kussia, 
and  we  will  not  begin  the  negotiation  until  Austria  shall 
have  signified  to  us  that  the  Emperor's  acceptance  is  such  as 
will  warrant  us  in  negotiating.  I  am  not  sufficiently  ac- 
quainted with  all  the  details  to  form  a  conclusive  opinion, 
but,  as  far  as  I  can  see,  we  have  been  hanging  off  from  being 
perfectly  explicit,  and  have  never  yet  come  to  a  complete 
understanding  with  Austria,  much  less  with  Russia,  and  I 
am  afraid  of  our  Ministers  committing  themselves  in  Parlia- 
ment by  some  declarations  and  professions  of  intentions 
which  may  make  peace  impossible  and  break  up  the  negotia- 
tions at  once,  for  as  to  Russia  consenting  to  dismantle  Se- 
bastopol, I  look  upon  it  as  impossible,  and  absurd  to  expect 
it.  I  earnestly  hope  that  Bourqueney  may  be  instructed  to 
come  to  an  understanding  with  Austria,  and  that,  if  we  insist 
on  terms  impossible  to  obtain,  our  two  Allies  may  compel  us 
to  give  way,  or  leave  us  to  fight  the  battle  alone.  The  only 
thing  quite  certain  is  that  we  are  in  a  state  of  the  utmost 
doubt,  danger,  and  perplexity  at  home  and  abroad,  all  of 
which  is  owing  to  our  own  egregious  folly  and  unskilfulness, 
and  the  universal  madness  which  has  pervaded  the  nation. 

January  24£7>. — The  Government  is  at  an  end,  or  at  least 
it  probably  will  be  before  the  end  of  the  day.  The  Duke  of 
Bedford  has  just  been  to  me  to  tell  me  that  last  night,  after 
returning  from  the  House  of  Commons,  Lord  John  wrote  a 
letter  to  Aberdeen  to  resign  his  office,  and  he  will  not  attend 
the  Cabinet  to-day.  Nobody  knows  it  but  Aberdeen  him- 
self, and  I  am  not  permitted  to  tell  Granville  even,  but  it 
will  be  announced  to  the  Cabinet  this  morning.  The  imme- 
diate cause  of  Lord  John's  resignation  is  Roebuck's  motion, 
of  which  he  gave  notice  last  night,  for  a  Committee  to  in- 
quire into  the  conduct  of  the  war  ;  it  is  intended  as  a  hostile 


1855.]  LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL  RESIGNS  OFFICE.  199 

motion,  and  would  have  been  turned  into  a  vote  of  censure 
and  want  of  confidence.  Besides  this,  it  seems  Hayter  had 
told  Lord  John  that  the  aspect  of  the  House  was  bad,  and 
members  of  the  Government  party  disinclined  to  attend. 
Accordingly,  he  said  he  could  not  and  would  not  face  the 
motion  ;  Graham  and  Sidney  llerbert  might  defend  the  con- 
duct of  the  war,  but  he  could  not.  Heaven  only  knows  what 
will  occur.  Lord  John  took  no  time  to  consider,  but  sent 
his  resignation  at  once,  the  moment  he  returned  from  the 
House.  I  told  the  Duke  that  I  thought  he  had  made  him- 
self obnoxious  to  very  just  reproach,  running  away  from 
such  a  motion,  and  explaining  (as  he  must  do)  that  he  could 
not  defend  the  conduct  of  the  war.  He  will  naturally  be 
asked  how  long  he  has  been  dissatisfied  with  its  manage- 
ment, and  why  he  did  not  retire  long  ago.  The  Duke  said 
he  was  aware  of  this,  but  he  endeavored  to  make  out  that 
the  case  bore  some  analogy  to  that  of  Lord  Althorp  in  1834, 
when  he  resigned  in  consequence  of  a  motion  of  O'Connell's. 
But  this  was  altogether  different.  Nothing  can,  in  my 
opinion,  justify  Lord  John,  and  his  conduct  will,  if  I  am 
not  mistaken,  be  generally  condemned,  and  deprive  him  of 
the  little  consideration  and  influence  he  had  left.  It  has 
been  vacillating,  ungenerous,  and  cowardly,  for  after  all,  in 
spite  of  errors  and  mistakes,  the  conduct  of  the  war  admits 
of  a  defence,  at  least  as  to  many  parts  of  it,  and  it  would 
have  been  far  better  to  stand  up  manfully  and  abide  the  re- 
sult of  the  battle  in  Parliament,  than  to  shirk  the  fight  and 
leave  his  colleagues  to  deal  with  the  difficulty  as  best  they 
may,  trying  to  escape  from  the  consequences  of  a  repponsi- 
bility  which  nothing  he  can  say  or  do  can  enable  him  to 
shake  off. 

January  26th. — Yesterday  morning  the  Cabinet  met,  and 
after  some  discussion  they  resolved  unanimously  not  to  re- 
sign, but  to  encounter  Roebuck's  motion.  Aberdeen  went 
down  to  Windsor,  and  there  is  another  Cabinet  this  morn- 
ing. I  saw  John  Russell  in  the  afternoon,  and  told  him  in 
very  plain  terms  what  I  thought  of  his  conduct,  and  how 
deeply  I  regretted  that  he  had  not  gone  on  with  his  col- 
leagues and  met  this  attack  with  them.  He  looked  aston- 
ished and  put  out,  but  said,  "I  could  not.  It  was  impos- 
sible for  me  to  oppose  a  motion  which  I  think  ought  to  be 
carried."  I  argued  the  point  with  him,  and  in  the  middle 
of  our  talk  the  Duke  of  Bedford  came  in.  I  asked  him  if 


200  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

he  did  not  think  the  remaining  Ministers  were  right  in  the 
course  they  have  taken,  and  he  said  he  did.  I  then  said,  "  I 
have  been  telling  John  how  much  I  regret  that  he  did  not 
do  the  same,"  when  John  repeated  what  he  had  said  before, 
and  then  went  away.  After  he  was  gone  the  Duke  said,  "I 
am  very  glad  you  said  what  you  did  to  John."  The  town 
was  in  a  great  state  of  excitement  yesterday,  and  everybody 
speculating  on  what  is  to  happen,  and  all  making  lists  of  a 
new  Government  according  to  their  expectations  or  wishes  ; 
most  people  place  Palmerston  at  the  head.  In  the  House  of 
Lords  Derby  asked  me  what  it  all  meant.  Clarendon  came 
up  while  we  were  talking,  and  gave  Derby  to  understand 
that  he  would  probably  have  to  take  office  again,  expressing 
his  own  eagerness  to  quit  it.  I  now  hear  that  Lord  John 
has  been  leading  the  Cabinet  a  weary  life  for  many  months 
past,  eternally  making  difficulties,  and  keeping  them  in  a 
constant  state  of  hot  water,  determined  to  upset  them,  and 
only  doubting  as  to  what  was  a  fit  opportunity,  and  at  last 
taking  the  worst  that  could  be  well  chosen  for  his  own  honor 
and  character.  He  is  not,  however,  without  countenance 
and  support  from  some  of  his  adherents,  or  from  those  who 
were  so  impatient  for  the  destruction  of  this  Government 
that  they  are  satisfied  with  its  being  accomplished,  no  mat- 
ter how  or  by  whom  or  under  what  circumstances ;  and  as 
he  has  been  long  accustomed 

to  sit  attentive  to  his  own  applause 

from  a  little  circle  in  Chesham  Place,  so  he  will  now  be  told 
by  the  same  set  that  he  has  acted  a  very  fine  and  praise- 
worthy part,  although  such  will  not  be  the  verdict  of  history, 
nor  is  it,  as  far  as  I  can  see,  of  the  best  and  wisest  of  his  own 
contemporaries.  Nobody  entertains  a  doubt  of  Roebuck's 
motion  being  carried  by  a  large  majority  against  the  Govern- 
ment. 

January  30th. — For  the  last  three  days  I  have  been  so  ill 
with  gout  that  I  could  not  do  anything,  or  follow  the  course 
of  events.  John  Russell  made  a  cunning  and  rather  clever 
speech  in  explanation  of  his  resignation,  George  Grey  a  good 
one  and  strong  against  Lord  John.  Opinions  fluctuated 
about  the  division,  some,  but  the  minority,  fancying  Govern- 
ment would  have  a  majority  because  the  proposed  Commit- 
tee is  so  excessively  difficult  and  in  all  ways  objectionable ; 
but  when  it  became  known  that  the  Derby ites  meant  to  vote 


1855.]  RESIGNATION   OF  LORD   ABERDEEN.  201 

in  a  body  for  the  motion,  no  one  doubted  the  result,  and  it 
became  only  a  question  of  numbers.1  Lord  John  seems  to 
have  felt  no  regret  at  what  he  has  done,  and  at  exciting  the 
resentment  and  incurring  the  blame  of  all  his  colleagues  ; 
and  he  goes  so  little  into  society,  and  is  so  constantly  patted 
on  the  back  at  home,  that  the  censure  of  the  world  produces 
no  effect  on  him.  They  tell  me  he  is  in  high  spirits,  and 
appears  only  to  be  glad  at  having  at  last  found  the  opportu- 
nity he  has  so  long  desired  of  destroying  the  Government. 
Everybody  appears  astonished  at  the  largeness  of  the  ma- 
jority. Gladstone  made  a  very  fine  speech,  and  powerful, 
crushing  against  Lord  John,  and  he  stated  what  Lord  John 
had  never  mentioned  in  his  narrative,  that  he  had  been  ex- 
pressly asked  in  December  whether  he  still  wished  the  change 
to  be  made  which  he  had  urged  in  November,  and  he  had 
replied  that  he  did  not,  that  he  had  given  it  up.  This  sup- 
pressio  veri  is  shocking,  and  one  of  the  very  worst  things 
he  ever  did. 

Aberdeen  went  down  to  Windsor  this  morning  to  resign. 
It  is  thought  that  the  Queen  will  send  for  Lansdowne,  and 
ask  him  if  he  can  make  a  Government,  or  will  try,  and,  if 
he  declines,  that  he  will  advise  her  to  send  for  Palmerston  ;  if 
Palmerston  fails,  then  she  can  do  nothing  but  take  Derby. 
It  seems  likely  now  that  we  shall  have  either  a  Whig  or  a 
Derbyite  Government,  and  that  the  Peelites  will  be  left  out 
altogether.  The  difficulties  are  enormous,  and  though  every- 
body says  that  at  such  a  crisis  and  with  the  necessity  of 
attending  to  the  war,  and  the  war  only,  no  personal  preju- 
dices or  antipathies  should  prevent  anybody  from  taking 
office  if  their  services  can  be  of  use,  men  will  not  be  governed 
by  motives  of  such  pure  patriotism  ;  and,  whoever  may  make 
the  Government,  I  expect  there  will  be  many  exclusions  and 
many  refusals  to  join.  Some  say  that,  if  Derby  comes  in, 
and  with  the  same  or  nearly  the  same  men  as  before,  he 
ought  to  be  kicked  out  at  once,  but  I  do  not  think  so,  and, 
much  as  I  should  abhor  another  such  Government,  I  think 
in  present  circumstances  it  must  be  allowed  the  fairest  play, 
and  be  supported  unless  and  until  it  commits  some  flagrant 
errors. 

January  3lst. — The  division  was  curious  :  some  seventy 
or  eighty  Whigs,  ordinary  supporters  of  Government,  voted 

1  [Mr.  Roebuck's  Motion  for  a  Committee  of  Inquiry  \vas  earned  on  the  29th 
of  January  by  a  majority  of  157  in  a  House  of  453  members  present.] 


202  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

against  them,  and  all  the  Tories,  except  about  six  or  seven 
who  voted  against  the  motion  ;  Cobden  and  Bright  stayed 
away.  John  Russell's  explanation,  had  he  spoken  the  truth, 
would  have  run  in  these  terms  :  "I  joined  the  Government 
with  great  reluctance,  and  only  at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  my 
friends,  particularly  Lord  Lansdowne.  From  the  first  I  was 
disgusted  at  my  position,  and  I  resolved,  unless  Lord  Aber- 
deen made  way  for  me,  and  I  again  became  Prime  Minister, 
that  I  would  break  up  the  Government.  I  made  various 
attempts  to  bring  about  such  a  change,  and  at  last,  after 
worrying  everybody  to  death  for  many  months,  I  accom- 
plished my  object,  having  taken  what  seemed  a  plausible 
pretext  for  doing  it." 

February  1st. — Contrary  to  general  expectation,  the  Queen 
did  not  send  either  for  Lansdowne  or  Palmerston,  but  at 
once  for  Derby.  He  went  directly  to  Palmerston,  who 
declined  to  join  him.  He  is  trying  to  form  a  Government, 
and  I  see  the  Whigs  are  chuckling  over  the  probability  of 
his  failing  and  being  obliged  to  give  it  up,  when  they  evi- 
dently flatter  themselves  that  it  will  fall  again  into  ther  hands 
of  John  Russell.  Rather  than  this  should  occur,  I  would 
prefer  that  Derby  should  succeed,  and  if  he  can  get  no  foreign 
aid,  that  he  should  reconstitute  the  wretched  Government 
he  had  before.  My  disgust  at  the  conduct  of  my  Whig 
friends  is  intense.  Although  they  were  to  the  last*  degree 
indignant  at  the  conduct  of  John  Russell,  they  have,  ever 
since  the  interregnum  began,  been  dancing  attendance  on 
him,  evincing  every  disposition  to  overlook  the  enormity  of 
his  conduct  and  to  reform  the  party  with  a  view  of  carrying 
him  again  to  the  head  of  affairs  and  making  another  pure 
Whig  Government.  I  confess  I  thought  that  nobody  could 
refuse  to  serve  at  the  present  crisis,  and,  if  the  Queen  sent 
for  Derby,  Palmerston,  if  invited,  could  not  help  joining, 
and  taking  the  War  Department ;  but  I  was  wrong.  I  see  in 
no  quarter,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  observe  and  judge, 
any  disposition  to  discard  prejudices,  antipathies,  and  per- 
sonal feelings  and  interests,  and  to  make  every  consideration 
yield  to  the  obligations  which  the  present  emergency  imposes. 
However,  the  game  is  not  half  played  out  yet.  Meanwhile 
we  are  exhibiting  a  pretty  spectacle  to  Europe,  and  I  don't 
think  our  example  will  tempt  other  nations  to  adopt  the 
institutions  of  which  we  are  so  proud  ;  for  they  may  well 
think  that  liberty  of  the  Press  and  Parliamentary  govern- 


1855.]  LORD  DERBY  SENT  FOR.  203 

ment,  however  desirable  they  may  be  when  regulated  by 
moderation  and  good  sense,  would  be  dearly  purchased  at 
the  expense  of  the  anarchy  and  confusion  which  they  are 
now  producing  here. 

February  2d. — The  Queen  herself  decided  to  send  at  once 
to  Derby,  and  the  result  proves  how  wise  her  decision  was, 
for  she  is  relieved  from  the  annoyance  of  having  him,  and  he 
is  placed  in  such  a  position  that  he  cannot  embarrass  her  new 
Government  when  it  is  formed.  Derby  went  to  Palmerston, 
invited  him  to  join  and  to  bring  Gladstone  and  Sidney 
Herbert  with  him.  On  their  declining  he  gave  it  up,  and 
Her  Majesty  then  sent  for  Lord  Lansdowno. 

Last  night  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  defended  himself  in 
the  House  of  Lords  against  John  Eussell,  and  replied  to  his 
statements  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  did  it  very  success- 
fully, carrying  the  House  with  him.  The  whole  affair,  as  it 
is  gradually  evolved,  places  John  Russell  in  a  disgraceful  and 
odious  light,  and  ought  to  demolish  him  as  a  public  man,  for 
he  has  shown  himself  to  be  actuated  by  motives  of  pique, 
personal  ambition,  and  mortified  vanity,  and  to  have  been 
insincere,  vacillating,  uncandid,  and  untruthful.  The  Duke's 
statement  was  crushing  and  appears  to  me  not  to  admit  of  a 
rejoinder.  It  ought  to  cover  him  and  his  wretched  clique 
with  confusion  ;  but  they  will  probably  attempt  to  brazen  it 
out,  and  doggedly  to  insist  that  John  was  justified  in  all  he 
did.  The  discussion  last  night  was  very  characteristic  of  Der- 
by. If  ever  there  was  an  occasion  in  which  seriousness  and 
gravity  seemed  to  be  required  of  a  man  in  his  position,  it 
would  seem  to  be  that  of  last  night ;  but  his  speech  was 
nothing  but  jeering  at  the  late  Cabinet  and  chaffing  New- 
castle ;  it  was  really  indecent,  but  very  smart  and  funny,  if 
it  had  not  been  so  unbefitting  the  occasion. 

February  ±th. — No  one  can  remember  such  a  state  as  the 
town  has  been  in  for  the  last  two  days.  No  Government, 
difficulties  apparently  insurmountable,  such  confusion,  such 
excitement,  such  curiosity,  everybody  moving  about  craving 
for  news,  and  rumor  with  her  hundred  tongues  scattering 
every  variety  of  statement  and  conjecture.  At  last  the  crisis 
seems  to  be  drawing  to  a  conclusion.  The  Queen  has  be- 
haved with  admirable  sense  of  her  constitutional  obligations. 
When  Aberdeen  took  down  his  resignation,  she  told  him  she 
had  made  up  her  mind  what  to  do,  that  she  had  looked  at 
the  list  of  the  division,  and  found  that  the  majority  which 


204  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

had  turned  out  her  Government  was  composed  principally  of 
Lord  Derby's  adherents,  and  she  should  therefore  send  for 
him.  Aberdeen  said  a  few  words  rather  discouraging  her  ; 
but  she  said,  though  Lord  Palmerston  was  evidently  the 
popular  man,  she  thought,  according  to  constitutional  prac- 
tice, Lord  Derby  was  the  man  she  ought  to  send  for.  It 
has  been  seen  how  Derby  failed  ;  then  she  sent  for  Lord 
Lansdowne,  whom,  she  desired  to  consult  different  people 
and  see  what  their  opinions  and  inclinations  were,  and  report 
them  to  her.  This  was  on  Friday.  He  did  so  and  made 
his  report,  after  which,  on  the  same  principle  which  had 
decided  her  to  send  for  Derby,  she  resolved  to  send  for  John 
Russell,  his  followers  having  been  the  next  strongest  element 
of  the  victorious  majority.  Accordingly,  on  Friday  night 
or  early  yesterday  morning,  she  placed  the  formation  of  a 
Government  in  his  hands.  He  accepted  it,  and  began  by 
applying  to  Palmerston,  offering  him  any  office  he  chose  to 
take.  Palmerston  did  not  refuse,  but  his  acquiescence 
seems  to  have  been  of  a  hesitating  and  reluctant  kind,  and 
nothing  was  definitely  settled  between  them.  Gladstone  and 
Sidney  Herbert,  and  afterwards  Graham,  decidedly  refused  ; 
Clarendon  desired  to  have  some  hours  to  consider  of  it.  How- 
ever, the  result  of  his  applications  was  so  unfavorable  that 
last  night  he  considered  his  attempt  virtually  at  an  end, 
though  he  had  not  actually  given  it  up  this  morning,  and 
some  further  communication  was  taking  place  between  him 
and  Clarendon,  which  was  to  be  decisive.  As  soon  as  this  is 
over,  the  Queen  will  play  her  last  card,  and  have  recourse  to 
the  man  of  the  people  I — to  Palmerston,  whom  they  are  crying 
out  for,  and  who,  they  fondly  imagine,  is  to  get  us  out  of  all 
our  difficulties.  From  all  1  hear,  I  think  he  will  make  a 
Government,  because  he  really  wishes  and  is  determined  to 
do  it,  and  many  of  the  most  important  who  would  not  join 
John  Russell  will  join  him.  In  the  course  of  to-day  I 
imagine  it  will  all  be  settled.  The  impression  made  by 
Newcastle's  speech  against  Lord  John  has  been  prodigious, 
far  greater  and  more  general  than  I  imagined,  and  it  is  con- 
fidently affirmed  that,  if  he  had  taken  office  and  stood  again 
for  the  City,  he  would  have  been  beaten.  He  still  shows 
fight  against  Newcastle,  and  intended  to  have  answered  him 
and  vindicated  himself  in  the  House  of  Commons  yesterday, 
if  he  had  not  been  detained  so  long  by  the  Queen  that  the 
hour  was  up  when  he  got  there.  He  means  to  return  to  the 


1855.]  LORD   PALMERSTOX  TAKES   OFFICE.  205 

charge  to-morrow.  In  the  course  of  all  these  transactions 
he  urged  Lansdowne  himself  to  take  the  Government,  and 
offered  to  continue  at  the  Council  Office  and  lead  the  Ilouse 
of  Commons,  or  to  take  no  office  at  all,  and  give  him  inde- 
pendent support  in  the  House  of  Commons,  or  to  go  to  the 
Ilouse  of  Lords  and  give  him  his  best  assistance  there ;  but 
Lord  Lansdowne  declined  all  these  offers. 

February  5th. — I  have  often  had  occasion  to  remark  on 
the  difficulty  of  avoiding  making  false  or  erroneous  state- 
ments in  affairs  like  those  I  am  treating  of,  for  the  reports 
which  we  hear  from  different  people  generally  vary  consider- 
ably, and  sometimes  the  same  thing  repeated  by  the  same 
person  varies  also ;  not  that  there  is  any  intention  to  mis- 
represent or  mislead,  but  circumstances  apparently  trifling 
are  narrated  differently  according  as  the  narrator  has  been 
impressed  by,  or  remembers  them,  and  thus  errors  creep  in 
and  accumulate,  and  at  last  it  becomes  difficult  to  reconcile 
statements  that  have  become  conflicting  by  degrees.  How- 
ever, I  can  only  jot  down  what  I  hear,  and  reconcile  the  ac- 
counts afterward  as  well  as  I  can.  Yesterday  afternoon  I  saw 
Clarendon,  who  confirmed  his  refusal  to  join  Lord  John,  but 
with  some  slight  difference  as  to  the  details.  He  said  he  had 
spoken  very  openly  to  him,  but  so  gravely  and  quietly  that  he 
could  not  take  offence,  and  he  did  not.  It  was  not  till  he 
received  Clarendon's  final  refusal  that  he  wrote  to  the  Queen 
and  threw  up  his  commission. 

Her  Majesty  had  seen  Palmerston  the  day  before,  and 
told  him  if  Lord  Johu  failed  she  should  send  for  him,  and 
accordingly  she  did  so  yesterday  evening.  Palmerston  had 
told  Lord  John,  as  soon  as  he  received  the  commission  he 
should  go  to  him.  At  present  he  has  only  invited  Clarendon 
and  Charles  Wood  (Whigs)  to  join  him.  Clarendon  of  course 
is  ready,  but  Charles  Wood  demnrs,  and  insists  that  unless 
Lord  John  will  take  office  in  the  Government  he  cannot  join, 
and  that  the  whole  thing  will  be  a  failure.  Lord  John  is 
very  averse  to  take  office,  and  the  more  averse  because  he 
must  then  go  to  the  House  of  Lords,  for  of  course  he  cannot 
remain  in  the  Commons,  not  leading  it.  The  Duke  of  Bed- 
ford has  been  here  in  a  grand  quandary,  seeing  all  sorts  of 
difficulties,  and  in  fact  they  spring  up  on  every  side.  He 
agrees  with  Lord  John,  but  was  shaken  by  the  arguments  of 
Wood,  which  are  backed  up  by  George  Grey  and  Panmure. 
I  argued  vehemently  against  Wood's  view,  and  strongly  ad- 


20G  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VHL 

vised  Lord  John's  not  taking  office,  and  1  convinced  the 
Duke,  who  is  gone  back  to  Lord  John  to  talk  it  all  over  with 
him  again.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Peelites  want  the  Gov- 
ernment to  be  restored,  with  Aberdeen  again  at  the  head  of 
it,  and  it  is  very  questionable  whether  they  will  join  at  all, 
and,  if  they  do,  not  without  much  difficulty  and  negotiation, 
which  will  at  least  consume  valuable  time.  In  short,  at  this 
moment  the  formation  of  a  Palmerston  Government,  which 
was  to  be  so  easy,  is  a  matter  of  enormous  difficulty.  The 
Queen  wrote  a  civil  and  even  kind  answer  to  Lord  John's 
note  giving  the  task  up. 

February  6th. — Great  disappointment  and  dismay  yester- 
day, the  Peelites  having  refused  to  form  part  of  Palmerston's 
Government.  Graham,  Gladstone,  and  Sidney  Herbert  all 
declined  unless  Aberdeen  formed  a  part  of  it.  Sidney  Her- 
bert was  very  willing  to  join,  but  would  not  separate  himself 
from  Gladstone,  who  was  deaf  to  all  entreaties  and  remon- 
strances. It  is  believed  that  Graham  is  the  one  who  has  per- 
suaded Gladstone  to  take  this  course.  Aberdeen  is  anxious, 
or  pretends  to  be  so,  that  they  should  join,  and  Newcastle 
certainly  is.  What  Gladstone  says  is,  that  unless  Aberdeen 
is  in  the  Cabinet  he  can  have  no  security  that  his  (Aber- 
deen's) principles  will  be  acted  on,  and  that  he  may  not  be 
called  upon  to  be  a  party  to  measures,  relating  either  to  war 
or  peace,  of  which  he  disapproves.  However,  I  have  only 
heard  second  hand  what  he  says  in  conversation  with  others. 
It  has  been  in  vain  represented  to  him  that  there  will  be  an 
explosion  of  indignation  against  them  all  in  the  country  for 
refusing  their  aid  at  such  a  crisis,  and  their  conduct  will 
never  be  forgiven.  All  this,  he  says,  he  is  aware  of,  but  his 
objections  stand  on  too  high  ground  to  be  shaken.  Palmer- 
ston means  not  to  be  baffled,  and,  failing  the  Peelites,  to  turn 
to  the  Whigs  and  make  the  best  Government  he  can.  His 
popularity,  which  is  really  extraordinary,  will  carry  him 
through  all  difficulties  for  the  present.  It  was  supposed  that 
his  popularity  had  been  on  the  wane,  but  it  is  evident  that, 
though  he  no  longer  stands  so  high  as  he  did  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  and  those  who  know  him  can  easily  see  he  is 
not  the  man  he  was,  in  the  country  there  is  just  the  same 
fancy  for  him  and  sanguine  opinion  of  him  as  ever.  John 
Russell  made  a  rejoinder  to  Newcastle  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons last  night — a  plausible  speech  enough,  and  it  served  to 
set  his  friends  and  the  Brooks's  Whigs  crowing  again,  and 


1855.]  THE   PALMERSTON  ADMINISTRATION.  207 

saying  he  had  made  out  a  complete  case ;  but  I  do  not  see 
that  it  made  his  case  a  bit  better  than  before.  All  who  are 
at  all  behind  the  scenes  are  aware  of  the  fallacies  and  decep- 
tions in  which  his  statements  abound,  and  that  they  are  of  a 
nature  that  may  not  be  exposed. 

February  1th. — Yesterday  Aberdeen  and  Newcastle,  par- 
ticularly the  latter,  renewed  their  endeavors  to  prevail  on 
Gladstone  to  give  up  his  scruples  and  to  join  the  Government, 
and  at  last  they  succeeded,  and  in  the  evening  Palmerston 
was  able  to  announce  that  he  had  accomplished  his  task  and 
the  Government  was  formed.  John  Russell,  on  his  side, 
pressed  all  his  Whig  friends  to  unite  with  Palmerston,  and 
by  these  means  the  difficulties  were  gradually  overcome. 
Lord  Lansdowne  would  not  take  the  Council  Office,  but 
agreed  to  be  the  organ  of  the  Government  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  though  he  seems  afraid  this  should  be  thought  to 
have  committed  him  to  more  trouble  and  responsibility  than 
he  is  inclined  to  take,  and  it  is  only  a  sort  of  quasi-Ieader- 
ship  that  he  will  own  to.  I  find  the  Queen  did  propose  to 
him  to  form  a  Government,  and  under  certain  conditions  he 
was  not  unwilling  to  undertake  it,  but  of  course  he  much 
prefers  the  present  arrangement.  It  is  admitted  on  all  hands 
that  both  Aberdeen  and  Newcastle  have  behaved  very  well, 
and  done  all  in  their  power  to  facilitate  Palinerston's  arrange- 
ments. It  is,  however,  much  to  be  regretted  that  these  Peel- 
ites  have  acted  in  concert  and  as  a  party,  and  I  see  from  the 
fact  a  vast  deal  of  embarrassment  and  opposition  to  the  Gov- 
ernment in  prospect.  Already  the  Derbyites  are  sulky  and 
angry  to  the  greatest  degree,  and  the  Whigs  not  a  little  in- 
dignant that  so  much  anxiety  has  been  shown  to  get  Glad- 
stone and  his  friends,  and  such  a  high  price  paid  for  them  ; 
and  the  fact  of  their  forming  so  large  and  important  a  part 
of  the  Government  will  secure  the  fierce  hostility  of  the 
Derbyites,  and  make  the  support  of  the  Whigs  very  luke- 
warm. The  latter,  too,  will  be  influenced  by  John  Russell, 
who,  in  spite  of  his  present  professions  of  amity  and  promises 
of  support,  is  sure  to  be  very  soon  a  frondeur,  and  then  in 
open  and  direct  opposition.  *  He  told  Clarendon  "  he  meant 
to  give  his  best  support  to  the  Government."  Clarendon 
said,  "  You  do  ;  well,  at  what  do  you  think  I  value  your 
support?"  "What?"  he  asked.  "Not  one  sixpence." 
At  first  Palmerston  will  meet  with  no  opposition  to  signify  ; 
if  he  does,  he  has  only  to  dissolve,  and  the  country  will  give 


208  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [Ciup.  VIII. 

him  a  majority.  But  opposition  will  gather  about  him  soon 
enough  ;  extravagant  expectations  are  raised  of  the  good  he 
is  to  do  and  the  great  acts  he  is  to  perform,  all  of  which  will 
only  lead  to  disappointment  and  mortification.  If  the  luck 
which  for  many  years  accompanied  him  should  do  so  still, 
and  some  unexpected  success  crown  his  administration,  he 
may  thus  gain  a  great  position  ;  but  it  is  idle  to  depend  on 
the"  chapter  of  accidents  and,  according  to  all  human  proba- 
bility, he  is  destined  to  carry  on  a  disastrous  war  or  to  make  a 
peace  (the  wisest  thing  he  can  do)  which  will  be  humiliating, 
because  so  wholly  incommensurate  with  our  extravagant  ex- 
pectations and  ridiculous  pretensions.  However,  if  any  man 
can  make  such  a  peace  it  is  Palmerston,  and  it  is  much  bet- 
ter that  Aberdeen  should  have  no  concern  in  the  Govern- 
ment, for  it  would  be  much  more  difficult  if  he  was  in  the 
Cabinet,  and  supposed  to  have  any  hand  in  it.1 

February  8th. — Now  that  all  is  settled,  there  is  a  moment- 
ary lull,  and  people  are  considering  what  sort  of  an  arrange- 
ment it  is,  and  how  it  is  likely  to  succeed.  Many  of  those 
who  know  better  what  Palmerston  really  is  than  the  ignorant 
mob  who  shout  at  his  heels,  and  who  have  humbugged  them- 
selves with  the  delusion  that  he  is  another  Chatham,  enter- 
tain grave  apprehensions  that  the  thing  will  prove  a  failure, 
and  that  Palmerston's  real  capacity  will  be  exposed  and  his 
prestige  destroyed.  Some  wish  for  a  dissolution  while  his 
popularity  is  still  undiminished,  fancying  it  will  give  him 
a  sure  majority  and  will  protect  him  against  any  change  of 

1  [The  Administration  formed  by  Lord  Palmerston  was  composed  as  follows : 
First  Lord  of  the  Treasury  Viscount  Palmcrston. 

Lord  Chancellor 
Lord  President 
Lord  Privy  Seal 
Home  Secretary 
Foreign  Secretary 
Colonial  Secretary 

Secretary  at  War 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 

Board  of  Control         .        . 
First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty 


Lord  Cranworth. 

Earl  Granvillo. 

Duke  of  AriryH. 

Sir  Gcorsre  Grey. 

Earl  of  Clarendon. 

Eight  lion.  Sidney  Herbert  (and,  on  his 

resignation,  Lord  John  Russell). 
Lord  Panmure. 
Mr.  Gladstone  (and,  on  his  resignation, 

Sir  G.  Cornewall  Lewis). 
Sir  Charles  Wood. 
Sir  James  Graham  (and,  on  his  resigna- 


tion, Sir  Charles  Wood,  who  was  re- 
placed at  the  Board  of  Control  by  Mr. 
Vernon  Smith). 

Board  of  Trade  .....  Eight  Hon.  E.  Cardwcll  (and.  on  his  res- 
ignation. Lord  Stanley  of  Alderley). 

Postmaster  General     ....    Viscount  Canning. 

Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland         .        .    Earl  of  Carlisle. 

Woods  and  Forests     .        .        .        .Sir  Benjamin  Hall.] 


1855.]         LORD   JOHN   RUSSELL'S   MISSION   TO  VIENNA.  209 

opinion  ;  but,  unless  the  Derbyites  give  him  an  opportunity 
by  some  vexatious  opposition,  he  can  hardly  dissolve,  and  if 
he  did,  though  he  would  gain  by  it  for  a  time,  any  change 
of  opinion  that  might  take  place  would  be  found  no  less  in 
the  House  of  Commons  than  in  the  country. 

February  13th. — The  political  wheel  turns  rapidly  round, 
and  strange  events  occur,  none  more  remarkable  than  John 
llussell's  career  during  the  last  month,  and  the  unexpected 
positions  in  which  he  successively  appears.  A  few  weeks 
ago  breaking  up  his  own  Government,  deeply  offending  col- 
leagues and  friends,  and  making  himself  generally  odious, 
then  trying  to  form  a  Government  and  finding  nobody  will- 
ing to  act  with  him ;  he  appeared  to  be  in  the  most  painful 
position  of  isolation,  and  everybody  expected  that  his  anom- 
alous and  unsatisfactory  state  would  render  him  mischievous 
and  soon  conduct  him  into  a  troublesome  opposition  to  the 
Government.  Very  differently  have  matters  turned  out. 
He  began  by  evincing  a  good  and  friendly  spirit,  and  scarce- 
ly is  the  Government  formed,  when  Clarendon  proposes  to 
him  to  go  to  Vienna  as  Plenipotentiary  to  treat  for  peace, 
and  John  at  once  accepts  the  offer,  and  yesterday  morning 
his  mission  was  publicly  announced.  It  was  a  happy  stroke 
of  Clarendon's  in  all  ways,  and  it  was  wise  in  Lord  John  to 
accept  it,  for  it  has  all  the  appearance  of  a  patriotic  and  un- 
selfish act,  will  cause  his  recent  misdeeds  to  be  forgotten, 
and  replace  him  in  the  high  situation  from  which  he  was 
fallen.  It  is  a  very  good  thing  for  him  to  be  thus  withdrawn 
from  Parliament  for  a  time.  There  he  is  always  in  danger 
of  saying  and  doing  something  foolish  or  rash,  and  it  will 
leave  his  followers  in  a  condition  to  attach  themselves  to  the 
Government  without  abandoning  their  allegiance  to  him, 
which  will  relieve  all  parties  from  embarrassment.1 

1  [The  Conference  of  the  Great  Powers  which  was  to  open  at  Vienna,  to 
which  Lord  John  Russell  was  se_nt  as  British  Plenipotentiary,  had  been  con- 
voked for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  on  the  basis  of  the  four  points  which  con- 
tained the  demands  of  the  belligerent  Allies  and  had  been  accepted  as  a  basis  of 
negotiation  by  the  Emperor  of  Russia.  These  points  were  as  follows  : 

1.  That  Russia  should  abandon  all  control  over  Moldavia,  Wallachia,  and 
Servia. 

2.  That  Russia  should  relinquish  her  claims  to  control  the  mouth  of  the 
Danube. 

3.  That  all  Treaties  calculated  to  give  Russia  a  preponderance  in  the  Black 
Sea  should  be  abrogated. 

4.  That  Russia  should  renounce  the  claim  she  made  to  an  exclusive  right  to 
protect  the  Christians  in  the  Ottoman  Dominions. 

It  was  on  the  third  of  these  points  that  the  principal  difficulty  of  the  negotia- 
tion arose,  and  that  the  Conference  failed  to  conclude  a  peace.] 


210  REIGX  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

February  17M.—  Palmerston  presented  himself  to  the 
House  of  Commons  last  night  for  the  first  time  as  Minister, 
and  not  apparently  with  a  very  brilliant  prospect  of  success. 
He  made  a  tolerable  speech,  giving  a  rather  meagre  account 
of  the  formation  of  his  Government,  with  the  usual  promises 
of  vigor.  The  great  point  he  had  to  handle  was  the  disposal 
of  Eoebuck's  Committee,  which  he  is  determined,  if  he  can, 
to  get  rid  of.  The  success  of  this,  his  first  great  operation, 
seems  very  doubtful.  One  man  after  another  got  up  and 
declared  he  should  vote  for  its  going  on.  Eoebuck  insists 
on  it ;  and  Disraeli  announced  his  determined  opposition  to 
any  attempt  to  quash  it.  If  Palmerston  fights  the  battle 
and  is  beaten,  he  must  try  what  a  dissolution  will  do  for 
him  ;  and  I  think  the  success  of  it  would  be  very  doubtful, 
for,  in  spite  of  all  the  clamor  that  was  raised  by  his  name,  and 
his  apparently  vast  popularity  in  the  country,  it  looks  as  if 
it  was  of  a  very  shadowy,  unsubstantial  kind,  and  would 
very  likely  be  found  wanting  at  a  general  election.  The 
temper  of  the  House  seems  to  be  anything  but  good,  and  un- 
less we  are  very  soon  cheered  and  encouraged  by  mtich  bet- 
ter accounts  from  the  Crimea,  this  Government  will  not  fare 
much  better  than  the  last.  The  "  Times  "  is  going  into  fu- 
rious opposition,  and  Palmerston  will  soon  find  the  whole 
press  against  him  except  his  own  paper,  the  "Morning 
Post,"  and  the  "Morning  Chronicle,"  neither  of  which 
have  any  circulation  or  any  influence  in  the  country.  The 
whole  conduct  of  the  "  Times"  is  a  source  of  great  vexation 
to  me,  for  I  am  to  the  last  degree  shocked  and  disgusted  at 
its  conduct  and  the  enormous  mischief  that  it  is  endeavoring 
to  do  ;  and  I  have  for  many  years  had  intimate  personal  re- 
lations with  its  editor,  which  I  do  not  well  know  how  to  let 
drop,  and  I  am  at  the  same  time  not  satisfied  that  their  un- 
broken maintenance  is  inconsistent  with  the  feelings  I  enter- 
tain, and  which  ought  to  be  entertained,  toward  the  paper. 

February  19th. — The  Government  have  determined  to 
knock  under  about  Koebuck's  Committee,  and  they  would 
have  done  much  better  to  have  done  so  at  first.  What  they 
are  now  doing  will  not  strengthen  them  or  avert  future  at- 
tacks ;  but  the  state  of  the  House  of  Commons  is  such  that 
nothing  but  some  very  unexpected  turn  can  enable  them  to 
go  on  long.  Palmerston  has  no  authority  there,  the  House 
is  in  complete  confusion  and  disorganization,  and,  except 
the  Derbyites,  who  are  still  numerous  and  act  together  in 


1855.]  ROEBUCK'S  COMMITTEE  ACCEPTED.  31 1 

opposition,  in  hopes  of  getting  into  power,  nobody  owns  any 
allegiance  or  even  any  party  ties,  or  seems  to  care  for  any 
person  or  any  thing.  There  seems  a  general  feeling  of  dis- 
trust and  dissatisfaction,  and,  except  the  scattered  Radicals 
and  Revolutionists,  who  wish  to  upset  everything,  nobody 
seems  to  know  what  he  would  be  at,  or  what  object  he  wishes 
to  attain.  For  the  first  time  in  my  life  I  am  really  and  seri- 
ously alarmed  at  the  aspect  of  affairs,  and  think  we  are  ap- 
proaching a  period  of  real  difficulty  and  danger.  The  press, 
with  the  "Times"  at  its  head,  is  striving  to  throw  every- 
thing into  confusion,  and  running  a  muck  against  the  aris- 
tocratic element  of  society  and  of  the  Constitution.  The 
intolerable  nonsense  and  the  abominable  falsehoods  it  flings 
out  day  after  day  are  none  the  less  dangerous  because  they 
are  nonsense  and  falsehoods,  and,  backed  up  as  they  are  by 
all  the  regular  Radical  press,  they  diffuse  through  the  coun- 
try a  mass  of  inflammatory  matter,  the  effect  of  which  may 
be  more  serious  and  arrive  more  quickly  than  anybody  im- 
agines. Nothing  short  of  some  loud  explosion  will  make  the 
mass  of  people  believe  that  any  serious  danger  can  threaten 
a  Constitution  like  ours,  which  has  passed  through  so  many 
trials  and  given  so  many  proofs  of  strength  and  cohesion. 
But  we  have  never  seen  such  symptoms  as  are  now  visible, 
sucli  a  thorough  confusion  and  political  chaos,  or  the  public 
mind  so  completely  disturbed  and  dissatisfied  and  so  puzzled 
how  to  arrive  at  any  just  conclusions  as  to  the  past,  the  pres- 
ent, or  the  future.  People  are  furious  at  the  untoward 
events  in  the  Crimea,  and  cannot  make  out  the  real  causes 
thereof,  nor  who  is  to  blame,  and  they  are  provoked  that 
they  cannot  find  victims  to  wreak  their  resentment  on.  The 
dismissal  of  Aberdeen  and  Newcastle  seems  an  inadequate 
expiation,  and  they  want  more  vengeance  yet,  hence  the  cry 
for  Roebuck's  absurd  Committee.  Then,  after  clamoring 
for  Palmerston  from  a  vague  idea  of  his  vigor,  and  that  he 
would  do  some  wonderful  things,  which  was  founded  on 
nothing  but  the  recollection  of  his  former  bullying  despatches 
and  blustering  speeches,  they  are  beginning  to  suspect  him  ; 
and  the  whole  press,  as  well  as  the  malignants  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  tell  them  that  they  have  gained  very  little,  if 
anything,  by  the  change,  and  they  are  told  that  it  is  not  this 
or  that  Minister  who  can  restore  our  affairs,  but  a  change  in 
the  whole  system  of  government,  and  the  substitution  of 
plebeians  and  new  men  for  the  leaders  of  parties  and  mem- 


212  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

bers  of  aristocratic  families,  of  whom  all  Governments  have 
been  for  the  most  part  composed.  What  effect  these  revolu- 
tionary doctrines  may  have  on  the  opinions  of  the  people  at 
large  remains  to  be  seen  ;  but  it  is  evident  that  the  "  Times," 
their  great  propagator,  thinks  them  popular  and  generally 
acceptable,  or  they  would  not  have  plunged  into  that  course. 

I  sat  next  to  Charles  Wood  at  dinner  yesterday  and  had 
much  talk  with  him  on  the  state  of  affairs,  and  found  that 
he  takes  just  the  same  view  that  I  do,  and  for  the  first  time 
he  is  alarmed  also,  and  so,  he  told  me,  is  Sir  George  Grey. 
He  talked  much  about  Raglan,  and  said  that  the  Govern- 
ment had  been  placed  in  the  most  unfair  position  possible, 
it  being  impossible  to  throw  the  blame  of  anything  that  had 
occurred  on  him,  or  even  to  tell  the  truth,  which  was  that, 
so  far  from  his  making  any  exertions  to  repair  the  evils  so 
loudly  complained  of,  and  sending  away  inefficient  men,  he 
never  admitted  there  were  any  evils  at  all,  or  that  any  of  his 
people  were  inefficient,  or  anything  but  perfect ;  and  he  said 
that  Raglan  had  never  asked  for  anything  the  want  of  which 
had  not  been  anticipated  by  the  Government  here,  and  in 
no  instance  was  anything  required  by  him  which  had  not 
been  supplied  a  month  or  more  before  the  requisition  came. 
Palmerston,  too,  said  to  me  that  nothing  could  exceed  the 
hopelessness  of  the  military  authorities  there  ;  that  they 
seemed  unable  to  devise  anything  for  their  own  assistance, 
and  they  exhibited  the  most  striking  contrast  to  the  navy, 
who,  on  all  emergencies,  set  to  work  and  managed  to  find 
resources  of  all  sorts  to  supply  their  necessities  or  extricate 
themselves  from  danger. 

February  20th. — Nothing  certainly  could  be  more  morti- 
fying than  the  reception  Palmerston  met  from  the  House  of 
Commons  on  the  first  night  when  he  presented  himself  as 
Minister,  nothing  more  ungracious  or  more  disheartening. 
His  entreaty  to  postpone  the  Committee  was  received  with 
a  sort  of  scorn  and  manifestation  of  hostility  and  distrust. 
His  position  was  at  once  rendered  to  the  last  degree  painful 
and  difficult.  He  cannot  avert  the  Committee,  he  cannot 
submit  to  it  without  deep  humiliation  ;  many  of  his  col- 
leagues are  supposed  to  shrink  from  the  disgrace  of  such  a 
submission  and  to  prefer  any  alternative  to  it.  Already  there 
is  a  general  impression  that  this  Government  cannot  last 
long  ;  nobody  thinks  they  would  gain  anything  by  a  dissolu- 
tion, the  result  of  one  would  be  uncertain  ;  but  the  proba- 


1855.]       LORD  JOHN   ACCEPTS   THE   COLONIAL  OFFICE.  213 

bility  seems  to  be  that  the  Conservatives  would  gain  and  the 
Radicals  likewise,  while  the  Whigs  would  lose,  and  the  Peel- 
ites  and  Moderates  would  be  scattered  to  the  winds.  We 
should  most  likely  see  a  Parliament  still  more  ungovernable 
than  this,  unless  a  widespread  alarm  in  the  country  should 
rally  the  whole  Conservative  and  an ti -revolutionary  element 
to  Derby  and  his  party,  which  would  bring  them  all  into 
office  for  a  time.  Palmerston  spoke  much  better  last  night 
than  the  first  night,  and  with  a  good  deal  of  spirit  and  force  ; 
but  he  has  a  very  uphill  game  to  play,  and  must  already  be 
aware  how  fleeting  his  popularity  was,  and  on  what  weak 
foundations  it  was  built. 

February  23d. — Graham,  Gladstone,  and  Sidney  Herbert 
have  resigned,  greatly  to  the  disgust  and  indignation  of  their 
colleagues,  to  the  surprise  of  the  world  at  large,  and  the 
uproarious  delight  of  the  Whigs  and  Brooks's  Club,  to  whom 
the  Peelites  have  always  been  odious.  These  stupid  Whigs 
were  very  sorry  Palmerston  did  not  leave  them  out  when  he 
formed  his  Government,  and  take  whomever  he  could  get 
instead  of  them  ;  and  they  are  entirely  indifferent  to  the  con- 
sideration that  the  greater  part  of  the  brains  of  the  Cabinet 
is  gone  out  with  these  three,  that  it  is  exceedingly  difficult 
to  till  their  places,  and  that  we  exhibit  a  sad  spectacle  to  all 
Europe,  with  our  Ministerial  dissensions  and  difficulties  and 
the  apparent  impossibility  of  forming  anything  like  a  stable 
Government.  The  first  thing  done  was  to  send  off  for  John 
Russell  at  Paris,  and  ask  him  if  he  would  come  back  and  join 
the  Government.  Cardwell  was  offered  the  Chancellorship 
of  the  Exchequer,  which  he  refused.  It  is  much  to  be 
regretted  that  these  Peelites  do  not  now  dissolve  themselves 
as  a  party  and  make  up  their  minds  to  act  independently 
and  according  to  their  several  opinions  and  circumstances. 
Aberdeen  much  disapproves  of  the  exodus  of  the  three,  and 
was  very  anxious  Cardwell  should  accept ;  but  he  does  not 
choose  to  separate  himself  from  the  rest. 

February  24=th. — Never  was  I  more  surprised  than  when 
I  heard  that  John  Russell  had  accepted  the  Colonial  Office 
and  joins  the  Government,  still  continuing  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  of  course  acting  under  Palmerston.  When 
we  think  of  all  he  has  been  doing  for  the  last  two  years,  his 
discontent  at  being  in  a  subordinate  capacity  though  still 
leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the  various  pranks  he 
has  played  in  consequence  thereof,  it  is  inconceivable  that 


214  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

he  should  consent  not  only  to  take  office  under  Palmerston, 
but  to  serve  under  him  in  the  House  of  Commons.  But  it 
is  impossible  not  to  give  him  credit  for  patriotic  motives  in 
making  such  a  sacrifice  of  personal  pride  and  vanity.  What 
his  conduct  may  be  if  the  Government  lasts  long  enough  to 
allow  him  to  come  home  and  take  his  place  in  it,  may  be 
considered  doubtful.  Last  night  the  retiring  Ministers  gave 
their  explanations — Graham  in  a  very  good  speech  ;  Glad- 
stone was  too  diffuse,  and  Sidney  Herbert  feeble,  but  coming 
after  Graham  they  had  nothing  new  to  say.  There  is  much 
to  be  said  for  and  much  against  their  conduct.  If  they  had 
accepted  office  under  Palmerston  with  the  condition  that  he 
should  try  and  get  rid  of  the  Committee  and  that  they  should 
retire  in  case  he  failed,  there  would  have  been  nothing  to 
say,  because  without  doubt  they  ought  not  to  hold  high 
offices  while  a  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  is  sitting 
in  judgment  on  their  conduct ;  but  the  whole  course  of  pro- 
ceeding is  so  anomalous,  and  the  exigencies  of  the  time  are 
so  great  and  peculiar,  that  on  the  whole  I  think  they  ought 
to  have  stayed  in.  Palmerston  speaks  almost  every  night, 
and  his  speeches  do  not  read  amiss  ;  but  everybody  says 
they  are  feeble  and  flat,  and  nothing  at  present  indicates 
anything  like  stability  or  a  long  existence  to  the  present 
Government.  The  tone  of  the  House  of  Commons  last 
night  was  on  the  whole  rather  pacific  than  not.  Bright 
made  an  admirable  speech,  the  peroration  of  which  was  very 
eloquent. 

February  25th. — This  morning  George  Lewis  came  to  me 
very  early  and  told  me  Palmerston  had  proposed  to  him  to 
be  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  ;  he  set  forth  very  fairly  all 
the  reasons  for  and  against  accepting.  We  discussed  the 
whole  subject,  and  I  asked  him  whether,  he  felt  sufficient 
confidence  in  himself  to  undertake  an  office  of  such  vast  im- 
portance, whether  he  had  sufficiently  turned  his  attention  to 
financial  matters  and  had  mastered  the  principles  and  details 
of  finance.  lie  said  he  thought  he  was  sufficiently  versed 
therein  to  undertake  it,  having  given  much  attention  to  tax- 
ation and  its  principles,  and  to  political  economy  generally, 
though  he  did  not  know  much  about  the  Funds,  but  sup- 
posed sufficient  knowledge  about  them  was  easily  attainable. 
Finally  I  advised  him  to  accept,  and  he  said  he  should  make 
up  his  mind  to  do  so.  So  the  Admiralty,  Colonial  Office, 
and  Exchequer  are  settled.  There  is  much  difficulty  and 


1855.]  DEATH  OP  TUB  EMPEROR  OF  RUSSIA.  215 

much  discussion  and  difference  of  opinion  about  some  of  the 
other  places.  They  are  very  wisely  going  to  take  in  Laing, 
but  very  unwisely  will  not  give  a  place  to  Lowe,  who,  if  left 
out,  will  contrive  to  do  them  some  damage.  Granville  has 
moved  Heaven  and  earth  to  get  Lowe  an  office,  but  Palmer- 
ston  and  others  set  their  faces  against  him.  Lansdowne 
has  most  unreasonably  and  unwisely  insisted  on  Vernon 
Smith  being  taken  in,  and  it  is  at  present  intended  to  make 
him  President  of  the  Board  of  Control.  He  is  very  un- 
popular and  totally  useless,  and  just  the  man  they  ought 
not  to  take  in  ;  while  Lowe  is  just  the  man  they  ought,  to 
meet  the  prevailing  sentiment  about  old  connections  and  new 
men. 

March  %d. — News  just  arrived  that  the  Emperor  of 
Russia  is  dead.  John  Eussell  had  telegraphed  from  Berlin 
that  he  was  given  over.  This  great  and  unexpected  event 
must  have  the  most  important  consequences  whether  for 
peace  or  for  war.  A  disputed  succession  is  not  impossible, 
as  it  has  long  been  reported  that  the  Grand  Duke  Constan- 
tino was  disposed  to  contest  the  succession  with  the  Cesare- 
wich,  but  this  will  probably  turn  out  to  be  a  fable.  It  is 
supposed  that  the  new  Emperor  has  been  all  along  inclined 
to  peace,  and  that  he  was  in  disgrace  with  his  father  on  that 
account.  If  this  be  true,  it  renders  it  still  more  probable 
that  he  will  be  anxious  to  put  an  end  to  this  destructive  and 
dangerous  war,  and  the  Allied  Powers  may  be  less  exacting 
with  him  than  they  were  disposed  to  be  with  the  late  Em- 
peror. On  the  other  hand,  should  the  war  unhappily  con- 
tinue, the  death  of  Nicholas  is  likely  to  damp  the  ardor  of 
the  Russians  and  to  relax  their  exertions,  so  that  we  can 
hardly  fail  to  profit  by  it.  Clarendon  is  gone  over  to  Bou- 
logne to  confer  with  the  Emperor  Napoleon. 

There  seems  something  like  a  lull  here  for  the  moment, 
and  less  of  excitement  and  violence  than  there  was.  Palm- 
erston  has  not  been  in  office  a  fortnight,  and  already  he  is 
enormously  baisse  ;  his  speeches  night  after  night  are  mis- 
erable. The  truth  is,  he  never  had  any  power  as  a  debater, 
and  he  is  out  of  his  element  as  leader  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, where  he  has  to  answer  everybody,  to  speak  on  every 
subject,  and  to  be  continually  debating  more  or  less.  He 
has  made  a  few  great  speeches,  prepared,  and  on  his  own 
subject  of  foreign  affairs,  and  every  now  and  then  a  smart 
chaffing  retort  which  excited  the  hilarity  of  the  House,  and 


216  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

that  has  been  all  he  could  do.  Then  he  seems  supine  and 
undecided ;  he  does  not  fill  up  the  vacant  places  or  seem- 
ingly endeavor  to  do  so,  and  he  does  not  put  good  men  in 
the  places  he  does  fill  up,  all  of  which  does  him  harm  in  gen- 
eral estimation.  Clarendon  has  told  Lady  Palmerston  very 
frankly  that  he  will  soon  ruin  himself  in  public  opinion  if 
he  goes  on  in  this  way.  Few  things  are  more  extraordinary 
than  the  notion  that  was  abroad  of  Palmerston's  fitness  and 
efficacy.  Never  was  there  a  greater  delusion,  and  never  one 
that  is  so  rapidly  being  dissipated. 

March  10th. — It  is  remarkable  that,  though  seven  days 
have  elapsed  since  the  news  of  the  death  of  the  Emperor  of 
Eussia  reached  us,  and  that  we  heard  of  it  by  electric  tele- 
graph the  very  day  it  happened,  we  are  still  without  authen- 
tic and  detailed  information  of  what  has  since  occurred  at 
St.  Petersburg ;  and  of  the  manifesto  of  the  new  Emperor, 
which  is  looked  for  with  so  much  curiosity,  we  have  only  a 
partial  extract  or  imperfect  summary,  so  that  we  have  still 
no  means  of  judging  whether  the  chances  of  peace  are  im- 
proved by  the  accession  of  Alexander  II. 

Palmerston's  Government  does  not  seem  to  take  root  or 
gain  much  strength  ;  every  day  seems  to  prove  the  more 
clearly  that  he  is  unfit  for  the  task  he  has  taken  on  himself. 
He  inspires  neither  respect  nor  confidence,  and  is  totally  un- 
able to  manage  the  House  of  Commons ;  his  speeches  are 
feeble  and  bad,  and  he  is  not  always  prudent  and  concilia- 
tory, but,  on  the  contrary,  pettish  and  almost  offensive.  Ho 
finds  great  difficulty  in  filling  the  vacant  offices,  and  he 
evinces  much  want  of  tact  and  good  management  in  his  en- 
deavors to  do  so,  offering  and  retracting  his  offers  in  a  very 
loose  way.  For  example,  he  offered  Sir  Robert  Peel  the 
Clerkship  of  the  Ordnance,  which  he  accepted  ;  and  then  he 
found  Monsell  did  not  mean  to  resign  it,  so  he  had  to  with- 
draw the  offer.  Then  he  told  him  he  should  be  Colonial 
Under-Secretary  if  John  Russell  would  consent.  John  Rus- 
sell would  not  consent,  and  then  he  offered  him  a  seat  at  the 
Admiralty.  Sir  Robert  in  some  dudgeon  demurred,  and 
Palmerston,  inferring  from  his  ill  humor  that  he  would  not 
take  this  place,  offered  it  to  Henry  Brand,  who  accepted, 
desired  his  writ  might  be  moved  for,  and  went  to  the  railway 
station  to  go  down  to  the  place  he  represented.  Just  as  he 
was  starting,  a  messenger  arrived  with  a  letter  from  Palm- 
erston saying  Sir  Robert  Peel  had  taken  the  Admiralty,  so 


1856.]  A   COMEDY  OF  ERRORS.  217 

he  could  not  have  it,  and  the  gentleman  had  to  return 
home  without  any  office  at  all.  This  is  a  sad  way  of  doing 
business,  and  will  not  make  him  more  popular.  Grenville 
Berkeley  (whipper-in)  told  me  he  thought  Palmerston  was 
doing  rather  better  latterly  and  that  there  was  a  better  dis- 
position in  the  House  of  Commons  ;  but  Jonathan  Peel,  who 
is  a  shrewd,  dispassionate  observer,  and  tolerably  impartial, 
though  with  no  good  will  to  the  present  Government,  told 
me  a  different  story.  He  says  the  Government  is  as  weak  as 
possible,  Palmerston  wretched,  and  the  House  of  Commons 
ill  disposed  and  unruly,  and  he  thinks  it  absolutely  impos- 
sible that  this  concern  can  last  many  weeks.  The  Derbyites 
are  quite  confident  of  forcing  their  way  to  office,  and  quite 
determined  to  do  so ;  but  it  is  their  game  to  damage  the 
present  Government  as  much  as  possible,  and  they  will  do 
everything  in  opposition  but  what  may  recoil  upon  them- 
selves after  they  have  got  into  office,  and  no  other  considera- 
tion will  restrain  them.  I  regard  with  the  utmost  dislike 
the  prospect  of  their  return,  because  I  think  their  conduct 
so  monstrously  unprincipled.  I  hear  Gladstone  is  very 
much  out  of  humor,  and  expect  soon  to  see  him  and  his 
small  band  in  overt  opposition  to  the  Government.  Many 
fancy  that  it  will  end  in  his  joining  Derby,  but  so  do  not  I. 
I  am  not  sure  that  he  would  be  indisposed  if  a  proper  occasion 
presented  itself,  but  I  do  not  believe  any  consideration  or  any 
circumstances  whatever  would  induce  the  Derbyites  to  admit 
him  again  into  their  party.  Their  indignation — that  is,  of 
a  great  many  of  them — was  unbounded  at  Derby  having 
offered  him  office  the  other  day,  and  at  the  great  meeting  at 
Eglinton's  such  manifestations  of  resentment  were  made  on 
that  account  as  to  make  it  nearly  impossible  (for  in  these 
days  nothing  is  quite  impossible)  for  any  future  attempt  at 
reconciliation  and  reunion  to  be  made. 

March  llth. — A  fresh  shuffling  of  the  cards  is  being  ar- 
ranged by  which  Frederick  Peel  is  to  go  to  the  Treasury, 
vice  Wilson,  Vice  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  ;  Sir 
Robert  to  the  War  Department,  vice  his  brother  ;  and  Henry 
Brand  to  the  Admiralty.  Palmerston  seemed  to  consider  all 
the  blunders  he  made  about  these  officers  rather  a  good  joke 
than  a  mischievous  gaucherie.  "Ha,  ha!"  he  said,  "a 
Comedy  of  Errors."  George  Lewis  told  me  this  morning  he 
thinks  the  temper  of  the  House  of  Commons  more  favorable, 
and,  if  he  can  succeed  in  producing  a  palateable  Budget,  that 
10 


218  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

they  may  get  on  ;  he  told  me  the  revenue  was  extremely 
flourishing  and  the  country  very  rich,  but  the  expenses  are 
enormous.  He  means  to  meet  them  by  a  loan,  but  the 
question  is  of  what  amount,  and  how  much  of  the  additional 
expense  shall  be  provided  by  it.  He  will  want  ninety  mill- 
ions to  cover  the  whole. 

Clarendon  was  much  pleased  with  his  visit  to  the  Em- 
peror, who  talked  to  him  very  frankly  and  unreservedly 
about  everything.  They  lit  their  cigars  and  sat  and  talked 
with  the  greatest  ease.  He  said  the  Emperor  spoke  to  him 
about  the  English  press,  and  all  he  said  was  sensible  and 
true  ;  that  he  was  aware  that  a  free  press  was  a  necessity  in 
England,  and  as  indispensable  as  the  Constitution  itself,  and 
that  he  had  hitherto  believed  that  the  editors  of  the  prin- 
cipal newspapers  had  the  good  of  their  country  at  heart,  and 
always  acted  from  conscientious  motives  ;  but  that  he  could 
no  longer  entertain  that  opinion.  The  press  during  the  past 
months,  and  the  "Times"  particularly,  had  done  an  incal- 
culable amount  of  mischief  to  England  and  to  the  alliance 
between  us.  The  effect  produced  by  their  language  in  Ger- 
many was  most  injurious,  and  of  service  only  to  Eussia. 
When  the  English  papers  talked  of  their  own  country  in  the 
way  they  did,  of  its  degradation  and  disgrace,  its  maladmin- 
istration, the  ruin  of  its  military  power,  and  the  loss  of  all 
that  makes  a  nation  great  and  powerful,  though  he  (the  Em- 
peror) knew  what  all  this  meant,  and  how  much  or  how  little 
of  truth  there  was  in  such  exaggerated  statements,  yet  in 
France  they  were  generally  believed,  and  it  became  very 
difficult  for  him  to  reconcile  the  nation  to  an  alliance  for 
which  he  was  reproached  with  making  sacrifices  and  shaping 
his  policy  in  accordance  with  ours,  when  it  was  evident  from 
our  own  showing  that  our  alliance  was  not  worth  having, 
and  our  impotence  was  so  exposed  that,  whenever  peace 
should  put  an  end  to  the  necessity  of  the  alliance,  we  should 
be  entirely  at  their  mercy  ;  and  while  such  was  the  feeling 
in  France,  in  Germany  it  was  still  stronger,  and  there- the 
"Times"  had  succeeded  in  creating  a  universal  conviction 
that  we  are  in  the  lowest  condition  of  weakness  and  ineffi- 
ciency :  at  all  of  which  he  expressed  the  greatest  regret.  I 
was  surprised  to  hear  Clarendon  say  that  he  did  not  believe 
the  resources  of  Eussia  to  carry  on  the  contest  to  be  in  any 
sensible  degree  exhausted,  that  her  commerce  had  not 
suffered  at  all,  and  as  to  her  finances  she  could  go  on 


1865.]                         THE  VIENNA  CONFERENCE.  219 

for  a  good  while  with  her  paper  money  and  the   gold 

which,   in   a  certain  quantity,   she  drew  from  the  Ural 
Mountains.1 


CHAPTER   IX. 

The  Vienna  Conference—  Literary  Occupations  —  A  Roman  CathoHc  Privy  Councillor—  Ne- 
gotiations at  Vienna  —  The  Emperor  Napoleon  in  London  —  The  Emperor's  brilliant 
Reception  —  Russia  refuses  the  Terms  offered  —  The  Sebaatopol  Committee  —  Debate  on 
the  War  —  Visit  to  Paris  —  Resignation  of  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  —  The  Emperor's  Jour- 
ney to  the  Crimea—  The  Repulse  at  the  Eedan—  Visit  to  Thiers—  A  Dinner  at  the 
Tuileries  —  Conversation  with  the  Emperor  —  M.  Gnizot  on  the  War  —  Death  of  Lord 
Raglan  —  A.  Dinner  at  Princess  Lieven'g  —  The  Palace  of  Versailles  —  Revelations  of 
Lord  John  Russell's  Mission  —  Dinner  with  the  Emperor  at  Villeneave  1'Etang  — 
Lord  John  Russell's  Conduct  at  Vienna  —  Excitement  in  London  —  Lord  John's  Resig- 
nation—Lord John's  Conduct  explained—''  Whom  shall  we  Bang?"  —  Prorogation  of 
Parliament. 


31sY,  1885.  —  Three  weeks  have  passed  away  and  I 
have  had  nothing  to  say  ;  nor  indeed  have  I  anything  now 
of  the  least  importance,  and  can  only  glance  at  the  general 
aspect  of  affairs.  The  Government,  on  the  whole,  seems  in 
a  somewhat  hetter  condition.  They  say  Palmerston  speaks 
better  than  he  did,  and  his  good  humor  and  civility  please. 
At  last  the  offices,  except  the  Under-Secretaryship  to  the 
Colonies,  are  filled  up.  Lord  Elgin  and  Lord  Seymour  suc- 

;  vely  refused  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  and  after  going  a 
begging  for  many  weeks  Lord  Harrowby  has  taken  it.  Laing 
and  Wilson,  and  I  think  somebody  else,  declined  the  Vice 
Presidency  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  they  have  got 
Bouverie. 

Within  these  few  days  the  hopes  of  peace  have  waxed 
faint.  The  fatal  third  point  is  an  insurmountable  obstacle, 
and  it  seems  likely  that  we  shall  be  condemned  to  fight  it 
out  more  fiercely  than  ever,  and  without  Austria,  who,  as  I 
all  along  expected,  will  not  join  us  in  forcing  hard  conditions 
on  Kussia.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  we  or  Austria  are 

1  [In  justice  to  the  conductors  of  the  "  Times  "  it  must  be  said  that  although 
the  language  of  the  paper  was  violent  and  extremely  annoying  to  the  Govern- 
ment and  its  Allies,  vet  it  was  by  the  power  and  enterprise  of  the  press  that  the 
deplorable  state  of  the  army  was  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  public  and 
even  of  Ministers  themselves;  and  it  was  by  the  "Times'.'  that  the  first  steps 
were  taken  to  supply  the  deficiencies  of  the  Administration.  The  fund  raised 
by  voluntary  contributions  for  this  purpose  amounted  to  £25,000,  and  com- 
petent persons  were  sent  out  to  apply  it  to  the  most  pressing  wants  of  the 
army.J 


220  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

in  fault,  assuming  the  rupture  of  the  negotiations  to  be  in- 
evitable. If  Austria  recedes  from  what  she  had  already 
agreed  to,  she  is ;  if  we  require  anything  more,  we  are. 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys  has  been  here  for  twenty-four  hours,  and 
goes  on  to  Vienna  directly  to  bring  things  to  a  conclusion 
one  way  or  another.  Clarendon  is  pleased  with  him.  The 
Emperor  is  to  be  here  in  three  weeks . 

Having  no  public  events  nor  any  secret  information  to 
record,  I  must  put  down"  my  own  private  concerns,  uninter- 
esting as  they  are.  I  am  busy  on  the  task  of  editing  a  vol- 
ume of  Moore's  correspondence  left  to  me  by  John  Russell, 
and  finishing  the  second  article  upon  King  Joseph's  Memoirs.1 
These  small  literary  occupations  interest  and  amuse  me,  and 
being  quite  out  of  the  way  of  politics,  and  seeing  nobody,  ex- 
cept Clarendon  at  rare  intervals,  who  can  or  will  tell  me  any- 
thing, it  is  well  I  can  amuse  myself  with  them  ;  and  now  that 
I  am  growing  old  (for  I  shall  be  sixty-one  the  day  after  to- 
morrow) it  is  my  aim  to  cultivate  these  pleasures  more  and 
more,  and  make  them  my  refuge  against  the  infirmities  which 
beset  me,  and  the  loss  of  youth.  My  great  fear  is  lest  my 
eyesight  should  fail,  and  I  earnestly  hope  I  may  die  before 
such  a  calamity  should  befall  me. 

The  war  goes  languidly  on,  and  I  hear  Raglan  and  Can- 
robert  are  squabbling  instead  of  acting,  and  that  it  seems 
to  be  more  the  fault  of  Canrobert ;  but  the  melancholy  truth 
is  that  there  are  two  incompetent  generals  in  command,  who 
have  no  skill  or  enterprise,  and  are  letting  the  opportunity 
for  attacking  the  enemy  slip  away.  A  divided  command 
and  two  independent  armies  are  in  themselves  an  immense 
drawback,  but  when  they  begin  to  disagree  it  becomes  fatal. 
We  have  now  an  enormous  force  there,  and  yet  they  seem 
incapable  of  doing  anything  and  of  striking  any  great  and 
serious  blow. 

April  1st. — I  went  to  a  Council  yesterday  and  got  into 
a  difficulty.  Without  any  previous  notice,  Mr.  Monsell,  a 
Roman  Catholic,  came  to  be  made  a  Privy  Councillor.  I 
had  never  sworn  a  Roman  Catholic  and  did"  not  know  what 
to  do,  so  I  proposed  to  Monsell  to  put  it  off  till  another  day, 
and  meanwhile  I  would  ascertain  how  he  was  to  be  sworn. 
The  difficulty  was  told  to  the  Queen,  and  the  Prince  set 
about  finding  what  was  to  be  done.  He  looked  out  the  10th 

1  [Mr.  Greville  wrote  the  review  of  the  Memoirs  of  King  Joseph  Bonaparte 
which  appeared  in  two  successive  articles  of  the  Edinburgh  Review, ,] 


1855.]  THE  CATHOLIC  OATH.  221 

George  IV.  (Emancipation  Act),  and,  just  as  we  were  sum- 
moned into  the  Queen's  presence,  Granville  brought  the  vol- 
ume, put  it  into  my  hands,  and  told  me  I  must  administer 
to  Monsell  the  oath  set  forth  there,  in  lieu  of  the  oaths  of 
abjuration  and  supremacy.  I  was  sure  it  was  a  mistake ; 
but  there  was  no  time  to  remonstrate,  and  I  was  compelled 
to  bring  him  in  and  administer  the  oath.  As  soon  as  I  got 
back  to  my  office  and  looked  into  the  matter  I  found  it  was 
all  wrong,  and  that  he  had  not,  in  fact,  been  sworn  at  all. 
What  he  ought  to  have  done  was  to  take  this  oath  in  one  of 
the  Law  Courts,  and  then  to  have  the  Privy  Councillor's  oath 
administered  to  him,  and  so  I  sent  him  word. 

Afterward  I  met  Sidney  Herbert,  and  he  told  me  what 
he  believed  to  be  the  cause  of  Drouyn  de  Lhuys'  coming 
here,  and  the  actual  state  of  affairs  at  Vienna.  We  have 
proposed  the  reduction  of  the  fleet;  the  Russians  refuse. 
The  Emperor  Napoleon  would  like,  if  possible,  to  obtain 
some  great  success  in  the  Crimea,  and  is  not  indisposed  to 
continue  the  war  if  he  can  see  a  reasonable  hope  of  such  an 
achievement;  but  when  he  despairs  of  this  his  mind  inclines 
to  the  other  alternative,  to  make  peace  (which  would  be 
popular  in  France),  and  he  does  not  care  very  much  about 
the  terms,  and  is  not  averse  to  waive  the  condition  as  to  the 
fleet.  But  our  Government  want  to  insist  on  it,  or  go  on 
with  the  war,  and  Sidney  Herbert  believes  they  have  suc- 
ceeded in  talking  over  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  and  persuading  him 
to  join  us  in  this  determination,  and  to  carry  it  off  to  Vienna. 
However,  he  is  very  likely  to  be  talked  over  again  there, 
and  it  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  Emperor,  if  he  really 
wishes  for  peace,  will  not  join  with  Austria  in  opposing  us, 
and  accepting  some  other  conditions.  I  always  fancied  that 
we  had  come  to  a  regular  unmistakeable  agreement  with 
Austria  what  we  should  ask  of  Russia,  and  that  she  had 
bound  herself  to  join  in  the  war  if  the  terms  agreed  in  were 
refused,  but,  according  to  Sidney  Herbert,  this  has  never 
been  done.  Clarendon  did,  indeed,  at  last  state  distinctly  to 
Austria  the  terms  on  which  France  and  England  meant  to 
insist,  and  Austria  expressed  her  concurrence  in  them  as  a 
matter  of  opinion,  and  her  desire  to  obtain  them,  consenting 
also  to  unite  her  efforts  to  theirs  in  attempting  to  obtain 
them  ;  but  she  never  consented  to  go  to  war  if  they  were  not 
conceded,  therefore  we  have  no  reason  to  complain  of  her  if 
the  negotiations  break  off  on  these  grounds,  and  she  refuses 


222  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

to  depart  from  her  neutrality.  She  has  all  along  said,  she 
wished  with  all  her  heart  we  could  succeed  in  taking  Sebas- 
topol,  but  as  we  had  not  succeeded,  and  apparently  could  not, 
it  was  impossible  to  press  very  stringent  terms  on  Russia ; 
and  she  has  never  held  out  any  expectation  to  us  of  joining 
in  the  war  against  Russia,  unless  Russia  refuses  such  reason- 
able and  not  humiliating  terms  of  peace  as  she  herself  thinks 
indispensable  for  the  objects  to  the  attainment  of  which  she 
has  all  along  been  a  party.  The  best  chance  of  peace  now 
is  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  may  think  he  is  not  likely  to 
do  any  great  things  in  the  Crimea  and  that  peace  is  his  best 
policy,  and  he  is  the  real  arbiter  of  peace  and  war.  If  he 
prefers  following  in  the  wake  of  England,  and  to  defer  to 
our  war  policy,  peace  will  ascend  to  Heaven,  and  the  odious 
war  will  be  resumed  with  more  fury  than  ever,  and  no  one 
can  guess  how  long  it  will  last,  nor  what  will  be  the  end 
of  it. 

April  17th. — Yesterday  I  went  out  "  with  all  the  gazing 
town  "  to  see  not  the  least  curious  of  the  many  curious  events 
I  have  lived  to  witness,  the  entry  of  the  Emperor  and  Em- 
press of  the  French  into  London.  The  day  was  magnificent, 
the  crowd  prodigious,  the  reception  not  very  clamorous,  but 
cordial  and  respectful.  A  fine  sight  for  them  to  see  such 
vast  multitudes,  so  orderly  and  so  prosperous,  and  without  a 
single  soldier  except  their  own  escort.  The  Queen  received 
them  with  the  utmost  cordiality,  and  omitted  none  of  the 
usual  forms  practised  between  Sovereigns.  She  met  the 
Imperial  pair  at  the  entrance  to  the  Castle,  embraced  the 
Emperor  and  then  the  Empress  when  she  was  presented  to 
her. 

April  2Qth. — The  visit  of  the  Emperor  has  been  one 
continued  ovation,  and  the  success  of  it  complete.  None  of 
the  Sovereigns  who  have  been  here  before  have  ever  been 
received  with  such  magnificence  by  the  Court  or  by  such 
curiosity  and  delight  by  the  people.  Wherever  and  when- 
ever they  have  appeared,  they  have  been  greeted  by  enormous 
multitudes  and  prodigious  acclamations.  The  Queen  is  ex- 
ceedingly pleased  with  both  of  them  ;  she  thinks  the  Em- 
press very  natural,  graceful,  and  attractive,  and  the  Emperor 
frank,  cordial,  and  true.  He  has  done  his  best  to  please  her, 
talked  to  her  a  great  deal,  amused  her,  and  has  completely 
succeeded.  Everybody  is  struck  with  his  mean  and  diminu- 
tive figure  and  vulgar  appearance,  but  his  manners  are  good 


1855.]  THE  EMPEROR  NAPOLEON  AT  WINDSOR.  223 

and  not  undignified.  He  talked  a  very  long  time  to  Lord 
Derby  on  Tuesday  at  Windsor,  and  to  Lord  Aberdeen  on 
Wednesday.  This  last  was  very  proper,  because  he  had  a 
great  prejudice  against  Aberdeen,  and  fancied  he  was  his 
enemy,  which  Aberdeen  knew.  When  he  was  invested  with 
the  Garter,  he  took  all  sorts  of  oaths — old  feudal  oaths — of 
fidelity  and  knightly  service  to  the  Queen,  and  he  then  made 
her  a  short  speech  to  the  following  effect :  "  I  have  sworn 
to  be  faithful  to  Your  Majesty  and  to  serve  you  to  the  best 
of  my  ability,  and  my  whole  future  life  shall  be  spent  in 
proving  the  sincerity  with  which  I  have  thus  sworn,  and  my 
resolution  to  devote  myself  to  your  service."  The  fineness 
of  the  weather  brought  out  the  whole  population  of  London, 
as  usual  kept  in  excellent  order  by  a  few  policemen,  and  in 
perfect  good  humor.  It  was  a  beautiful  sight  last  night 
when  the  Royal  and  Imperial  party  went  to  the  Opera  in 
state  ;  the  streets  lit  by  gas  and  the  houses  illuminated  and 
light  as  day,  particularly  opposite  the  Travellers'  Club,  where 
I  was.  I  am  glad  the  success  of  the  visit  has  been  so  great, 
and  the  contentment  of  all  the  parties  concerned  so  complete, 
but  it  is  well  that  all  will  be  over  to-morrow,  for  such  excite- 
ment and  enthusiasm  could  not  last  much  longer,  and  the 
inconvenience  of  being  beset  by  crowds,  and  the  streets  ob- 
structed, is  getting  tiresome. 

I  saw  Cowley  for  a  moment  yesterday.  He  told  me  the 
Russians  refused  any  conditions  which  imposed  loss  of  ter- 
ritory or  limitation  of  naval  forces,  and  they  declined  to 
offer  any  counter  project,  though  they  are  ready  to  discuss 
anything  we  propose.  He  therefore  considers  the  continu- 
ance of  the  war  unavoidable,  and"  does  not  believe  Austria 
will  join  in  it,  though  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  still  writes  his  own 
expectation  that  she  will.  He  said  they  had  never  said  or 
done  anything  which  bound  them  to  join,  and  that  their 
diplomacy  had  been  much  more  adroit  and  successful  than 
our's,  but  that  this  was  principally  the  fault  of  the  French, 
who  never  would  consent  to  take  a  peremptory  course  so  as 
to  compel  them  to  be  explicit.  The  consequence  of  this  is, 
that  it  will  be  impossible  to  produce  the  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence, and  its  retention  will  put  Parliament  and  the 
press  in  a  fury,  and  expose  the  Government  to  attacks 
which  they  will  find  it  very  difficult  to  repel  or  to  silence. 
They  cannot  give  the  reason  why,  and  their  enemies  and 
detractors  will  believe,  or  at  least  insist,  that  they  do  not 


224  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

dare  disclose  their  own  share  in  the  transaction.  I  asked 
Clarendon  how  it  was  that  the  French  Government  in  their 
last  paper  in  the  "  Moniteur  "  said  so  positively  that  they 
had  secured  the  co-operation  of  Austria  if  the  last  conditions 
were  refused  by  Russia  ;  he  replied  that  he  supposed  they 
said  so  in  order  to  make  it  the  ground  of  an  accusation 
against  Austria  when  the  Conference  broke  up  and  she  re- 
fuses to  declare  war.  Clarendon  thinks  we  shall  get  the 
better  of  Russia,  but  that  it  will  be  by  blockading  her  ports 
and  ruining  her  commerce,  and  not  by  military  operations, 
and  that  this  may  take  two  or  three  years  or  more,  but  is 
certain  in  the  end.1 

May  2±th. — The  Sebastopol  Committee  is  finished,  and 
the  result  proves  that  it  is  a  very  good  thing  to  have  had  it, 
for  no  ill  consequences  have  come  of  it,  and  the  evidence 
has  benefited  instead  of  injuring  both  the  Government  and 
those  who  were  most  bitterly  abused,  especially  Hardinge 
and  Newcastle,  about  the  latter  of  whom  there  has  been  a 
considerable  reaction  of  opinion.  In  Parliament  nothing  has 
taken  place  of  much  consequence.  Ellenborough  gave  bat- 
tle in  the  Lords  and  was  signally  defeated.  Layard  had  an- 
nounced a  hostile  motion  in  the  House  of  Commons,  which 
he  has  since  given  up  to  Disraeli,  who  brings  forward  a  regu- 
lar want  of  confidence  motion  to-night,  which  will  decide 
the  fate  of  the  Government.  Sir  Francis  Baring  has  moved 
an  amendment  which  the  Peelites  will  not  vote  for,  because 
it  pledges  the  House  to  support  the  war,  they  having  now 
become  furiously  pacific ;  as  if  they  were  not  unpopular 
enough  already,  they  are  now  doing  all  they  can  to  mar 
their  own  efficacy  by  giving  their  enemies  a  plausible  case 
for  attacking  and  abusing  them,  and  by  breasting  the  tide  of 
warlike  zeal  and  passion,  which,  though  very  absurd  and  very 
mischievous,  is  too  strong  and  too  general  to  be  openly  and 
directly  resisted  at  present.  It  is  quite  fit  and  becoming  to 
reason  with  it,  and  to  endeavor  to  bring  the  public  to  a  more 
reasonable  frame  of  mind,  but  great  tact,  caution,  and  good 
management  are  required  in  doing  this.  It  is  very  difficult 
to  make  out  what  Gladstone  and  his  friends  (for  it  would  be 
ridiculous  to  call  them  a  party)  are  at,  and  what  they  expect 
or  desire  in  reference  to  their  political  future.  Palmerston 

1  [The  failure  or  suspension  of  the  negotiations  for  peace  at  Vienna  was 
formally  announced  to  Parliament  on  May  21,  and  the  protocols  of  the  Con- 
ference laid  upon  the  table.] 


1855.]  SUCCESSFUL  PROSPECTS.  225 

is  said  to  have  done  better  in  the  House  of  Commons  lately 
than  he  did  at  first,  but  it  is  curious  to  see  how  completely 
his  popularity  has  evaporated.  All  the  foolish  people  whose 
pet  he  was,  and  who  clamored  for  him  with  the  notion  that 
he  Avas  to  do  every  sort  of  impossible  thing,  now  that  they 
find  he  can  do  no  more  than  other  men,  and  that  there  never 
was  any  real  difference  between  him  and  his  colleagues,  are 
furious  with  him  because  they  so  deceived  themselves,  and 
want  to  break  the  idol  they  set  up. 

May  30th. — The  division  last  Friday  night  gave  Govern- 
ment a  larger  majority  than  anybody  expected,1  and  if  it  did 
not  give  them  permanent  strength  it  averted  immediate  dan- 
ger. Gladstone  made  a  fine  speech,  but  gave  great  offence 
to  all  who  are  not  for  peace,  and  exposed  himself  to  much 
unpopularity.  The  discussion  is  only  suspended  till  Parlia- 
ment meets  again,  when  the  amendments  will  be  debated, 
and  there  will  be  no  more  divisions  ;  but  in  the  meantime  the 
news  which  has  arrived  of  the  successes  in  the  Crimea,  and 
the  fair  prospect  there  appears  of  still  greater  advantages, 
must  serve  to  silence  the  advocates  of  peace  and  encourage 
those  who  are  all  for  war,  and  to  render  a  contest  popular 
which  is  likely  to  be  crowned  with  brilliant  results,  and,  as 
many  imagine,  to  give  us  the  means  of  dictating  peace  on 
our  own  terms.  I  believe  in  the  prospect  of  success,  but  not 
that  it  will  reduce  the  Eussians  to  make  peace  on  our  terms, 
particularly  as  the  conditions  will  infallibly  be  harder  than 
before.  But  I  do  marvel  that  they  did  not  make  peace  at 
Vienna  on  the  terms  which  were  there  offered  them,  when 
they  must  have  known  that  all  the  chances  of  war  were 
against  them.  The  Emperor  of  Russia  might  have  taken 
warning  from  the  history  and  fate  of  Napoleon,  who  con- 
stantly refused  the  terms  he  could  have  obtained,  and  con- 
tinually insisted  on  something  more  than  his  enemies  would 
give  him,  and  by  this  obstinacy  lost  his  crown.  The  most 
interesting  incident  which  occurred  last  week  was  the  scene 
at  the  end  of  the  debate  between  Graham  and  John  Russell, 
who  had  a  fight  of  considerable  asperity  ;  and  according  to 
all  appearances  the  Peelites  and  the  Whigs  are  completely 
two.  When  Graham  was  reconciled  to  Lord  John  two  or 
three  years  ago,  he  vowed  that  nothing  should  separate  them 

1  [Mr.  Disraeli's  Motion  condemning  the  Government  for  their  misconduct 
of  the  war  was  rejected  by  319  to  219.  Lord  John  Buseell  made  a  warlike 
speech  in  the  course  of  this  debate.] 


226  REIGX  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

again,  but  "quam  parum  stabiles  sunt  hominum  amicitiae," 
and  now  they  appear  to  be  as  antagonistic  as  ever.  But,  to 
be  sure,  Graham  could  not  contemplate  or  foresee  all  the 
tricks  which  Lord  John  played  during  the  whole  time  he  was 
a  member  of  Aberdeen's  Government. 

Notwithstanding  the  success  of  Government  in  the  House 
of  Commons  and  of  the  armies  in  the  Crimea,  things  are  in 
a  very  unsatisfactory  and  uncomfortable  state  here,  and  no- 
body knows  what  will  happen.  There  is  no  confidence  in 
any  party  or  any  men,  and  everybody  has  a  vague  apprehen- 
sion of  coming  out  undefined  evil  and  danger.  The  world 
seems  out  of  joint. 

Paris,  June  17th. — Having  resolved  to  go  to  Vichy  for 
my  health,  here  I  am  on  the  road  ;  I  crossed  over  yesterday 
morning,  a  very  disagreeable  but  short  passage  from  Folke- 
stone, good  journey  by  rail,  and  got  here  at  nine  o'clock,  be- 
ing lodged  very  hospitably  at  the  Embassy.  French  carriages 
on  the  railway  are  much  better  than  ours,  particularly  the 
second  class  ;  the  country  between  Boulogne  and  Paris  looks 
well  and  thriving.  I  had  some  talk  with  Cowley  last  night 
before  we  went  to  bed,  when  he  gave  me  an  account  of  the 
circumstances  of  Drouyn  de  Lhuys'  resignation.1  He  also 
descanted  on  the  difficulties  of  the  Government  here  and  of 
the  maintenance  of  the  alliance,  which  he  attributes  up  to 
this  time  entirely  to  the  good  faith  and  fairness  of  the  Em- 
peror himself,  and  his  determination  that  nothing  shall  in- 
terrupt the  good  understanding  between  the  two  countries, 
on  which  he  is  above  all  things  bent.  The  Emperor  says  it 
is  a  great  misfortune  that  there  are  no  men  of  capacity  or 
character  whose  services  he  can  command,  nor  in  fact  any 
men,  if  he  could  command  their  services,  in  whom  the  pub- 
lic would  be  disposed  to  place  confidence.  Cowley  had  no 
veiy  good  opinion  of  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  and  said  no  reliance 
could  be  placed  in  him  ;  but  in  some  respects  he  is  a  loss,  be- 
cause he  has  a  certain  capacity  and  clean  hands,  he  is  enor- 
mously rich,  and  guiltless  of  any  peculation  or  jobbery.  "When 
Drouyn  announced  that  he  meant  to  go  to  Vienna,  Lord  Cow- 
ley  urged  him  to  go  to  England  first  and  come  to  an  under- 

1  [At  the  Conference  at  Vienna  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  departed  from  the 
conditions  of  peace  agreed  to  between  the  French  and  British  Governments, 
and  was  disposed  to  accept  the  more  favorable  terms  which  were  supported  by 
Austria.  This  led  to  his  disavowal  and  resignation  on  his  return  to  Paris.  It 
turned  out  that  Lord  John  Kussell,  the  British  envoy  to  the  Conference,  had 
taken  a  similar  course.] 


1855.]  A  VISIT   TO   PARIS.  227 

standing  with  the  Cabinet  there  as  to  the  terms  which  should 
be  proposed  at  the  Conference.  He  consented  and  went,  and 
Cowley  urged  Clarendon  to  have  the  agreement  put  down  in 
writing  that  there  might  be  no  mistake  about  it.  This  was 
done,  and  Drouyn  went  to  Vienna.  When  he  took  upon  him- 
self to  make  the  proposition  he  did,  it  was  in  direct  opposition 
to  his  agreement  with  us,  but  he  thought  he  should  bring  the 
Emperor  to  concur  with  him  and  to  sanction  it.  The  Em- 
peror seemed  at  first  disposed  to  do  so,  and  when  he  saw  Cow- 
ley  intimated  as  much  to  him.  Cowley  submitted  that  it  was 
quite  contrary  to  the  understand  ing  with  us,  and  objected 
on  every  ground  to  the  proposal.  The  Emperor  said  he 
really  got  quite  confused  in  the  intricacies  and  details  of  this 
affair,  but  he  would  see  Drouyn  again  and  speak  to  him 
upon  it.  Cowley  requested  (a  very  strange  request  as  he 
owned)  that  he  might  be  present  at  the  interview.  The  Em- 
peror seemed  somewhat  surprised,  but  acquiesced.  When 
Cowley  came  he  found  Drouyn  had  been  there  an  hour,  and 
that  Marshal  Vaillant  was  also  present.  They  went  over  the 
ground  again  and  Drouyn  said  what  he  had  to  say.  when 
Cowley  merely  said  he  would  not  go  into  the  general  ques- 
tion and  would  only  ask  whether  M.  Drouyn's  proposal  was 
in  conformity  with  what  had  been  settled  in  London,  and 
he  appealed  to  Marshal  Vaillant  whether  the  termination  of 
the  war  on  such  terms  would  be  advisable.  It  was  impossi- 
ble to  maintain  that  the  terms  were  consistent  with  the  joint 
agreement,  and  Vaillant  declared  that  if  the  French  armv 
was  brought  away,  and  a  peace  made  on  conditions  which 
would  appear  to  tarnish  the  honor  of  their  arms,  he  would 
not  answer  for  the  consequences.  This  put  an  end  to  the 
discussion.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  retired,  and  as  soon  as  he  got 
home  sent  his  resignation  to  the  Emperor,  who  wrote  him 
back  a  very  good-humored  answer  advising  him  to  recall  it, 
and  expressing  a  wish  that  he  would  come  and  talk  the  mat- 
ter over  with  him,  when  he  had  no  doubt  they  should  come 
to  a  satisfactory  understanding.  Drouyn  persisted,  and  then 
the  Emperor  accepted  his  resignation  and  sent  for  Walewski. 
I  asked  Cowley  how  Walewski  was  likely  to  do,  and  he  said 
wretchedly,  and  that  he  was  not  of  a  calibre  to  fill  such  a 
post. 

He  told  me  all  about  the  intended  journey  of  the  Empe- 
ror to  the  Crimea  and  why  it  was  given  up.  "  The  Emperor 
was  bent  on  it,  while  all  the  Ministers  deprecated  it  and  did 


228  REIGN   OF   QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

all  they  could  to  prevent  it.  They  suggested  that,  if  any 
misfortune  occurred  while  he  was  there,  he  could  not  quit 
the  army  ;  if  any  success,  he  would  infallibly  stay  to  pursue 
it,  so  that  his  speedy  return  could  not  be  counted  on.  This 
failed  to  move  him.  The  intention  was  that  Jerome  should 
be,  not  Kegent,  but  Chief  of  the  Council  of  Ministers,  and 
they  advised  Jerome  only  to  consent  to  take  this  office  on 
condition  that  he  was  invested  with  the  same  despotic  power 
as  the  Emperor  himself.  This  His  Majesty  would  not  con- 
sent to,  as  the  Ministers  foresaw,  and  this  was  the  reason 
why  the  expedition  was  given  up. 

Paris,  June  23d. — I  came  here  to  pass  through  to 
Vichy,  and  accordingly  on  Tuesday  last  to  Vichy  I  went. 
I  arrived  there  in  the  evening,  found  a  detestable  apartment 
without  a  fireplace ;  the  weather  was  intolerable,  it  never 
ceased  raining,  and  the  cold  was  intense.  Finding  that  it 
was  useless  to  take  the  waters  or  baths  in  such  weather,  and 
being  disgusted  with  the  whole  thing,  I  resolved  to  return 
to  Paris,  which  I  did  on  Friday,  and  here  I  am  comfortably 
established  in  the  Embassy  again. 

On  my  arrival  I  was  greeted  with  the  painful  intelligence 
of  the  repulse  sustained  by  the  French  and  English  on  the 
18th  in  the  attack  on  the  Mamelon  and  Redan  batteries,  and 
of  the  great  losses  which  both  armies  had  suffered.  This 
failure  has  cast  a  great  gloom  over  Paris  and  London  and 
the  disappointment  is  greater  because  we  had  become  so  ac- 
customed to  success  that  everybody  regarded  failure  in  any- 
thing as  impossible.  Cowley  told  me  that  the  Emperor  was 
excessively  annoyed,  and  the  more  because  they  entirely  dis- 
approve of  Pelissier's  proceedings.  Without  tying  him 
down  or  attempting  from  hence  to  direct  the  operations  of 
the  campaign,  they  had  given  Pelissier  the  strongest  recom- 
mendations to  abstain  from  assaults  which  they  had  reason 
to  believe  would  not  be  decisive  and  would  cost  a  vast 
number  of  lives,  and  they  were  very  anxious  the  operations 
against  the  Russians  in  the  field  should  be  pressed  instead. 
There  had  been  some  half  angry  communications  between 
the  Government  and  P61issier,  who  had  talked  of  resigning 
the  command.  The  opinions  of  the  Government  had  been 
principally  formed  from  those  of  General  Niel,  who  had 
constantly  reported  his  conviction  to  the  above  mentioned 
effect,  and  had  earnestly  deprecated  these  assaults.  Then 
there  is  reason  to  apprehend  that  such  unsuccessful  attempts 


1855.]  A  DINNER  AT  THE  TUILEREES.  229 

may  produce  bad  blood  and  mutual  accusations  between  the 
allied  forces.  Already  Pe"lissier  and  Raglan  have  begun  to 
cast  the  blame  of  the  failure  on  each  other,  though  appar- 
ently the  difference  has  not  yet  swelled  to  any  serious 
amount.  I  have  always  thought  that  it  would  have  been 
better  to  have  no  divided  command,  but  to  place  an  English 
corps  under  a  French  commander-in-chief,  and  a  French 
squadron  under  an  English  admiral.  This  was  what  the 
Emperor  proposed,  and  he  wrote  a  letter  himself  on  the 
subject,  which  Cowley  promised  to  show  me.  We  have  had 
much  conversation  about  the  Emperor,  his  character  and  his 
capacity,  and  I  am  puzzled  how  to  understand  and  to  do 
justice  to  the  latter.  Being  such  as  he  is  represented  to 
be,  and  having  the  defects  he  has,  it  is  difficult  to  compre- 
hend his  having  accomplished  the  great  things  he  has,  and 
raised  himself  to  such  a  situation  and  such  a  height  of  per- 
sonal power. 

June  24:th. — Last  night  I  went  to  Thiers',  where  I  found 
Mignet,  Roger  du  Nord,  and  others  of  his  adherents,  none  of 
whom  I  recollected,  nor  they  me.  This  morning  I  called  on 
Achille  Fould,  who  told  me  the  Emperor  knew  I  was  here 
and  would  like  me  to  be  presented  to  him,  and  it  was  settled 
that  this  should  be  done.  I  am  nothing  loath,  for  I  have  a 
curiosity  to  see  this  remarkable  man  and  to  converse  with 
with  him.  Madame  de  Lieyen  told  me  this  morning  that 
not  long  before  the  Revolution  of  '48,  Jerome  Bonaparte 
had  entreated  her  to  exert  her  influence  to  get  him  made  a 
peer. 

June  26th. — Yesterday  morning  arrived  an  invitation  to 
dine  at  the  Tuileries  the  same  evening.  I  went  there,  was 
ushered  into  a  room  with  eight  or  ten  men  in  it,  none  of 
whom  I  knew  except  Count  Bacciochi,  whom  I  had  met  at 
Fould's  the  day  before— three  in  uniform,  the  rest  in  plain 
clothes.  A  man,  whom  I  suppose  to  be  the  aide  de  camp  de 
service,  came  forward  to  receive  me  and  invited  me  to  sit 
down.  Presently  the  same  or  another  man  came  and  said 
"  Milord "  (they  all  milorded  me),  "  vous  vous  mettrez  & 
table,  s'il  vous  plait,  d  cote1  de  1'Empereur  a  sa  droite."  I 
was  then  taken  into  the  next  room,  which  adjoins  the  cabi- 
net of  the  Emperor.  In  a  few  minutes  His  Majesty  made 
his  appearance  ;  he  immediately  came  up  to  me,  bowed  very 
civilly,  and  asked  me  the  usual  questions  of  when  I  came  to 
Paris,  etc.  In  a  minute  dinner  was  announced,  and  we  went 


230  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

in.  As  we  walked  in  he  said  to  me,  "  L'lmperatrice  sera 
bien  fdchee  de  ne  vous  avoir  pas  vu."  At  dinner,  which  did 
not  last  above  twenty- five  minutes,  he  talked  (a  sort  of  drop- 
ping conversation)  on  different  subjects,  and  I  found  him  so 
easy  to  get  on  with  that  I  ventured  to  start  topics  myself. 
After  dinner  we  returned  to  the  room  we  had  left,  and  after 
coffee,  seeing  me  staring  about  at  the  portraits,  he  said  all 
his  family  were  there,  and  he  told  me  who  they  all  were  and 
the  history  of  these  portraits,  which,  he  said,  had  made  the 
tour  of  the  world. 

After  this  he  asked  me  to  sit  down,  which  I  did  at  a 
round  table  by  his  side,  and  M.  Visconti  on  the  other  side  of 
me,  and  then  we  had  a  conversation  which  lasted  at  least  an 
hour  and  a  half  on  every  imaginable  subject.  It  was  im- 
possible not  to  be  struck  with  his  simplicity,  his  being  so 
natural  and  totally  without  any  air  or  assumption  of  great- 
ness, though  not  undignified,  but  perfectly  comme  ilfaut,  with 
excellent  manners,  and  easy,  pleasant,  fluent  conversation. 
I  was  struck  with  his  air  of  truth  and  frankness,  and  though 
of  course  I  could  not  expect  in  my  position  and  at  this  first 
interview  with  him  that  he  should  be  particularly  expansive, 
yet  he  gave  me  the  idea  of  being  not  only  not  reserved  but  as 
if,  when  intimate,  he  would  have  a  great  deal  of  abandon.  It 
was  difficult  to  bring  away  all  the  subjects  he  discussed,  and 
I  do  not  know  that  he  said  anything  wonderfully  striking, 
but  he  made  a  very  favorable  impression  on  me,  and  made 
me  wish  to  know  more  of  him,  which  I  am  never  likely 
to  do. 

He  talked  of  the  war  and  its  conduct,  of  the  faults  com- 
mitted, and  of  the  characters  and  talents  of  the  generals 
engaged,  comparing  them,  much  to  their  disadvantage,  with 
the  generals  of  the  Empire.  I  asked  him  which  were  the 
best,  and  he  said  all  the  African  generals  were  much  of  the 
same  calibre  :  Changarnier,  Lamorici^re,  St.  Arnaud,  Can- 
robert,  Pelissier — very  little  difference  between  them.  The 
war  they  waged  in  Africa  was  of  a  peculiar  character,  and 
did  not  render  them  more  capable  of  conducting  great 
strategical  operations  in  Europe.  He  talked  of  Thiers  and 
Odilon  Barrot,  and  described  scenes  with  the  latter  in 
Council  when  Barrot  was  his  Minister;  of  the  "Times"  and 
its  influence;  of  Spain;  in  short,  of  avast  variety  of  subjects; 
of  the  Exhibition  here,  and  with  some  appearance  of  disap- 
pointment that  the  people  will  not  go  to  it.  His  simplicity 


1855.]  DEATH  OF  LORD  RAGLAN.  231 

and  absence  of  all  faste  were  remarkable  ;  thus,  I  asked  him 
what  he  thought  of  the  Hango  affair,  when  he  said  it  was 
not  so  bad  as  had  been  reported.  "  I  have  had  an  account 
of  it  from  Admiral  Penaud  to-day ;  should  you  like  to  see 
it  ?"  I  said  "Yes,"  when  he  got  up,  went  into  his  cabinet, 
and  came  back  with  the  letter  in  his  hand ;  and  a  little 
while  after,  when  we  were  talking  of  the  siege  of  Sebastopol, 
he  asked  if  I  had  ever  seen  a  very  good  engineer's  map  of 
the  whole  thing;  and  when  I  said  I  had  not,  he  said,  "  Then 
I  will  show  you  one  ; "  and  he  again  went  into  his  cabinet 
and  brought  it  out.  After  this  long  palaver  he  took  leave  of 
me,  shaking  hands  with  much  apparent  cordiality. 

June  2Hth. — Bosquet  has  written  to  the  Emperor  that 
these  assaults  on  the  Russian  works  are  only  a  useless  waste 
of  time.  Marshal  Vaillant  has  told  Cowley  that  they  agree 
in  this,  but  they  must  either  recall  their  general  or  let  him 
go  on  in  his  own  way,  and  if  they  interfere,  the  blame  of  any 
disaster  will  inevitably  fall  on  them,  no  matter  what  might 
be  the  cause.  I  dined  with  Flahaut  yesterday  ;  in  the  morn- 
ing rode  round  all  the  boulevards,  a  grand  promenade  by 
which  Paris  is  well  seen  ;  and  I  met  Guizot  at  Madame  de 
Lieven's,  who  talked  of  the  war  and  asked  how  it  was  ever  to 
end.  "  People  go  to  war,"  he  said,  "  to  make  conquests  or  to 
make  peace  ;  you  profess  not  to  intend  the  first,  how  do  you 
propose  to  effect  the  second  ?  By  reducing  Russia  to  accept 
your  terms — can  you  do  so  ?  will  she  yield  ?  If  not,  what 
then  ? — you  may  wound  her,  but  you  can't  strike  her  in  a 
vital  part ;  and  the  more  barbarous  she  is,  the  more  she  will 
consent  to  suffer  and  the  less  she  will  be  disposed  to  yield." 
He  gave  me  an  account  (in  short)  of  the  bother  about  the 
Academy  and  the  Emperor's  interference.  They  do  not 
mean  to  give  way,  but  they  think  he  will  ;  if  he  does  not,  he 
will  have  to  dissolve  them. 

Paris,  July  5th. — One  of  my  attacks  of  gout  came  on 
this  day  week  and  disabled  me  from  going  anywhere,  doing 
anything,  and  still  more  from  writing  anything.  In  the 
meanwhile  we  received  the  news  of  Lord  Raglan's  death.1 
Though  they  do  not  care  about  it  here,  there  has  been  a  very 
decent  display  of  sympathy  and  regret,  and  the  Emperor 
wrote  to  Cowley  with  his  own  hand  a  very  proper  letter. 
There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  the  fatal  termination  of 

1  [Lord  Raglan  died  in  the  Crimea  on  June  28.] 


232  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

Lord  Raglan's  illness  was  in  some  (perhaps  in  great)  measure 
produced  by  vexation  and  disappointment  at  the  failure  of 
the  18th,  and  annoyance  at  the  many  embarrassments  of  his 
position.  It  is  certain  that  for  a  considerable  time  great 
disunion  and  poignant  differences  existed  between  him  and 
the  French  generals.  Canrobert  wrote  home  a  very  unhand- 
some letter,  in  which  he  gave  as  one  of  his  reasons  for  resign- 
ing the  impossibility  of  going  on  with  Raglan.  I  believe 
Raglan  complained  of  Caurobert  with  much  better  reason. 
On  the  18th  Pelissier  changed  the  plan  of  attack  that  had 
been  agreed  on  between  them  ;  and,  besides  all  the  mistakes 
that  occurred  in  the  French  operations,  there  seems  to  have 
been  a  want  of  continual  and  active  concert  between  the  two 
commanders-in-chief  during  the  operations.  Raglan  pro- 
posed a  general  attack  on  the  town  when  the  assaults  failed, 
which  Pelissier  refused  to  agree  to.  There  is  a  fair  proba- 
bility this  would  have  succeeded,  as  an  English  force  did  get 
into  a  part  of  the  town,  stayed  there  some  time,  and  got 
away  unobserved.  There  is  now  a  bad  feeling,  a  disposition 
to  recrimination,  between  the  two  armies,  which  may  have 
very  bad  effects,  and  it  is  awful  to  think  our  army  is  under 
an  untried  man  of  whom  nothing  is  known,  and  who  is  not 
likely  to  have  more  weight  with,  and  receive  more  considera- 
tion from,  the  French  generals  than  his  predecessor.  How- 
ever desirable  unity  of  command  may  be,  in  the  present 
temper  of  the  troops,  and  after  all  that  has  occurred,  it  would 
be  impossible.  General  Torrens,  who  is  here,  speaks  in  high 
terms  of  Raglan,  especially  of  his  magnanimity  in  bearing  all 
the  blame  which  has  been  thrown  upon  him  and  never  saying 
one  word  in  his  own  vindication,  which  might  have  entirely 
exonerated  him,  but  have  done  some  injury  to  the  cause. 
Torrens  thinks  that  in  all  or  almost  all  in  which  he  has  ap- 
peared most  obnoxious  to  censure  he  could  have  triumph- 
antly excused  himself,  and  have  proved  that  the  causes  were 
attributable  to  others  and  not  to  himself.  His  must  have 
been  a  painful  as  it  was  an  ungrateful  service,  and  it  was  a 
melancholy  and  untimely  end. 

Paris,  July  6th. — I  went  yesterday  to  the  Exhibition  in 
the  morning ;  then  to  Notre  Dame  and  the  Luxembourg 
Gardens,  and  drove  about  Paris  ;  dined  en  trio  with  Madame 
de  Lieven  and  Guizot,  when  there  was  of  course  nothing  but 
political  talk.  Guizot  thinks  there  has  been  not  only  a  series 
of  diplomatic  blunders,  but  a  wonderful  want  of  invention, 


1855.]  LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL'S  RETURN.  333 

not  to  strike  out  some  means  of  adjusting  this  quarrel,  in 
which  I  agree  with  him.  This  morning  Labouchere  and  I 
went  to  Versailles.  Fould  had  given  me  a  letter  to  the 
Director  of  the  Museum  there,  M.  Soulie,  whom  we  found 
very  intelligent,  well  informed,  and  obliging.  We  told  him 
our  object  was  to  avoid  the  giro  regolare  of  the  endless  rooms 
fitted  up  with  bad  pictures  by  Louis  Philippe,  and  to  see  the 
apartments  full  of  historical  associations  from  the  time  of 
Louis  XIV.  down  to  the  Revolution.  We  were  completely 
gratified,  and  he  took  us  over  everything  we  wished  to  see, 
being  admirably  qualified  as  a  cicerone  by  his  familiarity  with 
the  localities  and  the  history  belonging  to  them.  We  saw  all 
the  apartments  in  which  Louis  XIV.  lived,  and  what  remains 
of  those  of  Madame  de  Maintenou.  The  Palace  has  been  so 
tumbled  about  at  different  times,  and  such  alterations  made 
in  it,  that  it  is  not  always  easy  to  ascertain  correctly  where 
the  rooms  of  certain  personages  were,  but  our  guide  proved 
to  our  complete  satisfaction  that  certain  rooms  he  showed  us 
were  those  which  really  did  belong  to  Madame  de  Maintenon. 
We  saw  too  in  minute  detail  the  apartments  of  Louis  XVI. 
and  Marie  Antoinette,  and  the  passages  through  which  she 
fled  to  escape  from  the  irruption  of  the  mob  on  the  5th  of 
October.  The  whole  thing  was  as  interesting  as  possible. 

Paris,  July  Qth, — I  meant  to  have  left  Paris  last  night, 
but,  an  invitation  arriving  to  dine  with  the  Emperor  at 
St.  Cloud  to-day,  I  put  off  going  till  to-morrow>  I  went 
yesterday  to  Versailles  to  see  the  grandes  eaux  and  was 
disappointed,  and  dined  there  with  the  Ashburtons.  This 
morning  telegraphic  news  came  of  a  Russian  sortie  last 
night ;  no  details  of  course.  Yesterday  we  were  thrown  into 
consternation  by  the  intelligence  from  London  of  the  reve- 
lations of  John  Russell  in  the  House  of  Commons  and  the 
discussion  thereupon.  Le  Marchant  wrote  to  Labouchere 
and  told  him  the  effect  was  as  bad  as  possible,  and  the  whole 
case  very  deplorable.  My  own  opinion  is  that  nobody  could 
have  acted  more  indiscreetly  and  unjustifiably  than  John 
Russell  has  done,  and  he  has  sacrificed  his  character  and 
authority  in  a  way  which  he  will  find  it  difficult  to  get  over. 
But  I  am  disposed  to  agree  with  him  that  the  terms  pro- 
posed by  Austria,  if  they  could  have  been  brought  to  maturity 
and  carried  out,  were  quite  sufficient  to  make  peace  upon, 
and  that  the  negotiations  ought  to  have  continued  in  order 
to  endeavor  to  bring  about  this  result.  The  effect  of  this 


234  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

public  announcement  to  the  whole  world,  that  the  English 
Minister  at  the  Congress  as  well  as  the  French  one  was 
willing  to  accept  the  terms  proposed  by  Austria,  will  not  fail 
to  make  a  great  sensation,  and  produce  a  considerable  effect 
both  in  Germany  and  in  France.  In  England  it  is  doubtful 
whether  it  will  have  any  other  result  than  to  damage  John 
Russell  himself,  and  increase  the  vulgar  prejudice  against 
public  men.  My  own  idea  is  that  it  will  render  the  war 
still  more  unpopular  in  France,  and  the  English  alliance 
likewise,  because  it  will  encourage  the  prevailing  notion 
that  the  war  is  carried  on  for  English  interests  and  in 
deference  to  the  wishes  of  England.  Though  John  Russell 
declared  that  the  resolution  of  the  Emperor  to  part  with 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys  and  reject  the  Austrian  proposal  had  been 
made  before  the  intention  of  the  English  Cabinet  was  known, 
this  will  not  be  believed,  or  at  all  events  everybody  will  be 
convinced  that  he  knew  what  the  sentiments  of  England 
were,  and  that  he  really  acted  in  conformity  with  them,  as 
was  beyond  all  doubt  the  case. 

July  Wth. — I  dined  at  Villeneuve  1'fitang.  We  went  to 
the  Palace  of  St.  Cloud  in  Cowley's  carriage,  where  we  found 
an  equerry  and  one  of  the  Emperor's  carriages,  which  took  us 
to  Villeneuve.  A  small  house,  pretty  and  comfortable  enough, 
and  a  small  party,  all  English — Duke  and  Duchess  of  Hamil- 
ton, Lord  Hertford,  Lord  and  Lady  Ashburton,  General 
Torrens  and  his  aide  de  camp,  Cowley  and  myself,  the  Due 
de  Bassano,  Comte  de  Montebello,  the  aide  de  camp  de  service, 
and  M.  Valabrdgue,  ecuyer,  that  was  the  whole  party.  The 
Emperor  sat  between  the  two  ladies,  taking  the  Duchess  in 
to  dinner.  It  lasted  about  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  and  as 
soon  as  it  was  over  His  Majesty  took  us  all  out  to  walk  about 
the  place,  see  the  dairy  and  a  beautiful  Bretonne  cow  lie  or- 
dered to  be  brought  out,  and  then  to  scull  on  the  lake,  or 
etang,  which  give  its  name  to  the  place.  There  were  a  num- 
ber of  little  boats  for  one  person  to  scull  and  one  to  sit,  and 
one  larger  for  two  each  ;  the  Emperor  got  into  one  with  the 
Duchess,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  people  as  they  liked,  and  we 
passed  about  half  an  hour  on  the  water.  On  landing,  ices, 
etc.,  were  brought,  and  the  carriages  came  to  the  door  at  nine 
o'clock,  a  char  a  bane  with  four  percherons  and  postillions 
exactly  like  the  old  French  postboy,  and  several  other  open 
carriages  and  pair.  The  two  ladies  got  into  the  center  of 
the  char  a  bane,  Cowley,  Hertford,  and  I  were  invited  to  get 


1855.]       LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL'S  CONDUCT  AT  VIENNA.          235 

up  before,  and  the  Emperor  himself  got  up  behind  with 
somebody  else,  I  did  not  see  who.  We  then  set  off  and 
drove  for  some  time  through  the  woods  and  drives  of  Ville- 
neuve  and  St.  Cloud,  and  at  last,  at  about  ten  o'clock,  we 
\vere  set  down  at  the  Palace.  There  we  all  alighted,  and, 
after  walking  about  a  little,  the  Emperor  showing  us  the  part 
which  Marie  Antoinette  had  built  and  telling  some  anecdotes 
connected  with  Louis  XVIII.  and  Louis  Philippe,  and  the 
Chateau,  he  shook  hands  with  all  of  us  very  cordially,  and 
dismissed  us.  His  Majesty  got  into  the  char  a  bane  and  re- 
turned to  Villeneuve,  and  we  drove  back  to  Paris.  When 
we  were  walking  about  the  court  of  the  Chateau  (it  was  quite 
dark)  the  sentinel  challenged  us — "  Qui  va  la  ?  "  when  the 
Emperor  called  out  in  a  loud  voice — "L'Empereur." 

Of  course,  in  this  company  there  was  nothing  but  general 
conversation,  and  I  had  no  opportunity  of  having  any  with 
His  Majesty  ;  but  he  was  extremely  civil,  offering  me  his 
cigars,  which  I  declined,  and  expressing  anxiety  that  I 
should  not  catch  cold.  He  made  the  same  impression  on 
me  as  before  as  to  his  extreme  simplicity  and  the  easiness  of 
his  intercourse  ;  but  I  was  struck  with  his  appearance  being 
so  very  mesquin,  more  than  I  thought  at  first. 

Lady  Ashburton  told  me  she  had  received  a  letter  from 
Ellice,  telling  her  that  the  affair  in  the  House  of  Commons 
had  produced  the  most  serious  effect,  and  that  it  would 
probably  end  in  the  retirement  of  John  Russell,  and  eventu- 
ally to  a  change  of  Government.  He  had  got  a  story,  which 
I  utterly  disbelieve,  that  Milner  Gibson  had  been  instigated 
by  John  Russell  himself  to  give  him  this  opportunity  of  say- 
ing what  he  did,  which  was  certainly  more  than  he  need 
have  said.1  Lord  John  seems  for  some  time  past  to  have 
been  bereft  of  his  senses,  and  to  commit  nothing  but  blun- 

1  [On  July  6,  Lord  John  Russell  declared  in  the  House  of  Commons,  in 
answer  to  a  question  put  by  Mr.  Milner  Gibson,  that  he  was  personally  con- 
vinced that  the  terms  proposed  at  Vienna  by  the  Austrian  Government  pave  a 
fair  prospect  of  the  termination  of  hostilities,  but  that  on  hLs  return  to  England 
the  Government  declined  to  accept  them.  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  the  French 
envoy,  had  al^o  been  in  favor  of  those  terms.  This  declaration  appeared  to  be 
wh"lly  inconsistent  with  the  warlike  speech  which  Lord  John  had  made,  on 
his  return,  on  May  24.  Sir  E.  B.  Lytton  then  gave  notice  of  a  motion  con- 
demning the  conduct  of  the  Ministers  charged  with  negotiating  at  Vienna;  but 
Lord  John  Russell  anticipated  the  inevitable  vote  of  censure  bv  resigning  office, 
and  he  was  succeeded  in  the  Colonial  Department  by  Sir  William  Molesworth. 
This  transaction  was  held  to  reflect  deep  discredit  on  Lord  John  Russell's  con- 
duct, and  justifies  the  severe  language  applied  to  him  in  the  text,  but  this  was 
somewhat  mitigated  by  Mr.  Greville  in  a  subsequent  passage.] 


236  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

ders  one  after  another.  What  has  been  passing  in  his  mind, 
and  what  his  real  objects  are  or  have  been,  it  would  puzzle 
anybody  to  say.  If  he  had  personal  views  and  wanted  to  re- 
gain the  station  and  power  which  he  had  lost,  never  did  any 
man  take  such  false  steps  and  pursue  so  erroneous  a  course 
to  obtain  his  ends.  He  had  in  gome  measure  retrieved  the 
character  and  consideration  which  he  forfeited  by  his  con- 
duct at  the  beginning  of  this  year  ;  but  I  do  not  see  how  he 
is  ever  to  get  over  this,  nor  how  his  followers  can  any  longer 
have  any  confidence  in  him,  and  I  do  not  believe  the  country 
at  large  ever  will.  As  to  his  opinion  on  the  terms  of  peace, 
I  agree  with  it,  and  think  it  would  have  been  wiser  to  close 
with  Buol's  proposal,  and  to  continue  to  negotiate  ;  but  this 
makes  no  difference  as  to  his  conduct  in  the  affair,  for  which 
there  is  no  excuse.  He  never  ought  to  have  committed  him- 
self at  Vienna ;  his  instructions  were  clear  and  precise  and 
quite  inconsistent  with  Buol's  proposition.  He  might  have 
engaged  to  bring  it  before  his  Government,  but  should,  espe- 
cially as  he  was  a  Cabinet  Minister,  have  abstained  from  ex- 
pressing any  opinion  of  his  own  upon  it.  He  appears  at 
Vienna  to  have  been  easily  talked  over,  and  to  have  been  ex- 
ceedingly wanting  in  diplomatic  finesse  and  penetration  ; 
but  all  I  have  picked  up  here  in  conversation  proves  to  me 
that  there  have  been  errors  innumerable  and  the  greatest 
mistakes  in  the  conduct  of  these  affairs  throughout,  and  the 
exigencies  of  the  alliance  and  the  necessity  of  concerting 
everything  to  the  most  minute  particular  with  both  Cabiaets 
have  produced  results  not  less  unfortunate  in  diplomacy  than 
in  war.  The  affair  before  Sebastopol  the  night  before  last 
turns  out  to  have  been  of  no  importance,  only  a  demonstra- 
tion against  the  English  lines. 

London,  July  13th.- — I  left  Paris  on  Tuesday  night  at 
7.30,  got  to  Calais  at  three  ;  low  water  and  steamer  three 
miles  out  at  sea ;  went  out  in  a  boat  in  a  torrent  of  rain 
which  had  lasted  the  whole  journey  and  all  day.  Train  was 
just  gone  when  we  got  to  Dover,  but  we  arrived  in  town 
about  eleven.  I  found  a  precious  state  of  affairs,  all  con- 
fusion and  consternation,  Bulwer  having  given  notice  of  a 
motion  of  want  of  confidence  on  account  of  John  Russell, 
whose  affair  has  brought  himself  and  the  Government  to  the 
very  brink  and  almost  to  the  certainty  of  ruin.  There  is  as 
much  excitement  against  Palmerston's  Government,  all  on 
account  of  Lord  John,  as  there  was  a  few  months  ago  against 


1855.]  LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL'S  EXPLANATION.  237 

Aberdeen.  I  found  Brooke's  in  a  state  of  insurrection,  and 
even  the  Attorney-General  (Cockburn )  told  me  that  the  Lib- 
eral party  were  resolved  to  go  no  further  with  John  Russell, 
and  that  nothing  but  his  resignation  could  save  the  Govern- 
ment, even  if  that  could  ;  that  they  might  be  reconciled  to 
him  hereafter,  but  as  long  as  the  war  lasted  they  repudiated 
him.  Meanwhile  he  has  not  resigned.  There  was  a  long 
Cabinet  the  day  before  yesterday  in  which  they  discussed  the 
state  of  affairs,  and  what  measures  could  be  taken.  Lord 
John  offered  to  resign,  but  they  would  not  hear  of  it,  and 
came  to  a  resolution  to  stand  or  fall  together.  I  saw  Clar- 
endon yesterday,  who  was  fully  aware  of  the  imminence  of 
the  danger,  and  of  the  probability  of  their  being  out  on  Mon- 
day ;  he  said  Lord  John's  whole  conduct  was  inconceivable, 
and  he  knew  not  to  what  to  attribute  his  strange  speech,  in 
which  he  had  made  for  himself  a  much  worse  case  than  the 
circumstances  really  warrant,  and  given  to  the  world  impres- 
sions which  are  not  correct ;  for  in  point  of  fact  he  did  not 
urge  Buol's  proposal  upon  the  Cabinet,  but  when  he  laid  it 
before  them  and  found  it  not  acceptable,  he  at  once  yielded 
to  all  the  arguments  against  it,  and  instead  of  making  any 
attempt  to  get  peace  made  on  those  terms,  he  joined  with  all 
his  colleagues  in  their  conviction  of  the  necessity  of  carrying 
on  the  war  vigorously  ;  and  this  conviction  induced  him  to 
make  the  warlike  speech  with  which  he  is  now  reproached 
as  being  inconsistent  with  the  opinions  he  was  entertain- 
ing (as  it  is  said)  at  the  time  he  made  it.  Yesterday  he  at- 
tempted to  make  something  of  an  explanation,  but  he 
only  floundered  further  into  the  mire,  and  was  laughed  at. 
Everybody  thinks  he  made  his  case  worse  rather  than  better, 
but  he  really  seems  to  have  lost  his  head.  His  whole  con- 
duct at  Vienna  and  here  has  exhibited  nothing  but  a  series 
of  blunders  and  faults,  and  he  has  so  contrived  it  that  no 
explanations  he  can  possibly  make  will  extenuate  them,  or 
place  him  in  a  tolerable  light  in  the  eyes  of  the  public.  In 
the  morning  yesterday  I  had  occasion  to  call  on  Disraeli 
about  some  business,  when  he  talked  over  the  state  of  affairs 
very  freely,  and  gave  me  to  understand  that  he  intended 
and  expected  to  turn  out  the  Government  and  to  come 
in  with  his  party,  but  he  owned  that  their  materials  for 
forming  a  tolerable  Government  were  very  scanty,  that  he 
would  not  attempt  their  old  Government  over  again,  but, 
except  Lytton  Bulwer,  of  whom  he  spoke  in  terms  of  high 


238  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

praise,  he  knew  not  where  to  find  any  fresh  men  worth  any- 
thing. 

Bath,  July  \§th. — I  came  here  on  Saturday  night.  In 
the  course  of  Friday  morning  I  met  Drumlanrig,  who  told 
me  the  subordinate  place  men  had  caused  John  Russell  to  he 
informed  that  if  he  did  not  resign  they  should,  and  vote  for 
Bulwer's  motion  on  Monday.  This  produced  his  resignation, 
but  under  circumstances  as  mortifying  as  possibly  could  be, 
and  which  must  have  made  him  deeply  regret  that  he  did 
not  resign  at  first,  although  he  is  not  to  be  blamed  for  hav- 
ing yielded  to  the  wishes  of  his  colleagues,  and  I  am  satisfied 
he  did  so  from  the  best  motives.  It  was  no  sooner  known 
that  he  had  resigned  than  the  excitement  began  to  subside, 
and  everybody  thought  that  Bulwer  would  withdraw  his 
motion,  and  at  all  events  nobody  doubted  that  it  would 
come  to  nothing.  The  motion  was  withdrawn  but  the  de- 
bate took  place,  and  such  a  debate  ! — it  was  impossible  to 
read  it  without  indignation  and  disgust.  Bulwer's  speech 
was  a  tissue  of  foul  abuse  with  the  grossest  and  most  wilful 
misrepresentations  and  endeavors  to  draw  inferences  he  knew 
to  be  false  and  fallacious,  with  the  hope  and  purpose  of  dam- 
aging the  characters  of  the  Ministers.  In  these  times,  when 
the  great  evil  is  the  bad  opinion  which  the  public  has  been 
led  to  entertain  of  public  men,  Bulwer  endeavors,  for  a 
mere  party  purpose,  to  aggravate  that  hostile  feeling  and 
to  make  the  world  believe  that,  in  a  great  party  and  a  Cabi- 
net composed  of  men  whose  characters  have  never  been  im- 
pugned, there  is  neither  truth,  sincerity,  nor  good  faith,  and 
by  producing  such  an  impression  to  bring  the  aristocracy 
into  greater  disrepute.  Disraeli,  of  course,  spoke  in  the 
same  tone,  Palmerston  was  very  bad,  and  his  speech  was 
quite  unbecoming  his  position.  John  KusselPs  defence  was 
not  calculated  to  relieve  him  from  the  weight  of  obloquy 
and  unpopularity  he  had  brought  on  himself,  and  the  whole 
thing  was  unsatisfactory,  except  that  it  denoted  the  end  of 
the  contest  and  the  disappointment  of  the  Opposition,  whose 
hopes  had  been  so  highly  raised. 

After  much  consideration  of  John  Russell's  conduct,  I 
think  it  is  not  obnoxious  to  the  severe  censure  with  which  it 
has  been  visited,  and  though  he  has  committed  errors,  they 
are  venial  ones  and  admit  of  a  fair  explanation.  Had  not 
Buol's  publication  revealed  to  the  world  what  had  passed  be- 
tween them  confidentially,  nothing  of  it  would  have  been 


1855.]  APOLOGY  FOR  LORD  JOHN.  239 

known,  and  he  would  have  been  left  to  the  enjoyment  of  the 
popularity  he  had  gained  by  his  anti-Bussian  speech.  The 
statement  about  him  in  Buol's  Circular  naturally  led  to 
questions,  and  then  it  was  necessary  to  tell  everything  and 
lay  bare  the  arcana  of  Cabinets  and  Conferences  ;  and  when 
he  endeavored  to  explain  his  own  conduct  it  became,  amid 
all  the  complexities  of  the  case  itself,  its  endless  variety  of 
details  and  confusion  of  dates,  next  to  impossible  to  unravel 
it  satisfactorily,  and  quite  impossible  to  protect  himself  from 
the  imputations  which  an  unscrupulous  and  malignant  as- 
sailant could  easily  contrive  to  bring  against  him ;  and  in 
this  great  difficulty  he  displayed  no  tact  and  ingenuity  in 
extricating  himself  from  the  dilemma  in  which  he  was  placed  ; 
on  the  contrary,  he  went  blundering  on,  exposing  himself  to 
many  charges,  all  plausible  and  some  true,  of  inconsistency, 
inaccuracy,  and  insincerity,  and  he  made  in  his  speeches  a 
case  against  himself  which  left  very  little  for  his  enemies  to 
do.  ft  might  be  strange  in  any  other  man,  but  is  perhaps 
only  consistent  in  him,  that  he  is  now  more  indignant  with 
the  friends  who  refused  to  follow  and  support  him  on  this 
occasion  than  either  ashamed  or  angry  with  himself  for  hav- 
ing blundered  into  such  a  scrape.  He  writes,  meanwhile, 
to  his  brother,  who  has  sent  me  his  letter,  in  these  terms  : — 
"  I  have  endeavored  to  stand  by  and  support  Palmerston, 
too  much  so,  I  fear,  for  my  own  credit,  but  had  I  resigned 
on  my  return  from  Vienna,  I  should  have  been  abused  as 
wishing  to  trip  him  up  and  get  his  place  :  in  short,  the  situa- 
tion was  one  of  those  where  only  errors  were  possible.  I 
have  acted  according  to  my  own  conscience ;  let  that  suf- 
fice." False  reasoning  and  wounded  pride  are  both  appar- 
ent in  this  letter,  but  he  is  quite  right  when  he  says  that 
"only  errors  had  become  possible."  There  is* no  course  he 
could  have  taken  that  would  not  have  exposed  him  to  bitter 
attacks  and  reproaches,  and  these  unavoidable  errors  were 
not  confined  to  himself. 

The  first  thing  that  strikes  me  is  that  the  Cabinet  ought 
to  have  accepted  his  resignation  when  he  first  tendered  it ; 
but  there  were  no  doubt  difficulties  and  objections  to  that 
course,  and  their  reluctance  to  let  him  throw  himself  over- 
board was  not  unnatural  and  was  generous.  The  defence 
which  his  conduct  really  admits  of  may  be  (to  state  it  very 
briefly)  thus  set  forth.  I  put  it  loosely,  and  as  it  strikes  me, 
taking  a  general  view  of  the  case  ;  to  make  it  more  accurate 


240  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

and  complete,  the  dates  and  the  documents  should  be  before 
me,  which  they  are  not.  He  went  to  Paris  with  instructions 
precisely  corresponding  with  what  was  verbally  arranged 
in  London  between  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  and  the  Cabinet, 
and  they  were  conjointly  to  propose  the  conditions  which 
the  two  Governments  had  agreed  to  require  from  Eussia ; 
but  still  they  were  not  the  bearers  of  an  Ultimatum,  they 
did  not  go  to  give  law  to  Eussia,  or  as  judges  to  pronounce 
sentence  upon  her.  They  went  to  confer  and  to  negotiate, 
to  endeavor  to  obtain  the  precise  terms  which  would  be 
entirely  satisfactory  to  their  two  Governments,  and  failing 
in  this  to  see  what  they  could  obtain.  If  they  were  in- 
structed to  insist  on  the  limitation,  just  as  they  proposed 
it  at  the  Conference,  and  to  accept  nothing  else,  nothing 
either  short  of  it  or  varying  from  it,  then  the  very  idea 
of  a  Conference  and  a  negotiation  was  a  mockery  and  a  delu- 
sion. It  was  a  mockery  to  invite  the  Eussian  plenipotentiary 
to  make  proposals,  and  the  conduct  of  the  Allies  was  disin- 
genuous and  deceitful.  Certainly  Austria  never  contem- 
plated, still  less  would  she  have  been  a  party  to,  such  a 
course  of  proceeding ;  and  her  notion  was,  and,  of  course, 
that  of  Eussia  also,  that  there  should  be  a  bond  fide  negoti- 
ation, and  an  attempt  to  bring  about  an  understanding  by  the 
only  way  in  which  an  understanding  ever  can  be  brought  about 
— mutual  concessions.  We  proposed  the  limitation  scheme, 
and  Austria  backed  us  up  in  it  cordially,  sincerely,  and  forci- 
bly, at  least  to  all  appearance.  Eussia  rejected  it  on  the 
ground  of  its  incompatibility  with  her  honor  and  dignity. 
Then  Eussia  made  proposals,  which  the  Allies,  Austria  in- 
cluded, rejected  as  insufficient.  John  Eussell  and  Drouyn 
de  Lhuys  appear  to  have  fought  vigorously  in  the  spirit  of 
their  instructions,  but  when  they  found  there  was  no  chance 
of  the  Eussians  consenting  to  the  limitation,  they  both  be- 
came anxious  to  try  some  other  plan,  by  which  peace  might 
possibly  be  obtained,  and  they  each  suggested  something. 
At  last,  when  the  Conference  was  virtually  at  an  end,  as  a 
last  hope  and  chance  Buol  produced  his  scheme.  John  Eus- 
sell had  already  committed  himself  to  an  approval  of  the 
principle  of  it,  by  the  plan  he  had  himself  suggested,  and, 
when  he  found  that  both  his  French  and  Turkish  colleagues 
were  willing  to  accept  it,  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  should 
have  told  Buol  privately  and  confidentially  that  he  acqui- 
esced in  it,  and  would  urge  it  on  his  Government.  As  it  has 


1855.]  LORD   JOHN'S   CONDUCT   AT   VIENNA.  241 

turned  out,  this  was  a  great  indiscretion  for  which  he  has 
been  severely  punished.  As  he  had  every  reason  to  believe 
that  Bud's  plan  would  not  be  acceptable  to  his  own  Govern- 
ment, what  he  ought  to  have  done  was  to  give  notice  to 
Clarendon  that  such  a  proposal  had  been  made,  and  to  beg 
it  might  be  considered  before  any  final  resolution  was  taken, 
and  to  tell  Buol  that  he  had  done  so ;  to  promise  that  he 
would  submit  to  the  Cabinet  all  the  arguments  that  had  been 
used  in  its  favor,  but  to  abstain  from  any  expression  of  his 
own  opinion,  and  shelter  himself  from  the  necessity  of  giving 
any  by  the  tenor  of  his  own  instructions.  When  he  found 
the  French  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  consenting,  he  might 
very  well  suppose  that  the  French  Government  would  not 
reject  the  proposal,  and  that  he  should  not  be  justified  in 
putting  a  peremptory  veto  on  what  France  was  disposed  to 
accept  as  sufficient.  Besides,  although  he  has  never  put  for- 
ward such  an  argument  in  any  of  his  speeches,  he  may  have 
thought,  as  I  do,  that  "counterpoise"  and  "limitation" 
were  the  same  thing  in  principle,  and  the  only  difference  be- 
tween them  one  of  mode  and  degree.  Buol's  counterpoise 
involved  limitation,  our  limitation  was  to  establish  a  counter- 
poise ;  therefore,  even  in  the  spirit  of  the  instructions  and 
arguments  of  the  French  and  English  Governments,  their 
plan  of  limitation  having  failed,  Buol's  plan  of  counterpoise 
was  entitled  to  consideration,1  and  the  only  question  ought 
to  have  been  whether  it  would  have  been  effectual  for  the 
purpose  common  to  all,  and  whether  it  would  be  an  honor- 
able mode  of  terminating  the  war. 

John  Russell's  fault  was  committing  himself  to  Buol  as 
approving  his  plan  before  he  knew  how  it  would  be  viewed 
at  home ;  but  I  see  neither  impossibility  nor  inconsistency 
in  his  having  regarded  it  favorably  at  Vienna,  and  being 
biassed  by  all  the  arguments  in  its  favor  which  there  beset 
him  on  all  sides,  and  when  he  returned  to  England  and  found 
the  opinions  of  all  his  colleagues  adverse  to  it,  and  heard  their 
reasons  for  being  so,  that  he  should  have  been  convinced  by 
them,  have  subscribed  to  the  general  decision,  and  joined 
cordially  with  them  in  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war. 
Having  come  finally  to  this  conclusion,  his  warlike  speech 

'  [The  proposal  submitted  to  the  Conference  by  Count  Buol  was  that  each 
of  the  Powers  should  have  the  right  to  maintain  a"  limited  naval  power  in  the 
Black  Sea.  The  whole  discussion  turned  upon  suppression  ofthe  naval  suprem- 
acy of  Russia  in  the  Black  Sea  and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  to  be  effected.] 

11 


242  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  IX. 

was  not  unnatural,  and  he  made  it  probably  very  much  to 
prove  to  his  own  colleagues  that  he  was  in  earnest  with  them. 
There  was  no  necessity  for  his  proclaiming  what  had  passed 
at  Vienna,  as  nothing  had  happened  in  consequence,  and 
the  question  was  not  what  impression  had  been  made  on  his 
mind  there  in  the  course  of  the  negotiations,  but  what  was 
the  opinion,  and  what  the  resolution  at  which  he  finally 
arrived  when  all  was  over.  But  he  has  repeatedly  in  the 
course  of  his  career  contrived  to  do  a  vast  deal  of  mischief 
by  a  very  few  words,  and  so  it  was  in  this  instance.  When 
he  was  driven  to  confess  that  he  had  endorsed  Buol's  pro- 
posal, and  said  that  he  was  still  of  the  same  opinion,  his 
opponents  were  able  with  every  appearance  of  truth  to  say 
that  he  had  intended  to  conceal  what  he  had  done  at  Vienna, 
and  to  deceive  the  country,  both  as  to  his  past  conduct  and 
his  present  opinions  ;  and  as  it  was  obvious  from  his  own 
avowal  that  he  still  was  of  the  same  opinion  as  at  Vienna, 
his  war  speech  was  hypocritical  and  insincere,  and  he  was 
unfit  to  be  in  a  Cabinet  pledged  to  carry  on  the  war  earnestly 
and  vigorously.  Against  such  an  attack  it  was  very  diffi- 
cult to  make  a  good  defence,  and  I  doubt  whether  the  most 
lucid  and  circumstantial  statement  and  the  most  natural 
explanation  of  his  own  motives  and  sentiments  at  different 
periods  of  the  transaction  would  have  received  a  patient 
hearing  and  dispassionate  consideration.  The  House  of 
Commons  and  the  public  were  in  that  frame  of  mind  that 
will  not  listen,  and  cannot  be  fair  and  just,  and  he  became, 
and  could  hardly  avoid  becoming,  the  victim  of  his  own 
want  of  caution  and  prudent  reserve  and  the  excessive  com- 
plication of  the  circumstances  and  details  of  the  case. 

London,  July  28th. — I  returned  from  Bath  yesterday  ; 
went  to  Newmarket  in  the  evening  and  returned  this  morn- 
ing. There  is  nothing  new  at  home  and  abroad  ;  to  all  out- 
ward appearance  the  siege  standing  still,  but  they  say  it  is 
going  on  in  a  safe  and  judicious  manner  calculated  to  bring 
about  success.  General  Simpson  wants  to  resign,  but  no  man 
fit  to  succeed  him  can  be  found.1  I  have  read  the  pamphlet 
"  Whom  shall  we  Hang  ?"  and  think  it  makes  a  very  good 
case  for  the  late  Government,  especially  Newcastle,  but  it  is 

1  [Upon  the  death  of  Lord  Ra.slan  General  Simpson,  an  officer  of  whom  little 
was  Known,  succeeded,  as  senior  in  rank,  to  the  command  of  the  army.  He 
retained  the  command  but  a  short  time,  General  Codrington  having  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  Government  to  succeed  him.] 


1855.]  PROROGATION   OF  PARLIAMENT.  243 

so  long  that  few  people  will  read  it ;  and  though  it  may  con- 
vince and  satisfy  some  one  here  and  there,  it  will  not  suffice 
to  stem  the  torrent  which  is  so  swollen  by  ignorance  and 
malice.  At  Brooks's  this  afternoon  I  met  Fitzroy,  who  said 
a  great  deal  to  me  about  the  condition  of  the  Government, 
of  the  state  and  disposition  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
Palmerston's  management  there,  and  his  conduct  as  a  leader. 
London,  August  Ikth. — Since  my  last  date  I  have  been  to 
Goodwood,  and  since  then  here,  having  had  nothing  to  note 
beyond  what  has  appeared  in  all  the  newspapers.  Parliament 
was  prorogued  yesterday,  after  a  session  of  average  duration, 
but  marked  by  a  great  many  incidents  of  a  disagreeable  char- 
acter, and  exhibiting  a  downward  tendency  as  regards  the 
future  tranquillity  and  prosperity  of  the  country.  The  last 
few  days  were  marked  by  an  angry  contest  provoked  by  Lord 
Grey  in  the  Lords,  not  altogether  without  ca.use  :  the  Limited 
Liability  Bill  came  up  so  late  that,  according  to  the  Standing 
Order,  it  could  not  be  considered.  Government  moved  the 
suspension  of  the  Order,  which  was  carried,  but  there  was  no 
time  to  discuss  properly  the  provisions  of  the  bill,  and  it  was 
hurried  through  the  House  by  force,  probably  in  an  incom- 
plete form.  Grey  was  very  angry,  and  fought  it  tooth  and 
nail,  declaring  his  opposition  to  a  Government  which  had, 
he  insisted,  behaved  so  ill.  Mr.  Monsell  was  made  a  Privy 
Councillor,  the  oath  having  been  altered  to  meet  his  scruples, 
in  spite  of  all  the  remonstrances  I  could  offer  against  such 
an  unworthy  compliance  as  this  appears  to  me. 


244  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 


CHAPTER    X. 

The  Oneen's  Visit  to  France — Sir  George  C.  Lewis  on  the  War— Inefficiency  of  Lord 
P;inmure — The  Qu.-i-n  nnd  the  Kmpi-ror — l.oid  .lonn  KusselPs  tsu-anteuient  from 
h:s  Frieuds— The  Fall  of  Sebastopol  —  'I  he  Queen  on  thj  Or. cans  Coufiscation— The 
Prince  Regent's '.etter  on  th«  Holy  Alliance— Ferment  in  Italy— The  Failure  at  the 
Re  Ian — Lord  John's  Defence— General  Windham — Lord  John  Kusseil'.s  Retirement- 
Death  of  Sir  Rabert  Adair— Adieu  to  the  Turf— Progress  ol  the  \\ar-Colonial  Office 
proposed  to  Lord  8;anley — Lurd  John  liussell's  Position— Kelations  with  Mr.  Disraeli 
—  Mr,  Laboui-here  Colonial  Secretary — Negotiations  for  Pence — The  Terms  propo-ed 
to  Russia  The  King  of  Sardinia  and  M.  de  Cavour  at  Windsor— The  Demands  of  the 
Kinir  of  Sardinia-  Lord  Palmerston  pres.-es  for  \Var-Lord  Macaulay's  History  of 
KngUad— An  Ultimatum  t<>  Russia — Ut-arh  of  the  Poi-t  Roirera— French  Ministers  — 
Th?  Emperor  s  Diplom  ic>— Sir  George  C.  Lewis's  Aver.-ion  to  the  War— Qu  irrels  of 
Wal8.v3.u  ai  1  Penlfay— Anatrla  presents  the  Terms  to  Russia— Baron  Seebach  me- 
diates— The  Emperor's  Difficulties  and  Doubts. 

London,  August  21st. — The  Queen  as  usual  has  had  mag- 
nificent weather  for  her  Paris  visit,  and  all  has  gone  well  there 
except  that  unluckily  she  arrived  after  her  time  at  Boulogne 
and  still  more  at  Paris,  consequently  the  Emperor  was  kept 
waiting  at  Boulogne,  and  the  whole  population  of  Paris, 
which  turned  out  and  waited  for  hours  under  a  broiling  sun, 
was  disappointed,  for  they  arrived  when  it  was  growing  dark. 
However,  in  spite  of  this,  the  scene  appears  to  have  been  very 
fine  and  animated.  Clarendon,  who  is  not  apt  to  be  enthusi- 
astic, writes  so  to  Palmerston,  and  tells  him  that  Marshal 
Magnan  said  he  had  known  Paris  for  fifty  years,  and  had 
never  seen  such  a  scene  as  this,  nor  even  when"  Napoleon 
returned  from  Austerlitz. 

George  Lewis  called  on  me  yesterday.  I  have  hardly  seen 
him  during  the  session,  and,  having  advised  him  to  take  his 
present  office,  I  was  glad  to  be  able  to  congratulate  him  on 
his  success.  He  was  very  natural  about  it,  and  owned  that 
he  had  every  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  his  reception  both 
by  the  House  of  Commons  and  the  City.  I  found  that  his 
sentiments  about  war  and  peace  were  identical  with  my  own. 
He  had  been  all  along  against  the  war,  and  thought  it  ought 
to  have  been  prevented,  and  might  have  been  in  the  outset, 
and  that  peace  ought  to  have  been  made  the  other  day ;  but, 
as  he  was  in  no  way  responsible  for  the  war,  he  had  nothing 
to  do  but  to  submit  to  the  fait  accompli  and  to  do  his  best 
to  raise  the  necessary  supplies  in  the  most  advantageous 
manner.  It  is  evident  that,  if  there  could  have  been  a 
potential  peace  party  in  the  Cabinet,  he  would  have  been 
one  of  them,  but  as  it  is  he  kept  his  real  sentiments  to  him- 
self and  subscribed  to  the  decision  of  the  majority.  We 


1855.]  BATTLE   OF  THE   TCHERNAYA.  245 

talked  of  the  cession  and  its  incidents.  He'said  history  re- 
corded nothing  like  the  profusion  with  which  the  present 
House  of  Commons  was  inclined  to  spend  money.  It  was 
impossible  to  ask  for  too  much  ;  their  only  fear  seemed  to  be 
lest  the  war  should  not  be  conducted  with  sufficient  vigor, 
and  to  accomplish  this  they  were  ready  to  vote  any  amount 
of  money.  Lewis  thinks  the  rage  for  \var  as  violent  as  ever, 
and  the  zeal  of  the  country  not  at  all  diminished,  he  sees  no 
symptoms  of  it.  The  wealth  and  resources  which  the  crisis 
has  developed  are  most  curious  ;  thus,  he  reduced  the  inter- 
est on  Exchequer  Bills  not  long  ago — an  operation  he  be- 
lieves never  before  attempted  in  time  of  war.  War  has  had 
little  or  no  effect  on  trade,  which  is  steady  and  flourishing  ; 
but  he  thinks,  unless  some  great  successes  infuse  fresh  ani- 
mation into  the  public  mind,  that  before  long  they  will  begin 
to  tire  of  the  contest,  and  to  reflect  that  it  is  being  carried 
on  at  an  enormous  cost  for  no  rational  object  whatever,  and 
merely  from  motives  of  pride  and  vanity  and  a  false  notion 
of  honor.  Charles  Villiers  thinks  differently,  and  that  there 
is  already  a  manifest  change  of  opinion,  and  that  opposition 
to  the  war  has  already  begun.  I  wish  I  could  see  some 
symptoms  of  it,  but,  though  there  may  be  some,  I  think  they 
are  slight.  Lewis  thinks  John  Kussell  has  completely  done 
for  himself  by  his  last  speech.  He  was  recovering  from  the 
effects  of  his  first ;  there  was  a  reaction  in  his  favor ;  his 
friends  were  anxious  to  be  reconciled  to  him  and  to  renew  their 
support  and  confidence,  when  he  played  into  the  hands  of  his 
enemies  and  made  his  own  position  worse  than  it  was  before. 

Lewis  told  me  that  he  was  much  struck  with  the  medi- 
ocrity of  Pantnure,  who  was  one  of  the  dullest  men  he  ever 
knew,  and  that  he  was  by  far  the  least  able  man  in  the  Cabi- 
net, and  as  bad  as  possible  as  Minister  of  War — prejudiced, 
slow,  and  roufinier.  It  is  evident  that  Newcastle  was  a 
much  abler  man,  and  if  he  had  happened  to  have  come  after 
Panmure,  he  would  have  been  as  much  belauded  as  he  has 
been  abused. 

September  5th. — A  complete  stagnation  in  every  way  ;  no 
news  whatever  since  the  battle  of  the  Tchernaya,1  and  no- 
body has  the  least  idea,  Ministers  included,  of  the  state  and 
progress  of  the  war.  I  asked  Granville,  who  is  just  come 

1  [The  battle  of  the  T<-hernaya  was  fought  «n  the  16th  of  Aupist,  when 
General  Liprandi  attacked  the  French  and  Sardinian  armies  in  their  lines,  with 
a  large  force,  but  was  repulsed  witii  great  loss.] 


246  REIGN  OF  QTJEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

from  Paris,  if  he  knew  anything,  and  he  said  he  did  not,  and 
that  the  Emperor,  whom  he  had  seen  a  day  or  two  ago,  com- 
plained of  being  equally  in  the  dark.  His  Majesty,  Gran- 
ville  said,  was  very  low  about  the  war,  and  complained  that 
none  of  the  expeditions  and  diversions  had  been  undertaken 
which  might  have  advanced  the  cause  more  rapidly.  Pelis- 
sier  seems  to  be  very  much  deconsidere  and  thought  worth 
very  little  as  a  general. 

I  saw  Clarendon  one  day  last  week  for  a  short  time,  but 
had  no  opportunity  of  hearing  the  details  of  his  sojourn  at 
Paris.  He  said  the  Queen  was  delighted  with  everything 
and  especially  with  the  Emperor  himself,  who,  with  perfect 
knowledge  of  women,  had  taken  the  surest  way  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  her.  This  it  seems  he  began  when  he  was  in 
England,  and  followed  it  up  at  Paris.  After  his  visit  the 
Queen  talked  it  all  over  with  Clarendon,  and  said,  "It  is 
very  odd  ;  but  the  Emperor  knows  everything  I  have  done 
and  where  I  have  been  ever  since  I  was  twelve  years  old  ;  he 
even  recollects  how  I  was  dressed,  and  a  thousand  little  de- 
tails it  id  extraordinary  he  should  be  acquainted  with."  She 
has  never  before  been  on  such  a  social  footing  with  anybody, 
and  he  has  approached  her  with  the  familiarity  of  their  equal 
positions,  and  with  all  the  experience  and  knowledge  of 
womankind  he  has  acquired  during  his  long  life,  passed  in 
the  world  and  in  mixing  with  every  sort  of  society.  She 
seemed  to  have  played  her  part  throughout  with  great  pro- 
priety and  success.  Old  Jerome  did  not  choose  to  make  his 
appearance  till  just  at  the  last  moment,  because  he  insisted 
on  being  treated  as  a  king,  and  having  the  title  of  Majeste 
given  him — a  pretension  Clarendon  would  not  hear  of  her 
yielding  to. 

September  7th. — I  had  a  long  visit  from  the  Duke  of  Bed- 
ford this  morning,  who  came  to  talk  to  me  about  his  brother 
John,  his  position  and  prospects.  He  has  seen  John  and 
heard  from  him  in  great  detail  all  his  case,  and  he  has  like- 
wise seen  Clarendon  and  heard  his  and  the  Government's 
case.  He  tells  me  that  he  has  never  in  his  life  suffered  more 
pain  than  at  hearing  these  cases  and  witnessing  the  bitter 
feelings  which  exist  and  the  charges  which  are  mutually 
made,  especially  between  Clarendon  and  Lord  John.  The 
latter  thinks  he  has  been  very  ill-used  by  most  of  his  former 
colleagues,  but  especially  by  Clarendon,  whose  conduct  he 
thinks  both  unjust  and  ungrateful.  Clarendon  wrote  to  him 


1855.]  THE   FALL   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  347 

while  he  was  at  Vienna  in  such  a  tone  and  language  that 
Lord  John  had  determined  to  resign  his  embassy  and  return 
home,  and  had  actually  written  a  letter  to  Clarendon  for  the 
purpose,  but  he  gave  up  doing  so  partly  because  he  felt  that 
it  would  make  a  prodigious  noise  all  over  Europe  and  partly 
because,  having  consulted  his  brother-in-law,  George  Elliot, 
he  prudently  advised  him  against  such  a  step;  but  he  felt 
deeply,  and  resented  what  he  thought  bad  conduct  toward 
himself.  I  read  to  the  Duke  all  that  I  had  written  about 
John  in  the  preceding  pages,  agaiust  which  he  had  nothing 
to  say.  He  asked  his  brother  how  he  came  to  speak  so  ill 
for  himself  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  he  replied  that 
he  was  embarrassed  by  the  impossibility  of  saying  everything 
that  he  knew,  especially  the  fact,  which  I  have  mentioned, 
of  the  way  in  which  the  Emperor  Napoleon  determined  to 
throw  over  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  and  to  reject  the  Vienna  pro- 
posals. This  was  told  to  John  by  Baudin ;  and  one  of  the 
things  he  complains  of  is  that  the  Cabinet  never  was  in- 
formed of  what  had  passed,  and  its  members  were  allowed  to 
suppose,  like  the  public,  that  the  Emperor's  rejection  had 
been  spontaneous,  instead  of  having  been  suggested  and 
urged  upon  him  by  us.  John  bitterly  feels  his  own  position, 
hi 3  estrangement  from  his  old  friends,  and,  above  all,  the 
unkindness  and  ingratitude  he  thinks  they  have  been  guilty 
of  toward  him.  He  is  now  intent  upon  his  own  vindication, 
and  is  preparing  to  compose  it  with  a  view  of  giving  it  to  the 
world,  though  he  does  not  know,  and  it  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine, in  what  shape.  He  seems  less  dissatisfied  with  his  old 
enemy  Palmerston  than  with  any  of  the  others,  and  says  he 
thinks  Palmerston  is  the  best  man  there  is  at  present  to 
be  Prime  Minister.  After  Clarendon  he  most  reproaches 
Charles  Wood. 

September  17th. — Went  to  The  Grove  with  Clarendon  last 
Saturday  sennight ;  on  Monday  to  Doncaster,  where  I  had 
no  time  to  write  anything  but  bets  in  my  betting-book,  all 
of  which  I  lost.  On  the  Saturday  we  heard  from  General 
Simpson  by  telegraph  that  the  assault  was  to  take  place  that 
day.  We  were  kept  in  suspense  all  Sunday,  but  on  Monday 
morning  read  in  the  "  Times  "  that  the  Malakoff  was  taken, 
but  we  had  no  idea  then  that  the  city  with  all  its  vast  de- 
fences would  fall  immediately  after,  but  I  heard  it  the  same 
night  at  the  Huntingdon  station.1 

'  [The  final  bombardment  of  Sebastopol  commenced  on  the  morning  of  Sep- 


248  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

I  heard  a  great  deal  from  Clarendon  about  the  royal  visit 
to  Paris,  and  details  connected  with  it,  and  we  talked  over 
.the  quarrel  with  John  Russell,  at  which  he  expressed  great 
regret,  though  not  without  bitterness.  Clarendon  said  noth- 
ing could  exceed  the  delight  of  the  Queen  at  her  visit  to 
Paris,  at  her  reception,  at  all  she  saw  ;'  and  that  she  was 
charmed  with  the  Emperor.  They  became  so  intimate,  and 
she  on  such  friendly  terms  with  him,  that  she  talked  to  him 
with  the  utmost  frankness,  and  even  discussed  with  him  the 
most  delicate  of  all  subjects,  the  confiscation  of  the  Orleans' 
property,  telling  him  her  opinion  upon  it.  He  did  not 
avoid  the  subject,  and  gave  her  the  reasons  why  he  thought 
himself  obliged  to  take  that  course ;  that  he  knew  all  this 
wealth  was  employed  in  fomenting  intrigues  against  his 
Government,  which  was  so  new  that  it  was  necessary  to  take 
all  precautions  to  avert  such  dangers.  She  replied  that,  even 
if  this  were  so,  he  might  have  contented  himself  with  se- 
questrating the  property  and  restoring  it  when  he  was  satis- 
fied that  all  danger  on  that  score  was  at  an  end.  I  asked 
Clarendon  what  he  thought  of  the  Emperor  himself,  and  he 
said  that  he  liked  him,  and  he  was  very  pleasing,  but  he  was 
struck  with  his  being  so  indolent  and  so  excessively  ignorant. 
The  Prince  of  Wales  was  put  by  the  Queen  under  Claren- 
don's charge,  who  was  desired  to  tell  him  what  to  do  in  pub- 
lic, when  to  bow  to  the  people,  and  whom  to  speak  to.  He 
said  that  the  Princess  Royal  was  charming,  with  excellent 
manners,  and  full  of  intelligence.  Both  the  children  were 
delighted  with  their  sejour,  and  very  sorry  to  come  away. 
When  the  visit  was  drawing  to  a  close,  the  Prince  said  to  the 
Empress  that  he  and  his  sister  were  both  very  reluctant  to 
leave  Paris,  and  asked  her  if  she  could  not  get  leave  for 
them  to  stay  there  a  little  longer.  The  Empress  said  she 
was  afraid  this  would  not  be  possible,  as  the  Queen  and  the 
Prince  would  not  be  able  to  do  without  them  ;  to  which  the 
boy  replied,  "  Not  do  without  us  !  don't  fancy  that,  for  there 
are  six  more  of  us  at  home,  and  they  don't  want  us."  The 
Emperor  himself  proposed  to  the  Queen  to  go  to  the  Chapel 
consecrated  to  the  memory  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  upon  the 
spot  where  he  met  with  his  fatal  accident  and  expired.  It 

tember  5th,  nnd  continued  without  intermission  until  the  8th,  when  the  Russians 
blew  up  their  magazines  and  in  the  nurht  evacuated  the  southern  portion  of  the 
city.  The  intelligence  of  the  fall  of  Sebastopol  reached  England  on  the  after- 
noon of  Monday,  September  10,  and  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm  through- 
out the  country.] 


1855.]  MARRIAGES  OF  THE  ROYAL  FAMILY.  249 

is  creditable  to  her  that  she  talks  without  gene  or  scruple 
to  the  Emperor  about  the  Orleans  family,  making  no  se- 
cret of  her  continued  intimacy  with  them,  and  with  equal 
frankness  to  them  of  her  relations  with  him.  She 
wrote  to  the  Queen  Marie  Amelie  an  account  of  her  goini 
to  the  Chapel  and  of  the  Emperor  taking  her  there,  and 
received  a  very  amiable  reply.  The  first  thing  she  did  on 
her  return  was  to  receive  the  Due  and  Duchesse  de  Mont- 
pensier. 

Clarendon  told  me  a  few  things  besides  of  no  great  im- 
portance, and  which  I  am  not  sure  that  I  recollect :  about 
Spain,  he  said  that  matters  were  going  on  better  there  and 
the  Government  had  contrived  to  get  money — the  Spaniards 
were  very  anxious  to  take  part  in  the  war,  but  he  had  dis- 
couraged it  entirely.  As  to  Naples,  that  we  were  calling  the 
Neapolitan  Government  to  account  for  their  recent  imperti- 
nence to  us,  but  that  Palmerstou  and  he  had  disagreed  as  to 
what  should  be  done,  Palmerston,  according  to  his  old  habit, 
wanting  to  send  ships  of  war  to  Naples  and  to  proceed  to 
violence,  while  he  was  opposed  to  having  another  Pacifico 
affair  on  our  hands,  and  proposed  to  proceed  with  caution 
and  quietly. 

While  they  were  in  the  yacht,  crossing  over,  Prince  Albert 
had  told  him  that  there  was  not  a  word  of  truth  in  the  pre- 
vailing report  and  belief  that  the  young  Prince  of  Prussia 
and  the  Princess  Royal  were  fiances,  that  nothing  had  ever 
passed  between  the  parents  on  the  subject,  and  that  the 
union  never  would  take  place  unless  the  children  should 
become  attached  to  each  other.  There  would  be  no  mere 
political  marriage.  The  Prince  showed  Clarendon  all  the 
correspondence  which  had  taken  place  between  the  Emperor 
of  Russia  and  the  Prince  Regent  about  the  Holy  Alliance, 
which  he  said  was  very  curious,  and  George  IV.'s  letter  de- 
clining to  be  a  party  to  it  very  good  indeed.  These  docu- 
ments were  left  in  Lord  Liverpool's  papers,  and  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Harcourt,  who  married  his  daughter.  Harcourt 
lent  them  to  the  Prince  to  read,  but  exacting  a  promise  that 
he  would  not  take  a  copy  of  them,  and  he  had  since  repeat- 
edly pressed  the  Prince  to  return  them.  I  told  Clarendon 
they  ought  not  to  be  returned,  or  at  least  that  Harcourt 
ought  to  be  desired  to  give  them  to  be  preserved  in  the  Gov- 
ernment Archives,  for  they  can  in  no  way  be  considered  as 
private  property.  Lord  Liverpool's  papers  were  for  the  most 


250  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

part  destroyed,  but  these  were  preserved.  This  is  all  I  can 
recollect  of  what  he  told  me. 

September  23d. — At  The  Grove  from  Saturday  to  Mon- 
day ;  nobody  there  but  Eeeve ;  nothing  very  particular. 
Clarendon  said  Prussia  was  very  anxious  to  interpose  to 
renew  negotiations,  but  they  would  not  hear  of  her  interfer- 
ence, and  if  anything  was  done  it  could  only  be  by  Austria. 
He  showed  me  a  paper  sent  by  Hudson  with  an  account,  very 
brief,  of  the  state  of  Italy,  which  is  in  fermentation  though 
not  in  open  disturbance.  The  Sicilian  malcontents  sent  to 
the  Kins?  of  Sardinia  an  offer  of  their  crown  for  one  of  his 
eons.  He  replied,  "  You  have  need  of  a  man,  and  a  boy 
will  be  of  no  use  to  you."  This  they  took  for  a  refusal,  and 
they  are  now  thinking  of  a  Coburg;  in  no  case  will  they 
have  a  Murat.  I  forget  what  the  Neapolitan  Liberals  want, 
but  I  doubt  if  the  country  will  have  either  the  courage  or 
the  power  to  emancipate  itself. 

September  28th. — No  fresh  news,  but  a  letter  from  Charles 
"Windham  (the  hero  of  the  Redan),  in  which  he  gives  an  ac- 
count of  that  affair  which  corresponds  very  closely  with  the 
report  of  Russell,  the  "Times"  Commissioner.  He  gives  a 
poor  character  of  the  generals  in  the  Crimea,  and  says  the 
troops,  except  some  of  the  old  soldiers,  behaved  by  no  means 
well.  The  whole  thing  seems  to  have  been  grievously  mis- 
managed on  our  part.1 

I  have  had  much  correspondence  with  the  Duke  of  Bed- 
ford about  Lord  John  and  his  case,  which  the  Duke  says, 
now  that  ho  has  heard  it  all  and  seen  the  correspondence, 
he  thinks  much  better  than  he  had  supposed,  and  that  John 
was  meditating  the  publication  of  a  defence  of  himself,  but 
could  not  determine  in  what  shape  it  should  be.  I  earnestly 
advised  him  to  dissuade  his  brother  from  publishing  any- 
thing, as  he  could  not  make  an  effectual  defence  of  his 
conduct  without  making  revelations  that  would  be  held  un- 
justifiable and  cause  all  sorts  of  ill  humor  and  recriminations, 
and  render  his  position,  both  personal  and  political,  worse 
than  it  now  is.  Some  communications  in  a  friendly  spirit 
have  taken  place  between  Lord  John  and  Clarendon,  but 

'  [The  British  attack  on  the  Redan  failed,  while  the  French  attack  on  the 
Milakoff  succeeded,  to  the  extreme  annoyance  of  the  British  army  and  public: 
hut  in  Iris  assault  Colonel  Charles  Windham  (as  he  then  was)  displayed  the 
most  signal  bravery,  which  in  some  measure  redeemed  the  credit  of  the  British 
forces.  This  circumstance  gave  him  an  amount  of  popularity  and  distinction 
which  his  rank  in  the  army  and  his  previous  services  did  not  altogether  justify.] 


1855.]  GENERAL   CHARLES  WINDHAM.  251 

I  can  see  that  there  is  still  existing  a  great  deal  of  soreness 
and  a  not  very  cordial  feeling  between  them.  I  have  been 
reading  Lord  Grey's  speech  on  the  war,  which  he  has  pub- 
lished in  a  pamphlet,  and  I  think  it  excellent  and  unanswer- 
able. I  long  to  write  something  on  the  subject  and  to  add 
to  Grey's  argument  on  other  parts  of  the  case.  I  do  not  care 
about  the  unpopularity  of  doing  so,  and  am  only  deterred 
from  taking  so  much  trouble  by  feeling  that  it  would  be 
unavailing,  and  that  to  attempt  to  make  the  public  listen  to 
reason  and  take  a  dispassionate  view  of  the  various  questions 
connected  with  the  war  on  which  they  have  been  so  com- 
pletely bamboozled  and  misled,  would  be  like  Mrs.  Partington 
and  her  mop. 

October  %d. — I  have  been  in  correspondence  for  a  long 
time  with  Charles  Windham,  and  had  a  letter  from  him 
written  a  few  days  after  his  great  exploit  at  the  Redan.  I 
showed  his  letter  to  Granville,  and  he  to  Palmerston  and 
Clarendon.  I  was  glad  to  find  every  disposition  to  reward 
his  bravery  and  conduct,  and  Henry  Grenfell  told  me  thev 
had  made  him  a  general  and  were  going  to  give  him  a  di- 
vision, as  Markham  and  Bentinck  are  both  coming  home. 
This  was  no  more  than  was  reasonable  to  expect ;  but  great 
was  my  astonishment  when  I  was  told  yesterday  morning 
that  they  were  thinking  of  making  Windham  Commander- 
in-Chief,  and  I  was  asked  to  give  any  of  his  letters  to  me, 
from  which  extracts  might  be  made  to  show  to  the  Cabinet 
to  enable  them  to  judge  of  his  character  and  talents.  I 
offered  to  get  his  journal  and  letters,  from  his  wife  and  oth- 
ers, which  I  did  ;  but  at  the  same  time  I  eaid  I  thought  it  a 
hazardous  speculation  to  raise  him  per  saltum  from  being  a 
colonel  and  brigadier  to  the  command  of  a  great  army. 

B said  this  was  true,  but  the  matter  pressed  and  they 

did  not  know  where  to  find  a  man.  This  morning  I  gave 
him  some  papers,  and  he  then  told  me  Simpson  had  resigned, 
and  it  was  necessary  to  come  to  some  immediate  decision. 
Codrington  would  have  been  undoubtedly  chosen  if  he  had 
not  apparently  (for  as  yet  we  know  very  little)  failed  in  what 
he  had  to  do  on  the  8th.  With  regard  to  Windham  what 
the  Cabinet  will  do  I  know  not,  I  suggested  that  it  would 
be  better  to  try  him  first  in  his  command  of  a  division  and 
go  on  if  possible  for  some  time  longer,  but  Simpson's  resig- 
nation compels  them  to  come  to  some  immediate  decision, 
and  they  do  not  like  to  appoint  another  man  pro  tempore. 


252  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

I  still  incline  to  the  opinion  that  Windham's  extraordinary 
promotion  from  so  low  to  so  high  a  rank,  and  his  passing 
over  the  heads  of  such  multitudes  of  officers,  will  occasion 
great  jealousy,  envy,  heart-burning,  and  resentment,  besides 
casting  a  slur  on  the  whole  service  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  ; 
for  when  every  general  in  the  service  is  passed  over,  and  a 
colonel  appointed  who  has  never  done  any  but  subordinate 
work,  and  shown  extraordinary  bravery  and  coolness,  but  no 
aptitude  for  command,  because  he  has  had  no  opportunity 
of  so  doing,  every  general  and  superior  colonel  now  on  serv- 
ice will  feel  himself  insulted  and  a  stigma  cast  upon  him. 
I  am  not  at  all  sure  Windham  may  do  better  than  any  other 
man  would  do,  but  to  justify  such  an  appointment  he  ought 
to  do  far  better  ;  and  though  he  is  a  sharp  fellow  enough,  I 
have  never  seen  anything  in  him  which  indicates  real  genius 
or  a  superior  intellect. 

October  7th. — At  "Woburn,  where  the  Duke  and  I  had 
much  conversation  about  Lord  John  and  his  position,  and 
he  showed  me  a  great  many  of  John's  letters  to  him  about 
his  quarrel  with  the  Government  and  the  conduct  of  Claren- 
don to  him,  which  he  cannot  forgive,  though  they  are  again 
corresponding  with  ostensible  amity.  The  Duke  owns  that 
he  does  not  see  how  John  can  take  any  prominent  part  in 
public  life,  at  least  for  the  present,  and  indeed  considers  it 
probable  that  his  career  as  a  statesman  is  closed  ;  and,  what 
is  more,  John  seems  to  consider  it  so  himself  and  to  acqui- 
esce in  his  position,  though  what  his  secret  aspirations 
may  be  none  can  tell.  He  has,  however,  determined  to 
give  up  his  house  in  town,  which  looks  like  retirement.  I 
strongly  advi?ed  that  John  should  go  to  the  House  of  Lords, 
where  he  might  still  act  a  dignified  and  useful  part ;  his 
position  in  the  House  of  Commons  would  be  very  anomalous 
and  disagreeable,  and  it  is  not  at  all  certain  that  he  would 
not  lose  his  seat  in  the  event  of  an  election — very  doubtful 
whether  he  would  be  returned  again  for  the  City ;  and  the 
thing  most  to  be  deprecated  is  that  he  should  stand  and  be 
defeated  for  that  or  any  other  place.  The  Duke  neither 
agreed  nor  dissented,  but  he  owned  what  I  said  of  John's 
position  was  true,  though  he  still  thought  he  would  be  very 
reluctant  to  quit  the  House  of  Commons  for  ever,  and  retire 
to  the  Lords. 

On  Tuesday  last,  after  a  few  days'  illness,  Sir  Robert 
Adair  died  at  the  age  of  93,  having  preserved  his  faculties, 


1835.]  ADIEU   TO   THE  TURF.  253 

and  especially  his  remarkable  memory,  quite  to  the  last.  He 
was  the  last  survivor  of  the  intimate  friends  of  Fox  and  of 
the  political  characters  of  his  times.  He  had  entertained  a 
warm  affection  for  Fox,  and  he  preserved  a  boundless  ven- 
eration for  his  memory ;  and  the  greatest  pleasure  he  had 
was  in  talking  of  Fox  and  his  contemporaries,  and  pouring 
forth  to  willing  circles  of  auditors  anecdotes  and  reminis- 
cences of  the  political  events  with  which  he  had  been  mixed 
up,  or  of  which  he  had  been  cognizant  in  the  course  of  his 
long  life.  This  he  did  in  a  manner  quite  remarkable  at  so 
advanced  an  age,  and  he  never  had  any  difficulty  in  finding 
listeners  to  his  old  stories,  which  were  always  full  of  interest- 
ing matter,  and  related  to  the  most  conspicuous  characters 
who  flourished  during  the  reigns  of  George  III.  and  George  IV. 

October  29tk. — All  last  week  at  Newmarket,  and  proba- 
bly very  nearly  for  the  last  time  as  an  owner  of  racehorses, 
for  I  have  now  got  rid  of  them  all,  and  am  almost  off  the 
turf,  after  being  on  it  more  or  less  for  about  forty  years.  I 
am  sorry  that  I  have  never  kept  any  memoranda  of  my  turf 
life,  which  might  have  been  curious  and  amusing ;  for  I 
have  known  many  odd  characters,  and  lived  with  men  of 
whom  it  would  have  been  interesting  to  preserve  some  rec- 
ord. Perhaps  I  may  one  day  rake  together  my  old  recollec- 
tions and  trace  the  changes  that  have  taken  place  in  this 
racing  life  since  I  first  knew  it  and  entered  into  it,  but  I 
cannot  do  so  now. 

Since  I  last  wrote,  the  war  has  proceeded  without  any 
great  events,  but  with  the  same  progress  and  success  on  the 
side  of  the  Allies  which  have  marked  the  contest  throughout 
and  have  excited  my  wonder.  The  most  important  of  these 
successes  has  been  the  defeat  of  Mouravicff  at  Kars  by  the 
Turks  under  English  officers,  which,  after  what  Clarendon 
told  me,  was  the  very  hist  thing  I  expected.  The  death  of 
Molesworth  has  made  a  difficulty  for  Palmerston  ;  I  knew 
so  little  of  him  that  I  cannot  pretend  to  say  anything  about 
him.  That  of  Lord  Wharncliffe  touches  me  more  nearly; 
but  this  is  more  matter  of  private  regret  than  of  public  con- 
cern, as  the  part  he  played  in  life  was  never  important, 
though  very  honorable.  The  appointment  of  Codrington 
seems  to  be  well  taken,  more  perhaps  because  nobody  can 
suggest  a  better  choice  than  from  any  peculiar  merits  of  the 
new  Commander-in-Chief.1 

1  [The  Eight  Hon.  Sir  William  Molcsworth,  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colo- 


254  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

London,  November  1th. — The  event  of  the  last  few  days 
has  been  the  offer  of  the  Colonial  Office  to  Lord  Stanley  and 
his  refusal  to  take  it.  When  Palmerston  proposed  it  to  him 
he  said  that  he  could  not  give  an  answer  without  consulting 
his  father,  which  implied  that  he  would  accept  if  his  father 
gave  his  consent.  He  posted  down  to  Knowsley,  from  whence 
he  had  just  come,  and  entered  the  room  where  Derby  was 
playing  at  billiards,  and  much  to  his  astonishment  saw  his 
son  suddenly  return.  "  What  on  earth,"  he  cried  out,  "has 
brought  you  back  so  soon  ?  Are  you  going  to  be  married,  or 
what  has  happened  to  you?"  Stanley  said  he  wanted  to 
speak  to  him,  and  carried  him  off.  What  passed  is  not 
known,  but  of  course  he  advised  his  son  to  refuse  office.  He 
wrote  to  Palmerston  in  very  becoming  terms,  and,  1  hear,  a 
very  good  letter.  He  had,  if  not  consulted,  certainly  im- 
parted to  Disraeli  what  passed,  for  Disraeli  told  me  so.  I 
think  he  judged  wisely  in  declining,  for  it  would  have  been 
an  awkward  thing  to  pass  at  once  from  the  Opposition  side 
of  the  House  to  the  Treasury  Bench,  and  take  high  office  in 
a  Cabinet  without  having  any  political  or  personal  connec- 
tion with  a  single  member  of  it,  and  to  which  he  has  hitherto 
been  opposed  generally,  although  upon  many  subjects  his 
opinions  have  much  more  coincided  with  theirs  than  with 
those  of  the  party  to  which  he  still  nominally  belongs.  He 
is  young  and  can  afford  to  wait,  and  his  position  and  abili- 
ties are  certain  before  long  to  make  him  conspicuous  and  to 
enable  him  to  play  a  very  considerable  part.  He  is  exceed- 
ingly ambitious,  of  an  independent  turn  of  mind,  very  in- 
dustrious, and  has  acquired  a  vast  amount  of  information. 
Not  long  ago,  Disraeli  gave  me  an  account  of  him  and  of  his 
curious  opinions — exceedingly  curious  in  a  man  in  his  con- 
dition of  life  and  with  his  prospects.  Last  night  Lord 
Strangford  (George  Smythe)  talked  to  me  about  him,  ex- 
pressed the  highest  opinion  of  his  capacity  and  acquire- 
ments, and  confirmed  what  Disraeli  had  told  me  of  his 
notions  and  views  even  more,  for  he  says  that  he  is  a  real 
and  sincere  democrat,  and  that  he  would  like  if  he  could  to 
prove  his  sincerity  by  divesting  himself  of  his  aristocratic 
character  and  even  of  the  wealth  he  is  heir  to.  How  far 
this  may  be  true  I  know  not :  if  it  be  true,  it  may  possibly 

nial  Department,  died  on  October  22, 1855,  aired  45.  John,  2d  Baron  Wharn- 
cliffe,  also  died  on  the  2u'd.  General  Sir  William  Codrinpton  had  been  ap- 
pointed to  the  command  of  the  British  forces  in  the  Crimea,  on  the  resignation 
of  General  Simpson.] 


1855.]   COLONIAL   OFFICE   PROPOSED   TO   LORD   STANLEY.       255 

be  ascribed  in  some  degree  to  his  own  consciousness  that  the 
realization  of  his  ideology  is  impossible,  and  at  all  events 
time  will  show  whether  these  extreme  theories  will  not  be 
modified  by  circumstances  and  reflections.  Nothing  ap- 
pears to  me  certain  but  that  he  will  play  a  considerable  part 
for  good  or  for  evil,  but  I  cannot  pretend  to  guess  what  it 
will  be.  At  present  he  seems  to  be  more  allied  with  Bright 
than  with  any  other  public  man  ;  and,  as  his  disposition 
about  the  war  and  its  continuance  is  very  much  that  of 
Bright,  it  would  have  been  difficult  for  him  to  take  office 
with  Palmerston,  whose  whole  political  existence,  or  at  least 
his  power,  rests  on  the  cry  for  war  and  its  active  and  ener- 
getic prosecution. 

London,  November  1.2th. — I  saw  John  Russell  on  Saturday 
morning  to  have  a  talk  with  him  about  the  state  of  affairs  and 
the  questions  of  peace  and  war.  There  still  exists  a  great  deal 
of  bitterness  between  him  and  Clarendon,  he  thinking  that 
he  has  been  very  ill  used  by  Clarendon  and  others  of  his 
former  colleagues.  He  is  particularly  sore  about  their  al- 
lowing so  many  things  to  be  said  to  his  disadvantage  con- 
cerning the  Vienna  negotiations  which  they  know  to  be  un- 
true, without  saying  a  word  to  contradict  them  and  cause 
justice  to  be  done  to  him,  particularly  in  reference  to  the 
matter  of  Austria  having  engaged  to  join  if  Russia,  refused 
her  last  proposals.  George  Grey  denied  that  Austria  had  so  • 
engaged,  and  none  of  the  others  ever  admitted  it,  whereas  it 
was  perfectly  true.  Lord  John  and  I  do  not  agree  as  to  the 
earlier  part  of  the  question,  because  he  was  originally  a  party 
to  the  war  while  I  was  always  against  it.  He  was,  however, 
rather  against  it  quite  at  first,  being,  as  he  told  me,  with 
Aberdeen,  and  against  Clarendon  and  Palmerston,  who  were 
all  along  inclined  to  go  to  war.  He  had  been  at  the  Mansion 
House  dinner  the  night  before,  where  he  was  very  ill  received, 
though  he  would  not  allow  it ;  he  prefers  to  flatter  himself 
that  the  signs  of  his  unpopularity  were  not  so  strong  and 
marked  as  everybody  else  who  was  present  thought  them. 

I  likewise  saw  Disraeli  and  had  some  talk  with  him.  He 
told  me  that  he  had  now  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the 
"  Press,"  and  that  the  series  of  articles  in  that  paper  on  the 
war  and  in  favor  of  peace  were  all  written  by  Stanley.  He 
said  he  had  received  a  letter  from  Stanley  to  this  effect : 
"  My  dear  Disraeli, — I  write  to  you  in  confidence  to  tell  you 
that  I  have  been  offered  and  have  refused  the  Colonial  Office. 


256  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

As  it  is  due  to  Lord  Palmerston  to  keep  his  offer  secret,  I 
have  told  nobody  of  it  but  yourself  and  my  father,  and  I 
beg  yon  not  to  mention  it  to  anybody."  On  receiving  this 
he  said  he  began  to  concoct  an  answer  in  his  mind  of  rather 
a  sentimental  kind,  and  conveying  his  approbation  of  the 
course  he  had  taken,  but  before  he  put  pen  to  paper  he  got 

the  "Times"  with  Stanley's  letter  to  Sir ,  which  was 

tantamount  to  a  disclosure  of  the  whole  thing,  on  which  he 
wrote  instead,  "  Dear  Stanley, — I  thank  you  for  your  letter, 
but  I  had  already  received  your  confidential  communication 
through  your  letter  to  Sir ." 

I  have  occasion  to  see  Disraeli  very  often  about 's 

affairs,  about  which  he  has  been  wonderfully  kind  and 
serviceable,  and  on  these  occasions  he  always  enters  on  some 
political  talk,  and  in  this  way  we  have  got  into  a  sort  of 
intimacy  such  as  I  never  thought  could  have  taken  place 
between  us. 

London,  November  2±th. — After  his  failure  with  Stanley, 
Palmerston  applied  to  Sidney  Herbert,  who  went  to  Broad- 
lands,  but,  finding  that  he  and  Palmerston  could  not  agree 
upon  the  subject  of  war  and  peace  (the  details  of  their 
disagreement  I  do  not  know),  he  declined  the  offer  of  the 
Colonial  Office.  Palmerston  then  sent  for  Labouchere,  who 
accepted.1  He  called  on  me  the  day  after  and  told  me  he 
•had  been  to  Broad  lands,  that  Palmerston  had  told  him  every- 
thing about  the  state  of  affairs  and  his  own  views  and 
opinions,  and,  as  he  could  find  nothing  therein  to  object 
to,  he  had  accepted  the  office.  As  Labouchere  is  certainly 
moderate,  this  would  indicate  more  moderation  on  the  part 
of  Palmerston  than  Sidney  Herbert  found  in  him,  unless 
Labouchere  and  Sidney  Herbert  take  totally  dissimilar  views 
of  affairs. 

After  this,  a  few  days  ago,  I  had  a  long  conversation  with 
George  Lewis,  who  told  me  that  France  and  Austria  were 
endeavoring  to  bring  about  peace,  and  that  communications 
were  going  on  between  France  and  our  Government  on  the 
subject,  and  he  said,  moreover,  that  Palmerston  was  by  no 
means  so  stiff  and  so  bent  on  continuing  the  war  as  was  gen- 
erally supposed.  This  intelligence  appeared  to  me  to  explain 

1  [The  Riffht  lion.  Henry  Labouchere,  born  in  1798,  a  highly  respected 
member  of  the  Whin;  party,  who  filled  many  offices  in  Liberal  Governments. 
He  was  created  Baron  Tauhton  on  his  retirement  from  office  in  1859,  and  died 
in  July,  1869.] 


1855.]  PROPOSALS  FOR   PEACE.  357 

what  I  could  not  understand  in  his  communications  with  Sid- 
ney Herbert  and  Labouchere  ;  for,  if  the  Emperor  has  really 
intimated  to  our  Government  his  determination  to  try  and 
make  peace,  Palmerston  must  needs  come  down  from  his  very 
high  horse  and  evince  a  disposition  to  go  along  with  our  Im- 
perial ally,  who  has  got  the  whole  game  in  his  own  hands, 
and  whom  we  must  perforce  follow  when  he  is  determined  to 
take  his  own  course.  Then  our  warlike  propensities  may  be 
probably  restrained  by  the  alarming  prospect  of  financial 
difficulties  which  Lewis  sees  looming  in  the  distance.  He  said 
to  me,  "I  am  sure  I  do  not  know  how  I  shall  provide  ways 
and  means  next  year,  for  the  enormously  high  prices  will  be 
a  great  blow  to  consumption,  and  the  money  market  is  in  a 
very  ticklish  state."  I  said,  "You  will  have  to  trust  to  a  great 
loan,  and  ten  per  cent,  income  tax  ; M  to  which  he  assented. 
They  have  now  patched  up  the  Government,  by  getting  Baines 
to  take  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster  with  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet — 
a  very  respectable  man,  who  cannot  speak,  and  who  will  be 
of  no  use  to  them.  Neither  he  nor  Labouchere  will  add 
much  to  their  strength,  but  they  are  both  very  unexception- 
able appointments.  I  think  that,  in  spite  of  the  undimin- 
ished  violence  of  the  press,  the  prevailing  opinion  is  that  there 
is  the  beginning  of  a  change  in  the  public  mind,  and  an  in- 
cipient desire  for  peace  ;  and  I  agree  with  Disraeli,  who 
thinks  that,  when  once  the  current  has  fairly  turned,  it  will 
run  with  great  rapidity  the  other  way. 

November  27th. — At  length  there  really  does  appear  to  be 
a  prospect  of  putting  an  end  to  this  odious  war,  and  my 
conjectures  of  a  few  days  ago  are  assuming  the  shape  of 
realities.  Yesterday  morning  I  met  George  Lewis  in  the 
Park  and  turned  back  and  walked  with  him  to  the  door  of 
his  office,  when  he  told  me  the  exact  state  of  affairs.  I  had 
received  a  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Bedford  in  the  morning, 
who  said  that  Charles  Wood,  who  was  at  Woburn,  had  told 
him  the  statement  in  the  "  Press  "  a  week  ago  was  so  substan- 
tially accurate  that  they  must,  he  thought,  have  received 
their  information  from  'some  French  official  source.  This 
was  in  itself  confirmatory  of  all  I  had  already  inferred  and 
believed.  Lewis's  story  was  this  :  The  Austrians  have  framed 
a  proposal  for  peace  which  they  offer  to  send  to  Russia,  and, 
if  she  refuses  it,  Austria  engages  to  join  the  Allies  and  to 
declare  war.  The  Emperor  Napoleon  agrees  with  Austria, 
and  is  resolved  not  to  go  on  with  the  war  if  peace  can  be 


258  REIGX   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

arranged  on  the  Austrian  terms.  This  resolution  he  has 
communicated  to  us,  and  invited  us  to  accede  thereto  ;  Wa- 
lewski's  letters  are  not  merely  pressing,  but  even  peremp- 
tory. It  is  in  fact  a  second  edition  of  the  Vienna  Conference 
and  proposals,  with  this  difference,  that,  while  on  1he  last 
occasion  the  Emperor  knocked  under  to  us  and  reluctantly 
agreed  to  go  on  with  the  war,  he  is  now  determined  to  go 
on  with  it  no  longer,  and  requires  that  we  should  defer  to 
his  wishes.  •  Our  Government  are  aware  that  they  have  no 
alternative,  and  that  nothing  is  left  for  them  but  to  acquiesce 
with  a  good  grace  and  make  the  best  case  they  can  for  them- 
selves here,  the  case  being  that  the  Emperor  is  determined 
to  make  peace,  and  that  \ve  cannot  carry  on  the  war  alone. 
This  was  the  amount  of  Lewis'  information,  to  which  he 
added  the  expression  of  his  disgust  at  the  pitiful  figure  we 
cut  in  th.3  affair,  being  obliged  to  obey  the  commands  of 
Louis  Napoleon,  and,  after  our  insolence,  swagger,  and  bra- 
vado, to  submit  to  terms  of  peace  which  we  have  already 
scornfully  rejected  ;  all  which  humiliation,  he  justly  said,  was 
the  consequence  of  our  plunging  into  war  without  any  reason 
and  in  defiance  of  all  prudence  and  sound  policy.  Afterward 
I  saw  Charles  Villiers  and  had  a  talk  with  him.  He  told  me 
Clarendon  had  been  sent  for  on  Sunday  to  Windsor  in  a  great 
hurry  to  meet  Palmerston  there.  The  Queen  had  received  a 
letter  from  the  Emperor,  brought  by  the  Duke  of  Cambridge, 
which  no  doubt  contained  in  a  private  and  friendly  shape  to 
her  the  communications  which  Walewski  had  already  made 
officially  to  the  Government  and  she  wanted  to  know  what 
answer  she  should  send  to  it.  Charles  Villiers  told  me  that 
Palmerston  had  already  thrown  out  a  feeler  to  the  Cabinet 
to  ascertain  if  they  would  be  willing  to  carry  on  the  war 
without  France,  but  this  was  unanimously  declined.  I  can 
hardly  imagine  that  even  Palmerston  really  contemplated 
such  a  desperate  course. 

November  29th. — I  met  Sidney  Herbert  last  night.  He 
seems  to  know  what  is  going  on  and  thinks  we  shall  have 
peace  ;  he  only  doubts  whether  the  terms  will  be  such  as 
Russia  will  accept,  for  he  is  not  convinced,  as  I  am,  that 
Austria  has  already  settled  that  with  Russia.  He  told  me 
that,  when  Palmerston  offered  him  office,  he  had  not  received 
the  French  communication,  and  was  ignorant  that  it  was 
coming. 

December  Uh. — At  The  Grange  the  last  four  days,  where 


1835.]  THE  TERMS  PROPOSED  TO  RUSSIA.  259 

I  found  everybody  in  total  ignorance  of  what  is  passing  about 
peace,  except  Sidney  Herbert,  who  told  me  that  the  plan  is 
neutralisation.  On  coming  back  yesterday  I  met  Lord 
Malmesbury  just  come  from  Paris  ;  he  is  supposed  to  be  the 
person  who  supplied  all  its  information  to  the  "Press" 
paper,  and  I  believe  it  was  he.  He  confirmed  the  Emperor's 
desire  for  peace,  but  thought  it  very  doubtful  whether  Rus- 
sia would  accept  the  terms  of  the  Allies.  He  told  me  like- 
wise that  Pe"lissier  has  sent  word  he  is  in  a  fix,  as  he  cannot 
advance  or  expel  the  Russians  from  their  positions ;  and 
James  Macdonald  told  me  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  is  going 
again  to  Paris  to  represent  us  at  a  grand  council  of  war  to 
be  held  there,  to  decide  on  future  operations.  If  it  were  not 
that  the  Allies  seem  infallible  and  invincible,  and  the  Rus- 
sians unable  to  accomplish  anything,  offensive  or  defensive, 
I  should  augur  very  ill  from  this  council  of  war,  for  nothing 
can  b3  worse  thai  to  have  a  set  of  men  at  Paris  forming 
plans  to  be  executed  by  another  set  in  the  Crimea  who  have 
had  no  share  in  the  deliberations. 

This  morning  the  Duke  of  Bedford  writes  me  word  that 
Westmorland  tells  him  he  has  heard  from  Clarendon  the 
state  of  affairs,  and  the  answer  we  have  sent  to  France,  and 
he  augurs  ill  of  peace,  as  he  thinks  there  can  be  no  agree- 
ment with  Russia  on  such  terms  ;  and  the  "  Morning  Post," 
which  has  long  been  quite  silent  about  war  or  peace,  has 
this  morning  an  article  which  is  evidently  a  regular  Palmer- 
stonian  manifesto,  decidedly  adverse  to  any  hope  of  peace, 
for  it  is  certain  that  Russia  will  continue  the  war,  coute  que 
coiUe,  rather  than  submit  to  such  conditions  as  the  "Morn- 
ing Post"  says  we  are  to  impose  on  her.  I  am  persuaded 
Palmerston  and  Clarendon  will  rlo  all  they  can  to  prevent 
peace  being  made  on  any  moderate  terms,  and  the  only  hope 
is  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  may  take  the  matter  into  his 
own  hands  and  employ  a  douce  violence  to  compel  us  to  give 
way. 

December  5th. — I  met  Charles  Villiers  last  night,  who 
told  me  a  good  deal  of  what  is  going  on,  and  cleared  up 
some  matters.  The  Austrian  proposal  transmitted  here  by 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  was  considered  by  the  Cabinet  and 
sent  back  with  amendments — that  is,  it  was  made  more 
stringent.  The  Emperor  consented  to  send  it  so  amended 
to  Vienna,  and  it  remains  to  be  seen  what  course  Austria  will 
take — whether  she  will  send  it  in  its  present  shape  to  Russia 


260  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

or  adhere  to  her  own  edition,  and  whether,  if  she  does  send 
it.  she  will  (supposing  it  to  be  rejected)  join  the  Allies  and 
declare  war.  The  latter,  I  think,  she  will  not  do,  nor  be 
bound  to  do.  Next  is  the  question  what  the  Emperor  Na- 
poleon will  do  if  Austria  declines  to  adopt  the  amended  ver- 
sion, or  if  Russia  should  reply  she  would  take  the  original 
proposal,  but  not  our  amendments.  The  Emperor  is  cer- 
tainly very  anxious  to  make  peace,  and  when  he  is  bent  upon 
a  thing  he  generally  does  it,  and  my  own  opinion  and  hope 
is  that  he  will  refuse  to  give  way  to  us  now  as  he  did  last 
May.  It  is  universally  admitted  that  every  man  in  France 
desires  peace  ardently.  There  is,  Charles  Villiers  tells  me, 
great  uneasiness  among  Palmcrston's  adherents,  and  some 
idea  that,  if  peace  cannot  be  had  on  the  terms  he  has  insisted 
on,  he  will  be  no  party  to  making  it,  and  if  the  majority  of 
the  Cabinet  are  for  taking  the  original  terms  proposed,  sup- 
posing the  Emperor  Napoleon  again  to  press  their  acceptance, 
that  he  will  resign,  throw  himself  on  the  popular  enthusiasm 
for  the  war,  and  leave  his  colleagues  to  make  an  unpopular 
peace.  If  Palmerston  was  forty  instead  of  seventy  he  would 
probably  do  this  ;  but  he  has  not  time  to  wait  for  fresh  com- 
binations and  to  speculate  on  distant  chances,  so  he  will 
probably  consent  to  make  peace  if  he  is  obliged  by  France  to 
do  so,  and  trust  to  fortune  to  enable  him  to  reconcile  Parlia- 
ment and  the  country  to  it.  This  is  rendered  more  likely  by 
Disraeli  having  made  a  communication  to  the  Government 
that  he  and  Stanley  will  be  ready  to  support  any  peace  they 
may  now  make. 

December  6th. — I  saw  George  Lewis  yesterday,  who  told 
me  the  state  of  affairs  so  far  as  he  recollects  it ;  but  it  is  evi- 
dent that  he  takes  but  a  secondary  interest  in  the  details 
of  diplomacy,  however  anxious  he  may  be  about  the  results, 
and  what  passed  shows  the  extreme  difficulty  of  keeping 
clear  of  mistakes,  even  when  one's  information  is  derived 
from  the  best  sources.  He  said  he  did  not  think  Russia 
would  accept  the  offered  terms,  and  Clarendon  thought  not 
also.  The  terms  which  it  will  be  most  difficult  for  her  to 
swallow  are  the  neutralization  of.  the  Black  Sea,  which  as 
worked  out  is  evidently  worse  than  limitation,  for  she  is  to 
have  no  fortress  and  no  arsenal  there,  so  that  she  will,  in 
fact,  be  quite  defenceless,  while  the  other  Powers  can  at  any 
time  collect  fleets  in  the  Bosphorus  and  attack  her  coasts 
when  they  please.  Then  she  is  to  cede  half  Bessarabia  to 


1855.]  M.   DE   CAVOUR  AT   WINDSOR.  261 

the  Tnrks,  including  the  fortress  of  Ismail,  the  famous  con- 
quest of  Souvaroff  when  he  wrote  to  the  Empress  Catherine, 
*'  L'orgueilleuse  Ismailoff  est  &  vos  pieds  ;"  and  they  are  not 
to  repair  Bomarsund,  or  erect  any  fortress  on  the  Aland 
Isles.  The  alterations  we  made  in  the  scheme  sent  to  us 
were  not  important,  and  what  surprised  me  much  was,  the 
terms,  instead  of  being  tendered  by  Austria,  were  concocted 
at  Paris  by  Walewski  and  the  Emperor — at  least  so  Walewski 
asserts,  but  there  must  I  think  be  some  incorrectness  in  this, 
for  it  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  Emperor  and  Austria 
really  concerted  them  between  themselves,  though  Walewski 
may  have  had  a  hand  in  the  matter  in  some  way.  However, 
the  terms  are  gone  or  going  directly  to  St.  Petersburg.  I 
earnestly  hope  they  may  be  accepted,  be  they  what  they  may. 
Russia  is  to  be  asked  whether  she  will  take  them  Yes  or  No, 
and,  upon  the  preliminaries  being  signed,  hostilities  will 
cease.  I  asked  if  Russia  might  not  accept  as  a  basis,  and 
negotiate  as  to  modification  and  details,  tut  Lewis  professed 
not  to  understand  how  this  is,  or  whether  her  acceptance 
generally  would  or  not  bind  her  to  all  the  conditions  precise- 
ly as  they  are  set  forth.  lie  knows  nothing  in  fact  of  diplo- 
macy and  its  niceties  and  operations. 

Lord  John  Russell  met  Clarendon  at  Windsor  Castle,1 
but  refused  to  hear  what  Clarendon  offered  to  tell  him  of  the 
state  of  the  negotiation  ;  he  thought  he  should  compromise 
his  own  independent  action  if  he  did.  He  says,  "  Were  peace 
to  be  made  on  the  four  points  newly  explained  and  enlarged, 
I  would  do  nothing  but  applaud  and  support."  The  only 
men  Lord  John  communicated  with  at  Windsor  were  Cavour 
and  Azeglio.  He  writes  :  '•  I  asked  Cavour  what  was  the 
language  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French  ;  he  said  it  was  to 
this  effect  :  France  had  made  great  efforts  and  sacrifices,  she 
would  not  continue  them  for  the  sake  of  conquering  the 
Crimea ;  the  alternative  was  such  a  peace  as  can  now  be 
had  by  means  of  Austria,  or  an  extension  of  the  war  for 
Poland,"  etc.  The  Sardinians,  Ministers  and  King,  are 
openly  and  warmly  for  the  latter  course.  I  suspect  Palmer- 
ston  would  wish  the  war. to  glide  imperceptibly  into  a  war 
of  nationalities,  as  it  is  called,  but  would  not  like  to  profess 
it  openly  now.  I  am  convinced  such  a  war  might  suit  Ka- 

1  [The  King  of  Sardinia,  Victor  Emmanuel,  arrived  in  England  on  the  30th 
November,  accompanied  by  his  Minister.  M.  de  Cavour.  Lord  Clarendon  aud 
Lord  John  Russell  were  invited  to  Windsor  to  meet  the  King.] 


232  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

poleon  and  the  King  of  Sardinia,  but  would  be  very  danger- 
ous for  us  in  many  ways.  Cavour  says  if  peace  is  made  with- 
out anything  being  done  for  Italy,  there  willbe  a  revolution 
there.  Clarendon  is  incredulous. 

London,  December  \\tli. — I  met  Clarendon  at  the  Trav- 
ellers' on  Friday  evening,  and  had  a  talk  with  him.  He  did 
not  seem  inclined  to  enter  much  into  the  question  of  peace 
and  war,  but  he  told  me  that  Buol  declared  most  solemnly 
that  he  had  had  no  communication  with  Russia  about  the 
terms,  and  that  he  had  only  slight  hopes  that  peace  might 
be  made.  Of  the  terms  themselves  Clarendon  did  not  say  a 
word.  He  talked  a  great  deal  about  the  King  of  Sardinia, 
and  gave  me  an  account  of  his  conversations  both  with  the 
King  and  Cavour.  He  thinks  well  of  the  King,  and  that  he 
is  mt3lligent,  and  he  has  a  very  high  opinion  indeed  of 
Cavour,  and  was  especially  struck  with  his  knowledge  of 
England,  and  our  Constitution  and  constitutional  history.  I 
was  much  amused,  after  all  the  praises  that  have  oeen 
lavished  on  Sardinia  for  the  noble  part  she  has  played  and 
for  taking  up  arim  to  vindicate  a  great  principle  in  so  un- 
selfish a  manner,  that  she  has  after  all  a  keen  view  to  her 
own  interest,  and  wants  some  solid  pudding  as  well  as  so 
much  empty  praise.  The  King  asked  Clarendon  what  the 
Allies  meant  to  do  for  him,  and  whether  he  might  not  expect 
some  territorial  advantage  in  return  for  his  services.  Claren- 
don told  him  this  was  out  of  the  question,  and  that,  in  the 
stats  of  their  relations  with  Austria,  they  could  hold  out  no 
such  expectation  ;  and  he  put  it  to  the  King,  supposing 
negotiations  for  peace  were  to  take  place,  and  he  wished  his 
pretensions  to  be  put  forward  by  us,  what  he  would  himself 
suggest  that  a  British  Minister  could  say  for  him  ;  and  the 
King  had  the  candor  to  say  he  did  not  know  what  answer 
to  give.  Cavour  urged  the  same  thing,  and  said  the  war  had 
already  cost  them  forty  millions  of  francs,  instead  of  twenty- 
five  which  they  had  borrowed  for  it  and  was  the  original 
estimate,  and  they  could  only  go  on  with  it  by  another  loan 
and  fresh  taxes,  and  he  did  not  know  how  he  should  propose 
these  to  the  chambers  without  having  something  advan- 
tageous to  offer  to  his  own  country,  some  Italian  acquisition. 
They  would  ask  for  what  object  of  their's  the  war  was  carried 
on,  and  what  they  had  to  gain  for  all  their  sacrifices  and 
exertions.  Clarendon  said  they  must  be  satisfied  with  the 
glory  they  had  acquired  and  the  high  honor  their  conduct 


1855.]  THE  KING   OF  SARDINIA.  263 

had  conferred  on  them  ;  but  Cavour,  while  he  said  he  did 
not  repent  the  part  they  had  taken,  thought  his  countrymen 
would  be  very  little  satisfied  to  have  spent  so  much  money 
and  to  continue  to  spend  more  without  gaining  some  Italian 
object.  They  complained  that  Austria  had,  without  any 
right,  for  a  long  time  occupied  a  part  of  the  Papal  territory, 
and  suggested  she  should  be  compelled  to  retire  from  it ;  but 
Clnrendon  reminded  him  that  France  had  done  the  same, 
and  that  this  was  a  very  ticklish  question  to  stir. 

The  King  and  his  people  are  far  better  satisfied  with  their 
reception  here  than  in  France,  where,  under  much  external 
civility,  there  was  very  little  cordiality,  the  Emperor's  inti- 
mate relations  with  Austria  rendering  him  little  inclined 
toward  the  Piedmontese.  Here  the  Queen  was  wonderfully 
cordial  and  attentive  ;  she  got  up  at  four  in  the  morning  to 
see  him  depart.  His  Majesty  appears  to  be  frightful  in  per- 
son, but  a  great,  strong,  burly,  athletic  man,  brusque  in  his 
manners,  unrefined  in  his  conversation,  very  loose  in  his 
conduct,  and  very  eccentric  in  his  habits.  When  he  was  at 
Paris  his  talk  in  society  amused  or  terrified  everybody,  but 
here  he  seems  to  have  been  more  guarded.  It  was  amusing 
to  see  all  the  religious  societies  hastening  with  their  ad- 
dresses to  him,  totally  forgetting  that  he  is  the  most  de- 
bauched and  dissolute  fellow  in  the  world  ;  but  the  fact  of 
his  being  excommunicated  by  the  Pope,  and  his  waging  war 
with  the  ecclesiastical  power  in  his  own  country,  covers  every 
sin  against  morality,  and  he  is  a  great  hero  with  the  Low 
Church  people  and  Exeter  Hall.  My  brother-in-law  said 
that  he  looked  at  Windsor  more  like  a  chief  of  the  Heruli  or 
Longobardi  than  a  modern  Italian  prince,  and  the  Duchess 
of  Sutherland  declared  that,  of  all  the  Knights  of  the  Garter 
she  had  seen,  he  was  the  onlvone  who  seemed  as  if  he  would 
have  the  best  of  it  with  the  Dragon. 

My  hopes  of  peace  wax  fainter.  Everybody  seems  to 
think  there  is  no  chance  of  Russia  accepting  our  terms,  or  of 
her  proposing  any  that  the  Allies  would  accept.  Lewis  told 
me  yesterday  evening  that  he  expected  nothing,  and  that 
Russia  had  now  made  known  (but  in  what  way  he  did  not 
say)  that  she  was  disposed  to  treat.  Meanwhile  Palmerston 
continues  to  put  articles  in  the  "  Morning  Post"  full  of  ar- 
rogance and  jactance,  and  calculated  to  raise  obstacles  to 
peace.  I  told  Lewis  so,  and  he  said  it  was  verv  foolish,  and 
that  he  held  very  different  language  in  the  Cabinet,  but  this 


264  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

is  only  like  what  he  did  in  '41,  when  he  used  to  agree  to 
certain  things  with  his  colleagues  and  then  put  violent  arti- 
cles in  the  "  Morning  Chronicle,"  totally  at  variance  with 
the  views  and  resolutions  of  the  Cabinet.  Labouchere  told 
me  that  he  thought  the  condition  of  the  cession  of  Ismail 
ought  never  to  have  entered  into  the  terms  proposed  to 
Russia. 

December  14^7*. — My  hopes  of  peace,  never  very  sanguine, 
are  now  completely  dashed,  for  Lewis  told  me  last  night  that 
he  thought  the  terms  were  at  last  pretty  well  agreed  upon 
between  England,  France,  and  Austria.  I  was  greatly  sur- 
prised, for  I  thought  they  had  been  agreed  upon  long  ago, 
and  must  be  by  this  time  on  their  way  to  St.  Petersburg.  I 
said  so  ;  and  he  replied,  "  Oh  no,  they  are  only  just  on  the 
point  of  being  settled."  It  was  quite  extraordinary,  he  said, 
how  eager  Palmerston  was  for  pursuing  the  war.  I  gathered 
from  him  that  our  Government  has  been  vehemently  urging 
that  of  France,  through  Cowley,  to  be  firm  in  pressing  the 
most  stringent  terms  on  Russia,  and  particularly  not  to 
consent  to  any  negotiation,  and  to  compel  her  to  accept  or 
refuse.  I  said  this  was  not  reasonable,  and  that  we  had  no 
right  to  propose  the  terms  as  an  ultimatum.  That,  he 
replied,  was  exactly  what  we  were  doing,  that  Cowley  was 
very  urgent  with  the  Emperor,  who  appeared  to  be  intimi- 
dated by  him,  and  that  he  was  evidently  very  much  in  awe 
of  England,  and  afraid  of  having  any  difference  with  us.  I 
said  I  could  not  believe  that  the  Emperor  would  not  leave 
himself  a  loophole,  and  if,  as  was  most  probable,  Russia  de- 
clined the  terms,  but  offered  to  negotiate,  that  he  would 
agree  to  that  course,  which,  however,  Lewis  clearly  thought 
he  would  not  do  against  our  inclination.  I  was  greatly  sur- 
prised to  hear  this,  because  I  had  a  strong  impression  that 
the  Emperor,  when  he  really  desired  anything  very  much  (as 
I  believe  that  he  did  this  piece),  would  obstinately  persevere 
in  it ;  and  it  seems  so  obviously  his  interest  to  gratify  his 
own  people  rather  than  to  be  led  by  this  country,  that  1  was 
persuaded  he  never  would  consent  to  this  proposal  being  un 
dernier  mot,  and  thus  to  ensure  the  failure  of  the  attempt. 
Palmerston,  who  is  the  most  obstinate  man  alive  in  pressing 
any  object  he  has  once  set  his  mind  upon,  was  sure  to  press 
the  French  Government  with  the  utmost  vehemence  and 
pertinacity  as  soon  as  he  found  there  was  a  chance  of  making 
them  yield  to  his  will. 


1856.]  MACAULAY'S  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  265 

December  17th. — This  morning  the  two  new  volumes  of 
Macaulay's  History  came  forth.  The  circumstances  of  this 
publication  are,  I  believe,  unprecedented  in  literary  history ; 
25,000  copies  are  given  out,  and  the  weight  of  the  books  is 
fifty-six  tons.  The  interest  and  curiosity  which  it  excites 
are  prodigious,  and  they  afford  the  most  complete  testimony 
to  his  immense  popularity  and  the  opinion  entertained  by 
the  world  of  his  works  already  published.  His  profits  will 
be  very  great,  and  he  will  receive  them  in  various  shapes. 
But  there  is  too  much  reason  to  apprehend  that  these  may 
be  the  last  volumes  of  his  history  that  the  world  will  see, 
still  more  that  they  are  the  last  that  will  be  read  by  me  and 
people  of  my  standing.  Six  years  have  elapsed  since  the 
appearance  of  the  first  volumes,  and  these  two  only  advance 
about  ten  years.  He  announced  at  the  outset  that  he  meant 
to  bring  down  the  history  of  England  to  a  period  within  the 
memory  of  persons  still  living,  but  his  work  has  already  so 
much  expanded,  and  of  course  will  do  so  still  more  from  the 
accumulation  of  materials  as  he  advances,  that  at  his  present 
rate  of  progress  he  must  live  much  beyond  the  ordinary  du- 
ration of  human  life,  and  retain  all  his  faculties  as  long,  to 
have  any  chance  of  accomplishing  his  original  design  ;  and 
he  is  now  in  such  a  precarious  state  of  health  that  in  all 
human  probability  he  will  not  live  many  years.  It  is  melan- 
choly to  think  that  so  gifted  an  intellect  should  be  arrested 
by  premature  decay,  and  such  a  magnificent  undertaking 
should  be  overthrown  by  physical  infirmities,  and  be  limited 
to  the  proportions  of  a  splendid  fragment.  He  is  going 
to  quit  Parliament  and  to  reside  in  the  neighborhood  of 
London. 

This  morning  the  "Morning  Post"  has  published  the 
terms  which  are  offered  by  the  Allies  and  are  now  on  their 
way  from  Vienna  to  St.  Petersburg.  They  were  already 
pretty  well  known,  but  it  is  the  first  time  that  Palmerston 
(for  the  article  is  evidently  his  own)  has  announced  them  so 
openly  and  distinctly,  and  they  state  iotidem  verbis  that  it 
is  an  Ultimatum  which  is  sent  to  St.  Petersburg.  I  believe 
this  course  to  be  unprecedented,  and  it  is  certainly  unfair. 
If  Kussia  had  applied  to  the  Allies  and  expressed  a  desire 
for  peace,  if  she  had  asked  them  on  what  terms  they  would 
consent  to  terminate  the  war,  it  would  have  been  quite  fair 
and  reasonable  that  they  should  have  stated  the  precise  con- 
ditions, adding  if  they  pleased  that  they  would  consent  to 
12 


266  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

no  others  and  to  no  change  whatever  in  them,  though  it 
may  be  doubted  if  it  would  be  wise  to  be  thus  peremptory. 
But  to  send  to  Kussia  and  propose  to  her  to  make  peace, 
and  accompany  the  proposal  with  an  Ultimatum  and  an  an- 
nouncement that  they  would  listen  to  no  remonstrances  or 
suggestions,  much  less  any  alterations,  and  that  she  must 
say  Yes  or  No  at  once,  is  a  stretch  of  arrogance  and  dicta- 
tion not  justified  by  the  events  of  the  war  and  the  relative 
conditions  of  the  belligerents,  or  by  any  usage  or  precedent 
that  I  ever  heard  of. 

Reports  are  very  rife  of  the  distressed  state  of  Russia  and 
of  her  inability  to  make  head  any  longer  against  the  Allies, 
but  very  little  is  really  known  of  the  condition  of  the  coun- 
try, of  its  remaining  resources,  and  of  the  disposition  of  the 
people.  Nobody  can  doubt  that  the  terms  are  deeply  humil- 
iating to  the  pride  of  such  a  Power,  which  has  been  long  ac- 
customed to  stand  in  so  high  a  position  and  hold  such  lofty 
language  ;  and  if  she  consents  to  accept  the  offered  terms, 
it  must  be  that  her  enormous  losses  have  really  incapacited 
her  for  going  on  with  the  war,  and  that  her  Government  is 
conscious  that  the  next  campaign  will  be  still  more  disas- 
trous to  her  than  the  two  preceding  ones  have  been.  I  have 
very  little  doubt  that  Palmerston  has  hastened  to  publish 
these  terms  in  hopes  that  they  may  find  acceptance  with  a 
considerable  part  of  the  public  here,  and  that  they  may  the 
more  tightly  bind  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and,  in  the  event 
of  Russia  sending  any  conditional  acceptance  and  proposing 
to  treat,  that  he  may  be  unable  to  enter  into  any  negotiation 
whatever.  It  has  surprised  me  that  he  should  have  so  com- 
pletely given  way  to  Palmerston  as  he  has  done. 

December  21st. — The  poet  Rogers  died  two  days  ago  at  the 
age  of  93.  I  have  known  him  all  my  life,  and  at  times  lived 
in  a  good  deal  of  intimacy  with  him,  but  for  some  years  past 
he  had  so  great  an  aversion  to  me  that  I  kept  away  from  him 
and  never  saw  anything  of  him.1  He  was  an  old  man  when 
I  first  made  his  acquaintance  between  thirty  and  forty  years 
ago,  or  probably  more.  He  was  then  very  agreeable,  though 
peculiar  and  eccentric  ;  he  was  devoured  by  a  morbid  vanity, 
and  could  not  endure  any  appearance  of  indifference  or 

1  [Samuel  Rogers,  the  author  of  the  Plensureg  of  Memory  (which  was  pub- 
lished in  1792),  was  born  at  Stoke  Newin<_'U>n  in  17'52.  His  lather  was  a 
banker,  and  he  remained  a  partner  in  the  bank  all  his  life.  He  died  on  Decem- 
ber 18, 1855.J 


1855.]  FRENCH  MINISTERS.  267 

slight  in  society.  He  was  extremely  touchy,  and  always 
wanted  to  be  flattered,  but  above  all  to  be  listened  to,  very 
angry  and  mortified  when  he  was  not  the  principal  object  in 
society,  and  provoked  to  death  when  the  uproarious  merri- 
ment of  Sydney  Smith  or  the  voluminous  talk  of  Macaulay 
overwhelmed  him  and  engrossed  the  company ;  he  had  a 
great  friendship  nevertheless  for  Sydney  Smith,  but  he  never 
liked  Macaulay.  I  never  pretended,  or  could  pretend,  to  be 
a  rival  to  him,  but  I  was  not  a  patient  and  attentive  listener 
to  him,  and  that  was  what  affronted  him  and  caused  his  dis- 
like to  me  as  well  as  to  any  one  else  of  whom  he  had  the 
same  reason  to  complain.  His  voice  was  feeble,  and  it  has 
been  said  that  his  bitterness  and  caustic  remarks  arose  from 
the  necessity  of  his  attracting  attention  by  the  pungency  of 
his  conversation.  He  was  undoubtedly  a  very  clever  and  ac- 
complished man,  with  a  great  deal  of  taste  and  knowledge  of 
the  world,  in  the  best  of  which  he  had  passed  his  life.  He 
was  hospitable,  generous,  and  charitable,  with  some  weak- 
nesses, many  merits,  and  large  abilities,  and  he  was  the  last 
survivor  of  the  generation  to  which  he  belonged. 

The  Grove,  December  23d. — Came  here  for  Christmas. 
No  other  guests  but  the  family.  We  have  had  some  talk 
about  the  peace  propositions  and  other  odds  and  ends. 
Clarendon  told  me  that  Walewski  and  Persiguy  are  bitter 
enemies,  and  their  estrangement  the  greater  because  Wa- 
lewski  is  a  corrupt  jobber  and  speculator,  and  Persigny  an 
honest  man.  When  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  resigned  the  Foreign 
Office,  much  to  the  Emperor's  annoyance  and  regret,  he  did 
not  know  where  to  find  a  man,  and  he  determined  to  ap- 
point Walewski  because  he  knew  not  whom  else  to  take. 
Not  choosing  to  send  the  offer  to  him  through  Drouyn,  he 
employed  Cowley,  and  requested  him  to  telegraph  in  cypher 
to  Clarendon  a  request  that  Cowley  would  send  for  Walewski 
and  communicate  to  him  the  Emperor's  intentions.  A  curi- 
ous shift  to  be  reduced  to,  but  throughout  the  Eastern  Ques- 
tion Cowley  has  acted  the  part  of  Foreign  Minister  to  the 
Emperor  almost  as  much  as  that  of  Ambassador. 

.  Lewis  this  morning  recapitulated  to  me  the  exact  cir- 
cumstances of  the  overtures  from  France  about  peace.  It 
arrived  here  on  a  Saturday  ;  was  submitted  to  the  Queen  on 
Sunday,  who  approved  of  it ;  on  Monday  (or  Tuesday)  it  was 
read  to  the  Cabinet,  when  no  discussion  took  place,  but 
Palmerston  shortly  said,  without  giving  any  reasons,  that  he 


268  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

thought  we  must  agree  to  the  proposal,  which  was  generally 
concurred  in.  The  next  day  there  was  another  Cabinet, 
when  they  examined  in  detail  all  the  articles  and  discussed 
them.  A  few  alterations  were  made,  none  of  which  were  of 
any  importance  except  the  Bomarsund  question.  The  ces- 
sion of  Bessarabia  and  the  neutralization  of  the  Black  Sea 
both  formed  part  of  the  original  proposal,  and  the  latter  was 
particularly  insisted  upon,  and  reasoned  out  at  considerable 
length  by  France,  for  it  turns  out  that  the  Emperor  has 
never  had  so  much  in  view  the  object  of  making  peace  (not 
expecting,  nor  ever  having  expected,  that  these  proposals 
would  be  accepted)  as  the  object  of  securing  the  active  co- 
operation of  Austria,  which  he  expects  to  do.  Austria  en- 
gages, if  Eussia  refuses  the  conditions,  to  put  an  end  to  dip- 
lomatic relations  between  the  two  Empires,  and  Napoleon 
thinks  this  cannot  fail  to  end  in  hostilities,  and  to  this  ex- 
tension of  the  alliance  he  looks  for  bringing  the  war  to  a  con- 
clusion. He  thinks,  moreover,  that,  when  Austria  has  de- 
clared war,  Russia  will  attack  her  defenceless  frontier,  and 
that  as  any  attack  upon  Austria  will  compel  the  whole  of 
Germany  to  assist  her  and  to  take  part  in  the  war  against 
Russia,  this  offer  will  lead  to  Prussia  and  the  whole  of  the 
German  States  being  engaged  on  the  side  of  the  Allies,  and 
that  such  a  confederacy  cannot  fail  to  bring  the  war  to  a 
successful  issue,  because  Russia  would  be  absolutely  incapable 
of  offering  any  resistance  to  it.  This  is  a  new  view  of  the 
policy  and  motives  of  France,  but  I  very  much  doubt  if  the 
whole  of  the  Emperor's  scheme  will  be  realized.  Even 
though  Austria  may  take  up  arms,  it  is  probable  that  Russia 
will  act  strictly  on  the  defensive,  and  will  avoid  giving  any 
cause  to  the  German  States  to  depart  from  their  neutrality. 
We  both  agreed  that  the  conduct  of  Austria  is  quite  inex- 
plicable, and  that  Russia  will  never  forgive  her  for  the  part 
she  has  acted  and  is  acting  now. 

The  Grove,  December  24.th. — George  Lewis  and  I  have 
been  walking  and  talking  together  all  the  morning.  He  is 
fully  as  pacific  as  I  am,  and  entertains  exactly  the  same 
thoughts  that  I  do,  of  the  egregious  folly  of  the  war,  of  the 
delusion  under  which  the  English  nation  is  laboring,-  and  of 
the  wickedness  of  the  press  in  practising  upon  the  popular 
credulity  in  the  way  it  has  done.  He  seems  to  like  to  talk  to 
me  on  this  subject,  because  he  can  talk  freely  to  me,  which 
he  could  hardly  do  with  any  of  his  own  colleagues,  still  less 


1855.]  TURKEY  A   CYPHER.  269 

in  any  other  society.  This  morning  he  again  recurred  to 
the  circumstances  of  the  negotiations  now  going  on,  and  he 
gave  me  an  account  of  the  transaction  which  puts  the  whole 
thing  in  a  very  ridiculous  light,  which  would  be  very  comical 
if  it  were  not  so  very  tragical.  "Think,"  he  said,  "that  this 
is  a  war  carried  on  for  the  independence  of  Turkey,  and  we, 
the  Allies,  are  bound  to  Turkey  by  mutual  obligations  not  to 
make  peace  but  by  common  consent  and  concurrence.  Well, 
we  have  sent  an  offer  of  peace  to  Russia  of  which  the  follow- 
ing are  among  the  terms  :  We  propose  that  Turkey,  who  pos- 
sesses one  half  of  the  Black  Sea  coast,  shall  have  no  ships,  no 
ports,  and  no  arsenals  in  that  sea ;  and  then  there  are  con- 
ditions about  the  Christians  who  are  subjects  of  Turkey,  and 
others  about  the  mouths  of  the  Danube,  to  which  part  of  the 
Turkish  dominions  are  contiguous.  Now  in  all  these  stipu- 
lations so  intimately  concerning  Turkey,  for  whose  independ- 
ence we  are  fighting,  Turkey  is  not  allowed  to  have  any 
voice  whatever,  nor  has  she  ever  been  allowed  to  be  made  ac- 
quainted with  what  is  going  on,  except  through  the  news- 
papers, where  the  Turkish  Ministers  may  have  read  what  is 
passing,  like  other  people.  When  the  French  and  Austrian 
terms  were  discussed  in  the  Cabinet,  at  the  end  of  the  dis- 
cussion some  one  modestly  asked  whether  it  would  not  be 
proper  to  communicate  to  Musurus  (the  Turkish  Ambassador 
in  London)  what  was  in  agitation  and  what  had  been  agreed 
upon,  to  which  Clarendon  said  he  saw  no  necessity  for  it 
whatever  ;  and  indeed  that  Musurus  had  recently  called 
upon  him,  when  he  had  abstained  from  giving  him  any  in- 
formation whatever  of  what  was  going  on.  Another  time, 
somebody  suggesting  in  the  Cabinet  that  we  were  bound  to 
Turkey  by  treaty  not  to  make  peace  without  her  consent, 
Palmerston,  who  is  a  great  stickler  for  Turkey,  said  very 
quietly  that  there  would  be  no  difficulty  on  that  score ;  in 
point  of  fact,  the  Turk  evidently 

'  Stands  like  a  cypher  in  the  great  account.'  " 

TJie  Grove,  December  26th. — Since  I  have  been  here 
Clarendon  has  resumed  all  his  old  habits  of  communication 
and  confidence  with  me,  has  told  me  everything  and  shown 
me  everything  that  is  interesting  and  curious.  I  wish  I 
could  remember  it  all.  Such  fragments  as  have  remained  in 
my  memory  I  will  jot  down  here  as  they  recur  to  me.  Here 
are  letters  from  Seymour  at  Vienna  describing  his  good  re- 


270  REIGN  OF   QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

ception  there,  gracious  from  the  Court,  and  cordially  civil 
from  the  great  society,  especially  from  Metternich  who  seems 
to  have  given  the  mot  d'ordre.  Metternich  talked  much  to 
Seymour  of  his  past  life  and  recollections,  complimented  him 
for  his  reports  of  conversations  with  the  Emperor  Nicholas, 
and  raid  that  many  years  ago  the  Emperor  had' talked  to  him 
(Metternich)  about  Turkey  in  the  same  strain,  and  used  the 
same  expression  about  "lemalade"  and  "1'homme  malade," 
when  Metternich  asked  him  "  Est-ce  que  Votre  Majeste  en 
parle  comme  son  medecin  ou  comme  son  heritier  ?  "  Also 
letters  from  Bloomfield  (Berlin)  and  from  Buchanan  (Copen- 
hagen) with  different  opinions  as  to  the  probability  of  Kussia 
accepting  or  refusing — the  former  for,  the  second  against ; 
some  curious  letters  from  Cowley,  full  of  his  indignation 
against  Walewski ;  the  quarrels  of  Persigny  and  Walewski ; 
the  perplexity  of  the  Emperor,  his  desire  for  peace,  his  hopes 
that  Eussia  may  lend  a  favorable  ear  to  the  proposals  ; 
Cowley's  suspicions  of  Walewski,  and  in  a  smaller  degree  of 
the  Emperor  himself,  especially  of  His  Majesty's  communi- 
cations with  Seebach,  the  Saxon  Minister,  and  not  impossibly 
through  him  with  St.  Petersburg. 

A  curious  anecdote  showing  the  strange  terms  the  parties 
concerned  are  on  :  One  day  Cowley  was  with  Walewski  (at 
the  time  the  question  of  terms  was  going  on  between  France 
and  Austria)  and  the  courier  from  Vienna  was  announced. 
Walewski  begged  Cowley,  who  took  up  his  hat,  not  to  go 
away,  and  said  he  should  see  what  the  courier  brought.  He 
opened  the  despatches  and  gave  them  to  Cowley  to  read, 
begging  him  not  to  tell  the  Emperor  he  had  seen  them.  In 
the  afternoon  Cowley  saw  the  Emperor,  who  had  then  got 
the  despatches  ;  the  Emperor  also  gave  them  to  Cowley  to 
read,  desiring  him  not  to  let  Walewski  know  he  had  shown 
them  to  him  ! 

There  has  been  a  dreadful  rixe  between  Walewski  and 
Persigny.  I  have  forgotten  exactly  the  particular  causes, 
but  the  other  day  Persigny  went  over  to  Paris  partly  to 
complain  of  Walewski  to  the  Emperor.  He  would  not  go 
near  Walewski,  and  told  the  Emperor  he  should  not ;  the 
Emperor,  however,  made  them  both  meet  in  his  Cabinet  the 
next  day,  when  a  violent  scene  took  place  between  them, 
and  Persigny  said  to  Walewski  before  his  face  all  that  he 
had  before  said  behind  his  back  ;  and  he  had  afterward  a 
very  long  conversation  with  the  Emperor,  in  which  he  told 


1855.]          AUSTRIA  PRESENTS  THE  TERMS  TO  RUSSIA.         371 

him  plainly  what  danger  he  was  in  from  the  corruption  and 
bad  character  of  his  entourage,  that  he  had  never  had  any- 
thing about  him  but  adventurers  who  were  bent  on  making 
their  own  fortunes  by  every  sort  of  infamous  agiotage  and 
speculation,  by  which  the  Imperial  Crown  was  placed  in 
imminent  danger.     "  I  myself,"  Persigny  said,  "  am  nothing 
but  an  adventurer,  who  have  passed  through  every  sort  of 
vicissitude  ;  but  at  all  events  people  have  discovered  that  I 
have  clean  hands  and  do  not  bring  disgrace  on  your  Govern- 
ment, like  so  many  others,  by  my  profligate  dishonesty." 
"  Well,"  said  the  Emperor,  "  but  what  am  I  to  do  ?    What 
remedy  is  there  for  such  a  state  of  things  ?  "     Persigny  re- 
plied that  he  had  got  the  remedy  in  his  head,  but  that  the 
time  was  not  come  yet  for  revealing  his  ideas  on  the  subject. 
As  we  went  to  town,  we  talked  over  the  terms  proposed 
to  Eussia.      Clarendon  said  he  could  not  understand  the 
policy  of  Austria  nor  what  she  was  driving  at.     She  had 
entered  very  heartily  into  plans  of  a  compulsory  and  hostile 
character  against  Russia,  who  would  never  forgive  her,  espe- 
cially for  proposing  the  cession  of  Bessarabia.     I  said  I 
thought  the  most  objectionable  item  of  their  propositions 
(and  I  believed  the  most  unprecedented)  was  the  starting  by^ 
making  it  an  Ultimatum.     He  replied  that  it  was  Austria 
who  tendered  the  Ultimatum,  and  that  it  was  not  exactly  so, 
the  sharp  edge  having  been  rounded  off  by  the  mode  to  be 
adopted,  which  was  as  follows  :  Esterhazy  was  to  communi- 
cate the  project  to  the  Cabinet  of  St.  Petersburg,  and  say  he 
had  reason  to  believe  that  the  Allies  would  be  willing  to 
make  peace  on  those  terms  ;  he  was  then  to  wait  nine  days. 
If  iii  that  time  the  Russian  Government  replied  by  a  positive 
negative,  he  was,  as  soon  as  he  got  this  notification,  to  quit 
St.  Petersburg  with  all  his  embassy ;  if  no  answer  was  re- 
turned at  the  end  of  nine  days,  he  was  to  signify  that  his 
orders  were  to  ask  for  an  answer  in  ten  days,  and  if  at  the 
end  thereof  the  answer  was  in  the  negative,  or  there  was  no 
answer,  he  was  to  come  away,  so  that  there  was  to  be  no 
Ultimatum  in  the  first  instance.     "But,"  I  said,  "what  if 
Russia  proposed  some  middle  course  and  offered  to  negoti- 
ate ?"      "His    instructions   were  not   to  agree  to   this." 
"  Well,"  said  I,  "  but  when  you  abstain  from  calling  this  an 
Ultimatum,  it  is  next  to  impossible  that  Russia  should  not 
propose  to  negotiate,  and  if  she  does  beg  that  her  proposal 
may  be  conveyed  to  the  Allies  before  everything  is  closed,  it 


272  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  X. 

will  be  very  difficult  to  refuse  this  ;  and  is  it  not  probable 
that  France  and  Austria  will  both  vote  for  entering  into 
pourparlers  ;  and,  if  they  do,  can  you  refuse  ?  He  seemed 
struck  with  this,  and  owned  that  it  was  very  likely  to  oc- 
cur, and  that,  if  it  did,  we  should  be  obliged  to  enter  into 
negotiation.  So  probable  does  this  contingency  appear,  that 
there  has  already  been  much  discussion  as  to  who  shall  go 
from  hence  to  the  Congress,  if  there  is  one.  I  said  he  had 
much  better  go  himself.  He  expressed  great  dislike  to  the 
idea,  but  said  the  Queen  and  Prince  wished  him  to  go, 
and  that  Cowley  urged  him  also,  and  was  desirous  of  going 
with  him.  I  see  he  has  made  up  his  mind  to  prevent  any 
negotiation  if  he  can,  and,  if  it  is  unavoidable,  to  take  it  in 
hand. 

This  afternoon  Persigny  arrived  from  Paris  and  came  di- 
rectly to  the  Foreign  Office.  The  Emperor  had  given  him 
an  account  of  his  interview  with  M.  de  Seebach,  who  had 
gone  off  directly  afterward  vid  Berlin  to  St.  Petersburg. 
The  Emperor  told  him  to  do  all  he  could  to  induce  the  Rus- 
sian Government  to  consent  to  the  terms,  and  to  assure  them 
that,  if  they  did  not,  it  would  be  long  enough  before  they 
would  have  any  other  chance  of  making  peace  ;  that  he 
wished  for  peace,  but  that  above  everything  else  he  was  de- 
sirous of  maintaining  unimpaired  his  alliance  and  friendship 
with  England  ;  that  England  had  most  fairly  and  in  a  very 
friendly  spirit  entered  into  his  difficulties  and  his  wishes ; 
that  she  was  a  constitutional  country  with  a  Government  re- 
sponsible to  Parliament,  and  that  he  was  bound  in  honor  to 
enter  in  like  manner  into  the  obligations  and  necessities  of 
this  Government.  They  had  had  some  differences  of  opinion 
which  were  entirely  reconciled  ;  they  were  now  agreed  as  one 
man,  and  no  power  on  earth  should  induce  him  to  separate 
himself  from  England  or  to  take  any  other  line  than  that  to 
which  he  had  bound  himself  in  conjunction  with  her.  This 
announcement,  which  the  Emperor  made  with  great  energy, 
carried  consternation  to  the  mind  of  Seebach,  and  he  re- 
solved to  lose  no  time  in  getting  to  St.  Petersburg  to  make 
known  the  Emperor's  intentions. 

It  is  thus  evident  that  the  Emperor's  mind  is  divided 
between  his  anxiety  to  make  peace  and  his  determination  to 
have  no  difference  with  England  ;  but  his  desire  for  peace 

1  [M.  de  Seebnch  was  the  Saxon  Minister  in  Paris,  through  -whom  many  of 
these  communications  passed.] 


1855.]  LORD   PALMERSTOVS   POSITION.  273 

mnst  be  great  when,  as  Clarendon  assures  me,  it  was  not 
without  difficulty  that  he  was  deterred  from  ordering  his 
army  away  from  the  Crimea.  The  feeling  here  toward  the 
Emperor  seems  to  be  one  of  liking  and  reliance,  not  unac- 
companied with  doubt  and  suspicion.  He  is  not  exempt 
from  the  influence  of  his  entourage,  though  he  is  well  aware 
how  corrupt  that  is,  and  he  listens  willingly  to  Cowley  and 
to  whatever  the  English  Government  and  the  Queen  say  to 
him,  but  his  own  people  eternally  din  into  his  ears  that  we 
are  urging  him  on  to  take  a  part  injurious  to  his  own  and  to 
French  interests  for  our  own  purposes,  and  because  our 
Government  is  itself  under  the  influence  of  a  profligate  press 
and  a  deluded  people  ;  and  although  he  knows  that  those 
who  tell  him  this  are  themselves  working  for  their  own  pri- 
vate interests,  he  knows  also  that  there  is  a  great  deal  of 
truth  in  what  they  say.  His  own  position  is  very  strange, 
insisting  upon  being  his  own  Minister  and  directing  every- 
thing, and  at  the  same  time  from  indolence  and  ignorance 
incapable  of  directing  affairs  himself,  yet  having  no  confi- 
dence in  those  he  employs.  The  consequence  is  that  a  great 
deal  is  ill  done,  much  not  done  at  all,  and  a  good  deal  done 
that  he  knows  nothing  about,  and  he  is  surrounded  with 
quarrels,  jealousies,  and  struggles  for  influence  and  power 
both  between  his  own  Ministers  and  between  them  and  the 
foreign  diplomatists  at  his  Court. 

We  have  had  a  good  deal  of  talk  about  Palmerston. 
Clarendon  says  nothing  can  go  on  better  than  he  and  Palm- 
erston do  together.  They  seldom  meet  except  in  the  Cabi- 
net, and  their  communications  go  on  by  notes  between  Down- 
ing Street  and  Piccadilly.  Palmerston,  much  more  moderate 
and  reasonable  than  he  used  to  be,  sometimes  suggests  things  or 
expressions  in  despatches,  which  Clarendon  always  adopts  or 
declines  according  to  his  own  ideas,  and  Palmerston  never  in- 
sists. Palmerston  is  now  on  very  good  terms  with  the  Queen, 
which  is,  though  he  does  not  know  it,  greatly  attributable  to 
Clarendon's  constant  endeavors  to  reconcile  her  to  him,  always 
telling  her  everything  likely  to  ingratiate  Palmerston  with 
her,  and  showing  her  any  letters  or  notes  of  his  calculated  to 
please  her  ;  but  he  says  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  the  hatred 
with  which  he  is  regarded  on  the  Continent,  particularly  all 
over  Germany.  An  agent  of  his  (Clarendon's)  who,  he  says, 
has  supplied  him  with  much  useful  information,  has  reported 
to  him  that  he  finds  the  old  feeling  of  antipathy  to  Palmer- 


274  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XL 

ston  as  strong  and  as  general  as  ever,  and  that  it  is  as  much 
on  the  part  of  the  people  as  of  the  Governments,  both  think- 
ing they  have  been  deceived  and  thrown  over  by  him. 


CHAPTER    XL 

France  and  Prussia — The  Emperor's  Speech — Faint  Hopes  of  Peace— Favorable  View  of 
the  Policy  of  Russia — Progress  of  the  Negotiations — Kussia  accepts  the  Terms  of 
Peace  -The  Acceptance  explained — Popular  Feeling  in  Favor  of  the  War— Lord  Strat- 
ford and  General  Williams— Mr.  Disraeli's  Prospects — Meeting  of  Parliament — Baron 
Farke's  Life  Peerage — The  Debate  on  the  Address—  Debate  on  Lite  Peerages— Keport 
on  the  Sufferinssof  the  Army — Strained  Relations  with  France — Lord  Clarendon  sroes 
to  the  Congress  at  Paris— Opening  of  the  Conference— Sabbatarianism-  -Progress  of 
the  Negotiations— Kara — Nicolaieff — The  Life  Peerage  Question — Blunders  and  Weak- 
ness of  the  Government — A  Visit  to  Paris — Count  OrlotTs  View  of  the  War — Lord 
Cowley  on  the  Negotiations — Princess  Lieven  on  the  War — An  Evening  at  the  Tuile- 
ries — Opening  of  the  Legislative  Chamber — Lord  Cowlcy's  Desponding  Views — The 
Austrian  Proposals— Bitterness  in  French  Society — Necessity  of  Peace  to  France — Con- 
versation with  M.  Thiers— A  Stag  Hunt  at  St.  Germains— The-  Emperor  yields  to  the 
Russians — Birth  of  the  Prince  Imperial. 

January  1st,  1856. — Intelligence  arrived  yesterday  that 
Esterhazy  had  presented  the  Austrian  proposal  toNesselrode 
on  the  28th,  who  had  received  it  in  profound  silence.  Yes- 
terday morning  the  "  Morning  Post,"  in  communicating  this 
fact,  put  forth  an  article  indecently  violent  and  menacing 
against  Prussia  ;  and  as  it  contained  a  statement  of  what  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  had  said  to  Baron  Seebach,  which  was 
exactly  what  Persigny  had  told  Clarendon,  this  alone  would 
prove,  if  any  proof  were  required,  that  the  article  was  in- 
serted either  by  Palmerston  or  by  Persigny.  The  "  Morning 
Post "  derives  its  only  importance  from  being  the  Gazette  of 
Palmerston  and  of  the  French  Government,  and  it  is  not 
very  easy  to  determine  which  of  the  two  is  guilty  of  this 
article.  These  are  the  sort  of  manifestoes  which  make  us  so 
odious  all  over  the  world. 

Hatchford,  January  2d. — The  speech  which  Louis  Napo- 
leon addressed  to  the  Imperial  Guard  the  day  before  yester- 
day when  they  marched  into  Paris  in  triumph,  gives  reason 
for  suspecting  that  the  manifesto  against  Prussia  in  the 
"Morning  Post"  was  French,  for  there  is  no  small  corre- 
spondence between  the  speech  and  the  article.  In  the  arti- 
cle Prussia  is  openly  threatened  and  told,  if  she  will  not  join 
the  allies  in  making  war  on  Russia,  the  allies  will  make  war 
upon  her  ;  in  the  speech  the  Guards  are  told  to  hold  them- 


1S56.]  FRANCE  AND   PRUSSIA.  275 

selves  in  readiness  and  that  a  great  French  army  will  be 
wanted.  Nothing  is  more  within  the  bounds  of  probability 
than  that  the  Emperor  may  determine,  if  he  is  obliged  to 
make  war,  to  make  it  for  a  French  object,  and  on  some 
enemy  from  whom  a  good  spoil  may  be  taken,  a  war  which 
will  gratify  French  vanity  and  cupidity,  and  which  will 
therefore  not  be  unpopular.  He  may  think,  and  most  prob- 
ably not  erroneously,  that  in  the  present  temper  of  this  coun- 
try the  people  would  be  quite  willing  to  let  him  do  what  he 
pleases  with  Prussia,  Belgium,  or  any  other  part  of  the  con- 
tinent, if  he  will  only  concur  with  us  in  making  fierce  war 
against  Russia.  But  though  this  I  believe  to  be  the  feeling 
of  the  masses,  and  that  their  resentment  against  Prussia  is 
so  strong  that  they  would  rejoice  at  seeing  another  Jena  fol- 
lowed by  similar  results,  the  minority  who  are  elevated 
enough  in  life  to  reason  and  reflect  will  by  no  means  like  to 
see  France  beginning  to  run  riot  again,  and  while  we  have 
been  making  such  an  uproar  about  the  temporary  occupation 
of  the  Principalities  and  the  crossing  of  the  Pruth  by  Kussia, 
that  we  should  quietly  consent  to,  nay,  become  accomplices 
in  the  passage  of  the  Rhine  and  an  aggression  on  Germany 
by  France.  The  very  possibility  of  this  shows  the  necessity 
of  putting  an  end  to  a  war  which  cannot  continue  without 
so  many  and  such  perilous  contingencies.  Nothing  in  fact 
can  exceed  the  complications  in  which  we  can  hardly  help 
being  plunged,  and  the  various  antagonistic  interests  which 
will  be  brought  into  collision,  creating  perplexities  and  diffi- 
culties which  it  would  require  the  genius  of  a  Richelieu  to 
unravel  and  compose.  The  earth  under  our  feet  may  be 
mined  with  plots  ;  we  know  not  what  any  of  the  Great  Pow- 
ers are  really  designing  ;  the  only  certainty  for  us  is  that  we 
are  going  on  blindly  and  obstinately  spending  our  wealth  and 
our  blood  in  a  war  in  which  we  have  no  interest,  and  in  keep- 
ing Europe  in  a  state  of  ferment  and  uncertainty  the  ulti- 
mate consequences  of  which  it  is  appalling  to  contemplate. 
Clarendon  showed  me  a  letter  from  Francis  Baring  from 
Paris  the  other  day,  which  told  him  that  the  Emperor 
wished  to  make  peace,  because  he  knew  that  France,  with 
all  her  outward  signs  of  prosperity,  was  unable  to  go  on  with 
the  war  without  extreme  danger,  that  she  is  in  fact  "using 
herself  up,"  has  been  going  on  at  a  rate  she  cannot  afford. 

Hatchford,  January  ±ih. — I  was  in  London,  yesterday, 
where  I  saw  George  Lewis,  who  was  very  low,  sees  no  chance 


276  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XL 

of  peace,  and  everybody  thinks  it  hopeless  since  the  Eussian 
Circular  has  appeared.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  the 
motive  of  the  Russians  in  publishing  such  a  proposal,  when 
they  must  know  it  would  not  and  could  not  be  accepted,  and 
were  also  aware  of  the  terms  the  Western  Powers  were  going 
to  offer  to  her.  Lewis  says  our  financial  prospect  is  very 
bad,  a  declining  revenue,  rising  prices,  a  large  loan  wanted 
which  will  be  got  on  bad  terms,  and  more  money  to  be  lent 
to  Sardinia  and  Turkey.  He  thinks,  if  the  Kussians  propose 
to  negotiate,  that  Palmerston  will  never  consent ;  but  though 
he  will  no  doubt  resist,  if  France  presses  it  I  have  no  doubt 
he  will  give  way  and  that  the  majority  of  the  Cabinet  will  be 
for  doing  so.  Everything  looks  as  black  as  possible,  and  the 
Emperor  Napoleon's  speech  to  the  Imperial  Guard  following 
Persigny's  article  in  the  "Morning  Post"  wears  a  very 
menacing  aspect.  It  is  possible  indeed  that  he  may  have 
held  this  language  in  order  to  frighten  us  into  a  more  pa- 
cific disposition,  but  so  far  from  being  alarming  or  unpalat- 
able to  the  majority  here,  they  will  hail  with  satisfaction 
any  intimation  of  his  resolution  to  make  war  on  Prussia  ; 
and  if  Louis  Napoleon  will  only  go  on  fighting  against  Bus- 
sia,  they  will  be  quite  willing  that  he  should  take  whatever 
he  pleases  from  any  other  power  which  will  not  join  us  in 
our  present  crusade.  I  often  wonder  what  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  would  have  said  and  thought  if  he  could  have 
lived  to  see  this  day,  and  the  madness  of  this  nation. 

London,  January  9th. — I  came  to  town  on  Monday  and 
found  when  I  arrived  that  there  was  a  fresh  glimmering  of 
peace.  Austria  had  sent  word  she  was  inclined  to  believe 
that  Russia  intended  to  accept  the  terms.  I  went  to  Lewis, 
who  told  me  this  was  true,  but  he  did  not  know  on  what 
ground  their  opinion  rested  more  than  that  ten  days  had 
elapsed  during  which  no  symptoms  of  a  flat  refusal  had 
appeared,  and  Lewis  himself  thought  there  was  no  doubt  they 
were  considering  whether  they  should  accept  or  what  reply 
they  should  make.  Colloredo  called  on  Clarendon  the  other 
day,  and,  after  some  unimportant  talk,  asked  him  if  he  had 
ever  heard,  or  had  reason  to  believe,  that  Eussia  had  made  a 
communication  to  France  to  the.  effect  that  if  France  had  a 
mind  to  take  the  Ehenish  Provinces  and  make  peace  with 
her,  she  should  not  oppose  such  a  design.  Clarendon  re- 
plied that  he  knew  nothing  of  it,  but  thought  it  not  at  all 
improbable. 


1856.]  NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  PEACE.  377 

Bernstorff  had  a  conversation  with  Reeve  the  other  day 
in  which  he  told  him  that  he  was  much  put  out  at  the  iso- 
lated condition  of  Prussia,  and  gave  him  to  understand  that 
he  should  like  the  King  to  join  the  alliance,  but  he  did  not 
think  anything  would  induce  him  to  do  so.  It  might  per- 
haps be  prudent,  but  it  would  be  enormously  base  if  Prussia 
were  to  come  au  secovrs  des  vainqueurs,  and,  now  that  Rus- 
sia is  in  exceeding  distress,  to  join  England  and  France,  to 
whom  she  certainly  is  under  no  obligations,  in  crushing  her. 
But  then  it  would  only  be  prudent  for  the  moment  and  to 
remove  an  immediate  and  impending  danger,  for  in  the  more 
comprehensive  view  of  the  balance  of  power  and  with  refer- 
ence to  general  policy,  it  would  be  far  wiser  to  leave  the 
power  of  Russia  undiminished.  Germany  has  nothing  to 
fear  from  Russia,  for  the  notion  of  her  being  eternally  ani- 
mated with  designs  of  conquest  in  every  direction  is  a  mere 
chimaera  which  the  people  who  propagate  it  do  not  them- 
selves believe.  The  part  she  has  played  for  many  years  past 
has  been  that  of  a  pacificator,  and  her  only  intervention  has 
been  to  appease  quarrels,  and  resist  the  progress  of  democ- 
racy and  revolution.  '  In  1848  it  was  the  authority  of  the 
Emperor  Nicholas  which  prevented  a  great  war  between 
Austria  and  Prussia  which  would  have  made  all  Germany 
a  scene  of  havoc  and  bloodshed.  Our  Government  now  evi- 
dently expect  a  proposal  from  Russia  to  negotiate,  and  are 
living  in  hopes  that  it  may  be  rejected  in  limine  by  Ester- 
hazy,  and  that  they  shall  be  able  to  prevail  on  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  not  to  consent  to  any  overture  that  may  be  made 
to  him  through  any  other  channel." 

January  I5th. — I  came  to  town  yesterday  morning  and 
found  on  my  arrival  the  Russian  answer,  which  was  pretty 
much  what  I  expected.  I  suspect  our  Government  will 
have  been  disappointed  that  so  much  was  conceded  as  to 
make  a  peremptory  rejection  so  monstrous  as  to  be  hardly 
safe.  However,  Esterhazy  has  been  ordered  to  withdraw  on 
the  18th,  unless  everything  else  is  conceded.  Granville 
fancies  they  are  not  unlikely  to  do  this,  but  I  am  per- 
suaded they  will  not.  It  remains  to  be  seen  what  the 
French  will  do,  for  all  depends  on  them.  I  asked  Granville 
what  he  thought  would  be  the  end  of  it ;  he  said  on  the 
whole  he  was  rather  disposed  to  expect  it  would  lead  to 
peace ;  he  said  Austria  did  not  mean  to  go  to  war  with 
Russia  in  any  case,  he  thought  she  had  played  her  cards 


278  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

with  considerable  dexterity,  and  made  herself  a  sort  of 
arbi tress,  and,  what  she  most  desired,  had  got  a  decided  lead 
of  Prussia,  the  object  of  her  hatred.  I  asked  him  if  Prussia 
was  terrified  at  the  menaces  contained  in  the  Emperor's 
speech  and  other  things  against  her,  and  he  said  he  thought 
she  was  irritated  but  not  frightened,  and  he  inveighed 
against  the  folly  of  such  speeches,  and  especially  such 
articles  as  Persigny,  if  it  was  he,  had  put  into  the  "Morning 
Post." 

January  Wth. — So  far  as  I  can  as  yet  discover  of  public 
opinion,  it  is  in  favor  of  accepting,  or  at  all  events  of  nego- 
tiating on,  the  Russian  proposals.  The  ''Times"  has  an 
ambiguous  article  on  the  subject.  Nobody  will  approve  of 
the  continuation  of  the  war  merely  to  obtain  an  Austrian 
object,  which  the  cession  of  Bessarabia  is,  and  the  article 
about  Bomarsund,  which  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  avowed 
object  of  the  war.  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  one  half  of  the 
Cabinet,  at  least,  are  in  their  hearts  of  this  opinion,  but  I  am 
afraid  they  will  not  have  the  courage  to  stand  forth,  avow, 
and  act  upon  it. 

January  17th. — I  saw  Lewis  yesterday  and  for  the  first 
time  saw  something  approaching  to  a  certainty  of  peace. 
His  information  was  curious  :  the  "Morning  Post,"  in  the 
statement  inserted  by  Persigny,  said  that  the  Eussians  had 
rejected  the  conditions  about  Bessarabia,  and  about  Bomar- 
sund, and  had  accepted  the  rest.  In  the  counter  proposition 
of  Eussia  there  was  no  mention  of  Bomarsund,  and  for 
this  very  good  reason,  that  no  such  proposal  was  made  to 
them.  When  the  terms  of  Austria  and  France  were  sent 
here  our  Government  objected  to  that  article  which  said  the 
allies  reserved  to  themselves  to  make  other  conditions,  or 
some  such  words.  They  said  it  was  not  fair,  and  that  they 
should  at  once  say  what  they  wanted,  and  all  they  wanted, 
and  the  additions  they  proposed  were  that  Bomarsund  should 
not  be  restored,  that  Consuls  should  be  admitted  to  the 
Black  Sea  ports,  and  that  "  something  "  should  be  done  about 
Georgia  and  Circassia.  This  was  their  answer,  and  our 
allies  agreed  to  these  additions,  but  for  what  reason  has  not 
as  yet  appeared.  They  sent  the  terms  to  St.  Petersburg  in 
their  original  shape  and  without  our  articles,  so  that  in 
fact  no  condition  about  Bomarsund  was  made  to  them.  The 
Cabinet  met  yesterday  to  determine  what  answer  should  be 
sent  to  Paris, 'the  French  having  notified  that  they  would 


1856.]  TERMS  OF   PEACE  ACCEPTED   BY  RUSSIA.  279 

make  no  reply  to  the  counter  proposal  till  they  were  apprised 
of  our  sentiments  thereupon.  Lewis  said  he  had  no  doubt 
that  both  governments  would  be  willing  to  enter  upon  nego- 
tiation on  these  terms,  France  and  Austria  being  anxious 
for  peace  and  our  Government  not  averse,  for  they  begin  to 
perceive  that  there  is  a  rapidly  increasing  disposition  to  put 
an  end  to  the  war,  and  particularly  that  nobody  will  desire 
to  continue  it  merely  to  obtain  an  exclusively  Austrian  object, 
which  the  cession  of  part  of  Bessarabia  would  be,  especially 
as  Austria  has  no  thought  of  going  to  war.  The  Russian 
Government  have  written  in  a  very  conciliatory  tone  to  Paris, 
which  is  known,  though  the  letter  has  not  yet  arrived.  The 
King  of  Prussia  had  written  a  private,  but  very  pressing 
letter  to  the  Emperor  of  Russia  entreating  him  to  make 
peace.  Though  very  private,  the  French  Government  con- 
trived to  get  a  copy  of  it,  and  Cowley  sent  this  copy  home. 
It  is  said  to  be  a  very  able  letter  written  in  a  most  confiden- 
tial style.  Such  being  the  state  of  affairs  and  all  parties 
apparently  being  agreed  in  a  disposition  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war,  it  seemed  to  me  quite  certain  that  the  negotiations 
would  be  established,  and  that  they  would  lead  to  peace.  In 
the  evening  I  asked  Granville  if  he  did  not  think  we  should 
now  certainly  have  peace,  and  he  said  "I  think  so,  but  there 
are  still  a  great  many  complications,"  and  he  said  Cowley  and 
Walewski  were  on  such  bad  terms  that  they  hardly  spoke. 
The  fact  is  that  Cowley  is  a  gentleman  and  a  man  of  honor 
and  veracity,  but  he  is  sensitive  and  prone  to  take  offence  ; 
the  other  is  an  adventurer,  a  needy  speculator,  without 
honor,  conscience,  or  truth,  and  utterly  unfit  both  as  to  his 
character  and  his  capacity  for  such  an  office  as  he  holds. 
Then  it  must  be  owned  that  it  must  be  intolerably  provoking 
to  Walewski  or  any  man  in  his  situation  to  see  Cowley  estab- 
lished in  such  strange  relations  with  the  Emperor,  being  at 
least  for  certain  purposes  more  his  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  than  Walewski  himself. 

12  o'clock. — Payne  has  just  rushed  in  here,  to  say  that  a 
telegraphic  message,  dated  Vienna,  ten  o'clock  last  night, 
announces  that  "  Russia  accepts  unconditionally  the  propos- 
als of  the  allies."  The  consequence  of  this  astounding  in- 
telligence was  such  a  state  of  confusion  and  excitement  on 
the  Stock  Exchange  as  was  hardly  ever  seen  before.  The 
newspapers  had  one  and  all  gone  on  predicting  that  the  ne- 
gotiations would  lead  to  nothing,  and  that  the  war  would  go 


280  REIGN  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

on,  so  that  innumerable  people  continued  to  be  "bears,"  and 
they  were  all  rushing  to  get  out  as  fast  as  they  could.  It 
remains  yet  to  be  seen  whether  it  is  really  true  ;  if  it  is,  the 
Kussians  will  be  prodigiously  provoked  when  they  find  that 
this  concession  was  superfluous,  and  that  the  allies  would 
have  accepted  their  terms. 

January  \%th. — Though  the  account  in  the  "  Times"  was 
not  exactly  correct,  it  proved  substantially  so.  The  right 
message  came  from  Seymour  soon  after.  There  was  such  a 
scene  in  the  Stock  Exchange  as  was  hardly  ever  witnessed  ; 
the  funds  rose  three  per  cent.,  making  five  in  the  last  two 
days.  The  Eothschilds,  and  all  the  French  who  were  m  the 
secret  with  Walewski,  must  have  made  untold  sums.  I  have 
been  endeavoring  to  account  for  what  appears  the  extraor- 
dinary conduct  of  Eussia  in  accepting  the  Austrian  terms 
purely  and  simply,  and  this  strikes  me  to  be  the  solution  of 
it,  and  if  my  idea  is  correct  it  will  account  for  the  exceed- 
ingly bad  terms  which  Cowley  and  Walewski  are  on.  The 
conditions  offered  to  Kussia  contained  none  of  the  points 
insisted  on  by  our  Government.  I  believe  that  the  French 
and  Austrians  believed,  very  likely  were  certain,  that  if  they 
had  been  sent  Russia  would  have  refused  them,  and,  being 
bent  on  peace,  they  resolved  to  leave  them  out,  and  excuse 
themselves  to  England  as  they  best  could ;  they  therefore 
simply  presented  their  proposal  as  it  originally  stood.  Eus- 
sia replied  with  a  qualified  acceptance,  and  then  Esterhazy 
was  obliged  by  the  compact  to  say  that  he  could  only  take 
yes  or  no  ;  then,  finding  them  not  inclined  to  give  any  other 
answer,  that  he  or  somebody  else  told  them  the  true  state  of 
the  case,  viz.,  that  he  had  kept  back  the  conditions  we-  had 
demanded,  and  that  unless  they  accepted  his  proposition,  it 
must  of  necessity  fall  to  the  ground,  and  that  nothing  would 
then  prevent  the  English  points  being  brought  forward  and 
made  absolute  conditions  of  any  fresh  preliminaries.  This 
was  very  likely  to  determine  them  to  accept  the  proposals  as 
put  before  them,  for  although  by  so  doing  they  accepted  the 
fifth  condition,  which  exposes  them  to  further  and  not  speci- 
fied demands,  the  especial  points  on  which  we  insist  can  only 
be  brought  forward  as  points  for  negotiation,  and  will  not 
form  part  of  those  conditions  to  which  by  their  acceptance 
they  stand  completely  and  irrevocably  pledged. 

London,  January  Z2d. — I  went  to  Trentham  on  Friday, 
and  returned  yesterday.     Granville  is  very  confident  of  peace, 


1856.]  POPULAR  FEELING  FOR  WAR.  281 

fancying  that  Eussia  will  make  no  difficulties,  and  will  agree 
to  our  additional  demands,  which  may  be  so,  bnt  seems  to 
me  far  from  certain.  The  intelligence  of  peace  being  at 
hand,  or  probable,  gives  no  satisfaction  here,  and  the  whole 
press  is  violent  against  it,  and  thunders  away  against  Kussia 
and  Austria,  warns  the  people  not  to  expect  peace,  and  in- 
cites them  to  go  on  with  the  war.  There  seems  little  occa- 
sion for  this,  for  the  press  has  succeeded  in  inoculating  the 
public  with  such  an  eager  desire  for  war  that  there  appears  a 
general  regret  at  the  notion  of  making  peace.  When  I  was 
at  Trentham,  I  asked  Mr.  Fleming,  the  gardener,  a  very  in- 
telligent man,  what  the  general  feeling  was  in  that  part  of 
the  world,  and  he  said  the  general  inclination  was  to  go  on 
with  the  war  till  we  had  made  Kussia,  besides  other  conces- 
sions, pay  all  its  expenses.  It  appears  to  me  impossible  the 
entente  cordiale  with  France  can  go  on  long  if  the  war  goes 
on,  when  the  people  here  are  passionate  for  war,  and  in 
France  they  are  equally  passionate  for  peace.  If  the  Em- 
peror goes  on  with  the  war  he  will  be  very  popular  here, 
which  does  not  signify  much  to  him,  but  give  deep  offence 
to  his  own  countrymen,  which  will  be  of  vital  importance  to 
him,  and  no  wonder,  for  their  disgust  will  be  intense  at 
being  compelled  to  carry  on  a  war  at  a  ruinous  expense, 
merely  because  it  is  the  pleasure  of  the  English  to  do  so. 
This  seems  so  obvious  that  I  do  not  believe,  after  having  gone 
so  far,  and  excited  such  strong  hopes  of  peace,  that  he  will 
dare  to  disappoint  the  expectations  of  the  country.  What 
the  people  of  England  would  really  like  would  be  to  engage 
France  to  continue,  and  to  issue  a  joint  declaration  of  war 
against  Austria  and  Prussia. 

January  23d. — Telegraphic  news  yesterday  that  Austria 
positively  refuses  to  send  our  supplementary  conditions  to 
St.  Petersburg.  France  backed  us  up,  or  at  least  pretended 
to  do  so,  for  it  is  quite  impossible  to  know  what  she  really 
does.  Baudin  is  come  over  here,  supposed  to  be  for  the  pur- 
pose of  explaining  and  apologizing  for  Walewski's  not  having 
sent  the  conditions  originally.  I  do  not  know  what  excuse 
he  makes.  Lewis  thinks  as  I  do,  that  the  real  reason  was 
his  fear  lest  they  should  endanger  the  acceptance  by  Eussia 
of  the  conditions.  Our  Government  believe,  or  at  least  pre- 
tend to  do  so,  that  the  Emperor  was  innocent  of  this  ruse 
and  that  Walewski  is  alone  guilty  ;  but  I  doubt  it,  for  I  can- 
not believe  Walewski  would  dare  to  do  such  a  thing  without 


282  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

his  master's  knowledge  and  consent,  and  should  not  be  sur- 
prised if  the  whole  thing  was  the  Emperor's  doing. 

There  is  a  tremendous  clamor  got  up  by  the  press  against 
Lord  Stratford  on  account  of  his  neglect  of  General  Williams 
at  Ears  and  leaving  his  appeals  for  aid  unattended  to. 
Stratford  has  sent  home  a  defence  of  himself,  and,  I  hear, 
a  skilful  one.  I  do  not  think  they  will  remove  him,  because 
they  say  he  is  now  acting  bond  fide  according  to  his  instruc- 
tions, and  exerting  all  his  influence  to  smooth  any  difficul- 
ties that  may  arise  at  Constantinople  in  adjusting  the  terms 
of  peace.  But  it  is  likely  that  the  Turks  are  now  very  anx- 
ious for  peace,  as  they  are  exceedingly  sick  of  their  pro- 
tectors, by  whom  their  dignity  and  independence  are  quite 
as  much  compromised  as  by  their  enemies,  while  the  process 
of  exhaustion  is  going  on  at  a  constantly  increasing  ratio. 

January  26th. — Yesterday  morning  Disraeli  called  on  me, 
and  after  we  had  discussed  some  private  affairs,  he  began 
talking  politics.  He  is  very  triumphant  at  his  pacific  views 
and  expectations  having  turned  out  so  true,  and  at  the 
"  Press  "  newspaper  having  proved  to  be  right.  He  said,  he  had 
never  stood  so  well  with  the  best  men  of  his  party  as  he  did 
now,  that  he  is  to  have  forty-five  men,  the  cream  of  the  Con- 
servatives, to  dine  with  him  on  Wednesday  next.  He  then 
talked  of  Derby  and  the  blunders  he  had  made  in  spite  of  all 
the  advice  he  had  given  and  the  remonstrances  he  had  made 
to  him,  that  he  had  written  to  him  and  told  him  what  he 
knew  from  undoubted  authority  must  and  would  happen 
about  peace,  and  implored  him  not  to  commit  himself  to  the 
continuance  of  the  war,  but  that  Derby  with  all  his  great 
talents  had  no  discretion,  and  suffered  himself  to  be  led  and 
influenced  by  some  of  the  weakest  and  least  capable  men  of 
his  party.  So  instead  of  listening  to  what  Disraeli  said  to 
him,  he  writes  a  long,  reasoned  reply  to  his  arguments  in 
the  same  way  he  would  have  replied  to  a  speech  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  and  when  he  went  to  Scotland  he  had  the 
folly  to  go  to  some  meeting  got  up  for  the  purpose,  and  then 
to  make  a  violent  war  speech.  I  asked  him  how  Derby  and 
Stanley  got  on  together,  and  he  said  that  they  were  so  much 
attached  to  each  other,  and  Stanley  had  so  profound  a  filial 
veneration  for  his  father,  that  personal  feelings  silenced  all 
political  differences,  and  nothing  would  induce  Stanley  to 
take  any  public  part  adverse  to  his  father's  policy  and 
opinions.  It  was  evident  that  there  is  little  political  cordi- 


1856.]  MEETING   OF  PARLIAMENT.  283 

ality  between  Derby  and  Disraeli,  and  a  considerable  split  in 
the  party.  If  Disraeli  is  to  be  believed,  the  best  of  the  Con- 
servatives are  disposed  to  go  with  him  rather  than  with  Derby, 
but  I  own  I  much  doubt  this.  However,  it  will  soon  be  seen 
what  the  state  of  that  party  is. 

No  further  advance  has  been  made  toward  the  arrange- 
ments, but  it  is  clear  peace  will  be  made.  George  Grey  told 
me  so  yesterday,  and  intimated  as  much  as  that  small  diffi- 
culties must  and  would  be  got  over.  France,  Austria,  and 
Russia  are  resolved  on  peace,  and  England  cannot  alone  make 
herself  an  obstacle.  I  suppose  it  will  end  in  some  compromise 
upon  the  points  remaining  in  dispute. 

Macaulay  has  retired  from  Parliament,  where  he  had  done 
nothing  since  his  last  election  ;  he  hardly  ever  attended  and 
never  spoke,  or  certainly  not  more  than  once.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  his  life  will  be  spared  to  bring  down  his  history  to  the 
end  of  Queen  Anne's  reign,  which  is  all  that  can  possibly  be 
expected. 

January  31st. — Parliament  meets  to-day.  Who  would 
have  thought  a  few  weeks  ago  that  the  Queen's  Speech 
would  announce  the  preliminaries  of  peace  ?  Who  would 
ever  have  thought  that  tidings  of  peace  would  produce  a 
general  sentiment  of  disappointment  and  dissatisfaction  in 
this  nation  ?  There  are,  however,  sundry  symptoms  of  an 
approaching  change  in  the  public  mind.  The  press  is  much 
perplexed  ;  the  newspapers  do  not  know  what  to  say.  They 
confidently  predicted  that  there  would  be  no  peace,  and 
urged  the  people  to  go  on  clamoring  for  war  as  long  as  they 
could  ;  but  since  they  have  seen  that  their  noise  is  ineffectual, 
and  that  peace  is  inevitable,  they  have  nearly  left  off  inveigh- 
ing against  it,  because  doing  so  without  any  result  only  ex- 
hibits their  own  impotence,  which  is  just  what  they  most 
wish  to  avoid.  They  therefore  now  confine  themselves  to  a 
sort  of  undergrowl,  muttering  abuse  against  Russia  and 
Austria,  calling  out  for  more  stringent  terms,  and  still  in- 
dulging in  a  desperate  hope  that  some  unexpected  difficulty 
may  occur  to  break  off  the  negotiations  and  plunge  us  into 
war  again.  The  Opposition  are  as  much  perplexed  as  the 
press,  and  do  not  know  what  course  to  take,  or  what  is  the 
most  vulnerable  part  of  the  Government,  and  they  are  not 
agreed  among  themselves. 

So  in  the  meantime  they  seem  disposed  to  vent  them- 
selves in  a  fierce  attack  on  Baron  Parke's  Life  Peerage. 


284  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

This  peerage  has  excited  great  wrath  even  in  many  who  are 
friendly  to  the  Government,  and  probably  in  all  who  are 
unfriendly.  Among  those  who  most  vehemently  resent  it 
are  Lord  Campbell,  Lord  Lyndhurst,  and,  as  I  am  told, 
Brougham.  There  is  much  to  be  said  about  it  either  way, 
and  it  will  probably  give  rise  to  some  good  debates  and  not 
uninteresting. 

'As  one  of  many  other  proofs  of  the  difficulty  of  getting 
at  truth,  and  therefore  of  having  history  correctly  written, 
I  must  record  a  fact  not  very  important  in  itself.  Lewis 
distinctly  told  me  that  it  was  France  (i.e.  Walewski)  who 
kept  back  our  conditions  when  the  Austrian  propositions 
were  returned  to  Vienna  ;  now  Granville  tells  me  it  was  not 
France,  but  Austria,  who  is  responsible  for  their  not  having 
been  sent  to  St.  Petersburg,  and  that  Walewski  did  send 
them  to  Vienna.  The  truth  probably  is  that  he  gave  notice 
to  Buol  that  we  wanted  these  things,  but  did  not  incorporate 
them  with  the  propositions,  and  that  Buol,  though  apprised 
of  them,  did  not  choose  to  insert  what  France  had  not  chosen 
to  insert  herself.  It  is  quite  impossible  to  believe  that  they 
can  make  any  serious  difficulty ;  it  is  time  to  make  peace 
with  Kussia  when  our  relations  with  America  are  assuming  a 
very  unpleasant  aspect. 

February  3d. — Parliament  opened  very  quietly,  and  there 
was  no  disposition  evinced  to  find  fault  with  the  Government, 
or  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  making  peace.  A  great 
change  has  certainly  come  over  the  country  within  the  last 
fortnight  or  three  weeks,  not  that  people  are  not  still  sorry  to 
see  the  end  of  the  war,  and  rather  inclined  to  view  the  peace 
with  suspicion  as  well  as  dislike,  but  they  have  no  grounds 
for  complaint,  they  see  that  it  is  inevitable,  and  they  are  dis- 
posed to  acquiesce. 

Derby  came  down  full  of  opposition  but  rather  puzzled 
how  to  vent  it,  so  he  criticised  the  Speech,  which  was  a  very 
poor  and  bald  composition,  made  a  great  stir  about  Kars,  and 
announced  a  fierce  attack  on  Baron  Parke's  Life  Peerage. 

In  the  House  of  Commons  everything  was  very  piano,  and 
Disraeli  quite  moderate.  The  Government  are  much  puzzled 
about  this  unlucky  Life  Peerage.  The  thing  is  done,  and 
now  they  find  themselves  condemned  by  a  large  majority 
which  includes  all  the  Law  Peers.  If  any  vote  can  be  taken 
on  it  in  the  House  of  Lords,  they  will  be  beaten. 

The  Conferences  will  begin  in  about  three  weeks,  and 


]     THE  DEBATE   ON   THE   WEXSLEYDALE  PEERAGE.       285 

probably  be  very  soon  OTer,  for  it  is  the  object  of  all  parties 
to  put  an  end  to  the  enormous  expense  which,  every  day  that 
the  war  lasts,  is  increased,  and  no  doubt  is  entertained  by  the 
well-informed  that  Russia  is  in  earnest,  and  will  go  through 
with  it  firmly  and  sincerely.  The  most  unpleasant  incident 
is  the  difference  with  America,  which  has  a  bad  aspect,  but 
when  they  learn  that  we  are  going  to  make  peace  with  Rus- 
sia we  natter  ourselves  the  Americans  will  become  reason- 
able.1 If  a  war  should  ensue  it  would  be"  still  more  insane 
than  the  Russian  war,  for  we  should  be  fighting  absolutely 
for  no  object  whatever,  and  merely  from  the  collision  of  the 
proud  and  angry  feelings  of  the  two  nations.  ^Neither  would 
gain  anything  if  the  other  were  to  give  way  and  concede  all 
that  is  in  dispute  as  to  the  Central  American  question. 

February  "ith. — Xothing  can  be  more  extraordinary  than 
the  lull  here,  after  so  much  sound  and  fury,  while  the  nego- 
tiations and  question  of  peace  or  war  are  pending.  There 
is  evidently  a  complete  acquiescence  in  the  coming  peace, 
though  if  the  terms  are  not  as  stringent  as  people  expect, 
there  will  be  a  great  deal  of  grumbling  and  abuse  of  the 
Government. 

The  case  with  America  looks  bad,  but  nobody  can  seriously 
believe  that  war  between  the  two  countries  can  possibly  arise 
out  of  such  questions  as  those  now  pending.  It  will  probably 
end  in  the  return  of  Crampton,  and  the  return  of  Buchanan, 
suspension  of  diplomatic  relations  for  a  time,  then  fresh  ne- 
gotiations and  a  reconciliation,  but  no  war. 

ruary  9/A. — The  debate  in  the  House  of  Lords  on  the 
Wensleydale  Peerage  was  interesting  but  inconclusive.  Lynd- 
hurst  made,  as  usual,  a  wonderful  speech  for  his  age.  He 
contrived  with  much  dexterity  to  avoid  the  question  of 
legality,  which  he  evidently  thought  he  could  not  disprove  ; 
Campbell  and  St.  Leonards  boldly  pronounced  it  illegal ; 
Brougham  admitted  the  legality ;  all  the  lawyers  but  the 
Chancellor  are  dead  against  the  Life  Peerage.  Out  of  the 
House,  Lushington  is  clear  for  it;  Pemberton  Leigh  against; 
both  of  them  have  been  offered  and  have  refused  peerages. 
The  result  appears  to  be  that  the  patent  is  not  illegal,  but 
that  there  was  no  sufficient  cause,  and  therefore  that  it  was 
a  great  folly  to  deviate  from  the  usual  course  in  Parke's  case. 

i  [Differences  had  arisen  between  the  British  and  the  American  Govern- 
ments in  consequence  of  the  enlistment  of  American  dtbeoa  in  the  British  armr 
during  the  war,  and  also  with  reference  to  the  British  poaMsriom  in  Central 

America.] 


286  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

It  is  awkward,  and  both  the  Opposition  and  the  Government 
seem  very  much  puzzled  what  to  do.  The  best  course  on 
the  whole  seems  to  be  (and  it  probably  will  so  end)  to  confer 
on  the  Baron  an  hereditary  peerage,  and  let  the  question  of 
life  peers  stand  over  for  the  present,  to  be  better  considered 
and  discussed  hereafter  when  circumstances  may  require  such 
a  measure. 

Palmerston  made  a  very  good  speech  last  night  on  the 
American  questions,  judicious  and  becoming,  and  it  was  very 
well  received.  According  to  present  appearances  the  Gov- 
ernment is  in  no  danger  of  being  turned  out,  and  if  they 
make  a  peace  which  satisfies,  and  bring  in  and  pass  some 
good  measures,  they  may  actually  become  strong, 

February  15th. — While  the  world  is  waiting  with  tolera- 
ble patience  for  the  opening  of  the  negotiations,  it  has  got 
two  subjects  to  occupy  and  interest  it,  and  to  give  rise  to 
plenty  of  discussion  and  dispute.  The  first  is  the  Life  Peer- 
age question,  which  is  become  very  embarrassing  to  its  oppo- 
nents and  its  advocates.  There  is  a  great  majority  of  the 
lawyers  against  it,  but  more  on  the  score  of  its  being  improper 
and  inexpedient,  perhaps  unconstitutional,  than  that  it  is  ab- 
solutely illegal.  The  highest  authority  in  favor  of  it  seems 
to  be  Dr.  Lushington,  who  refuse  to  be  made  a  peer  when  a 
peerage  was  pressed  upon  him.  The  Government  are  de- 
termined to  fight  it  out,  and  on  no  account  to  give  way. 
Nobody  knows  with  whom  the  project  originated,  but  there 
is  a  very  general  idea  that  it  was  with  the  Prince.  General 
Grey,  however,  told  his  brother,  the  Earl",  that  the  Prince  hud 
nothing  to  do  with  it,  and  that  his  Royal  Highness  knew 
nothing  of  the  matter  till  after  it  had  been  settled.  I 
cannot  see  how  it  can  be  illegal,  and  neither  the  danger  nor 
the  inexpediency  of  making  Life  Peers  is  quite  apparent  to 
me  ;  but  I  think  it  has  been  a  blunder,  and  that  so  great  a 
novelty  ought  not  to  have  been  suddenly  sprung  upon  the 
world  without  any  attempt  to  ascertain  how  it  would  be 
regarded,  and  Derby's  argument  it  is  very  difficult  to  meet. 
He  says  that  when  a  certain  prerogative  has  not  been  exer- 
cised for  400  years,  such  long  disuse  of  it,  if  it  does  not 
amount  to  an  abrogation  of  it,  at  all  events  throws  such  a 
doubt  upon  it  as  to  make  the  exercise  of  it  now  exceedingly 
questionable,  and  it  appears  by  the  precedents  that  in  every 
case  of  a  Life  Peerage  it  was  done  consensu  procerum,  or 
consensu  procerum  ei  communitatis — that  is,  by  consent  of 


1856.]        REPORT  ON  THE  SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  ARMY.        287 

the  Lords,  or  by  Act  of  Parliament.  The  whole  question  is 
BO  obscure  and  uncertain,  that  it  is  impossible  to  come  to  any 
satisfactory  conclusion  drawn  from  precedents  and  usage. 
In  spite  of  the  resolution  of  the  Government,  I  doubt 
whether  they  will  not  be  compelled  to  give  way  in  some 
manner,  for  the  Opposition  appear  to  be  equally  resolved  not 
to  let  Baron  Parke  take  his  seat. 

The  other  subject  is  Sir  John  McNeill's  report,1  which 
has  already  elicited  violent  articles  in  the  papers,  and  will 
occasion  hot  debates  in  the  House  of  Commons,  perhaps  in 
both  Houses.  The  report  furnishes  a  strong  primd  facie  case 
against  Airey  and  Gordon,  Q.  M.  and  A.  Q.  M.  Generals,  and 
par  ricochet  against  Hardinge  himself,  also  against  Lucan 
and  Cardigan.  The  accused  parties  vehemently  complain, 
and  insist  upon  being  allowed  to  vindicate  themselves. 
Probably  in  the  course  of  the  discussions  a  good  deal  of  the 
truth,  but  not  all,  will  come  out.  It  may  be  doubted  whether 
there  is  any  part  of  our  military  administration,  as  well  as  of 
our  military  operations  during  this  war,  on  which  it  is  possible 
to  reveal  and  explain  everything  without  showing  up  the 
French,  and  this  has  been  the  reason  why  all  investigations 
and  explanations  have  had  such  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory 
results.  If  the  charges  of  McNeill  are  true,  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  man  most  to  blame  was  Raglan,  who  was  supreme, 
omnipotent,  and  responsible,  and  who  ought  not  to  have 
allowed  the  evils,  which  were  notorious,  to  go  on  accumu- 
lating, without  applying  those  effectual  remedies  which,  ac- 
cording to  the  repdrt,  were  abundantly  at  his  disposal ;  but 
of  course  everybody  will  shrink  from  casting  the  blame  post- 
humously upon  him.  The  "  Times"  has  now  found  that  the 
losses  and  sufferings  of  the  army  were  erroneously  and 
wrongfully  attributed  to  the  Government  at  home.  McNeill 
has  brought  back  with  him  notes  of  conversations  with 
Raglan,  in  which  Raglan  told  him  that  most  if  not  all  of  the 
things  he  had  been  so  bitterly  reproached  for  were  all  owing 
to  the  opposition  and  contradiction  he  met  with  from  the 
French,  Canrobert  especially. 

Cowley,  who  called  on  me  the  day  before  yesterday,  said 
he  should  be  very  glad  to  have  peace  concluded,  in  order  that 
our  intimate  connection  and  dependence  on  each  other  might 
be  at  an  end,  for  the  difficulties  arising  therefrom,  and  the 

1  [Sir  John  McNeill  had  been  sent  to  the  Crimea  and  Constantinople  to  in- 
vestigate the  causes  of  the  sufferings  of  the  troops  in  the  winter  1854-' 55.] 


288  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

impossibility  of  placing  any  reliance  on  the  French  Min- 
isters, were  a  perpetual  source  of  annoyance.  He  thinks  the 
Emperor  honest  and  true,  but  that  he  is  surrounded  by  a 
parcel  of  men  every  one  of  whom  is  dishonest  and  false. 
The  Emperor  knows  this,  and  knows  what  is  thought  of  his 
ministers,  but  he  says,  "  What  am  I  to  do  ?  and  where  can  I 
find  better  men  who  will  enter  my  service  ?  " 

Clarendon  came  here  to-day  to  take  leave  of  me  on  going 
to  the  Conference  in  Paris.  He  talks  despondingly,  but 
less  about  making  peace  than  about  making  one  that  will 
be  acceptable  here.  He  augurs  well  from  the  choice  of 
Russian  Plenipotentairies  who  are  both  personally  agreeable 
to  him,  for  he  knows  OrlofE  very  intimately.  When  he  took 
leave  of  Brunnow  three  years  ago  he  said  to  him,  "If  ever 
you  see  a  good  chaiwe  of  peace,  let  me  know,"  and  now 
Brunnow  has  sent  him  a  message  reminding  him  of  what 
he  had  said,  and  telling  him  he  now  saw  it.  It  was  Clarendon 
who  fixed  on  Paris  for  the  Conference,  everybody  else  being 
against  it,  especially  the  Emperor  Napoleon  and  Palmerston, 
but  Clarendon  thought  the  advantage  of  having  personal 
communication  with  the  Emperor  himself  outweighed  every 
other  consideration,  and  he  is  right.  Louis  Napoleon  will 
be  the  arbiter,  and  the  struggle  will  be  between  England 
and  Rusgia  to  get  possession  of  him.  Brunnow  arrived  at 
Paris  to-day,  the  first  arrival  of  the  Plenipotentiaries,  and 
he  was  received  with  great  acclamations  and  manifestations 
of  joy.  Clarendon  is  dissatisfied  at  Brunnow's  having  got 
there  first  as  if  to  steal  a  march  on  him,  but  this  is  un- 
reasonable, as  no  particular  day  was  fixed  for  their  coming 
at  once,  and  Cla'rendon  might  have  been  the  first  if  he  had 
chosen  it,  and  Cavour  is  to  be  there  to-day  or  to-morrow. 

February  21st. — A  week  has  passed  since  most  of  the 
Plenipotentiaries  arrived  at  Paris,  and  we  hear  nothing  of 
what  has  been  going  on  amongst  them  ;  at  least  I  hear 
nothing  except  that  Clarendon  writes  word  he  is  quite 
satisfied  with  the  Emperor — the  Hollands,  that  all  sorts  of 
intrigues  are  rife,  Brunnow,  Morny,  and  Madame  de  Lieven 
closeted  together  for  hours,  and  Madame  de  Lieven  writes 
to  me  in  melancholy  mood,  saying  she  anticipates  many  diffi- 
culties, and  complaining  of  the  exigcances  which  she  hears  of 
as  probable,  and  how  ungenerous  as  well  as  impolitic  it  is  to 
make  no  allowance  for  the  difficulty  of  the  Emperor's  position 
vis  a  vis  of  his  own  people,  and  to  bear  so  hard  upon  him. 


1856.]  SABBATARIANISM.  289 

From  all  this  I  infer  that  the  Russians  have  been  informed 
that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  has  engaged  to  back  us  up  in 
our  exigeances,  the  principal  of  which  is  probably  the  dis- 
mantling of  Nicolaieff  ;  this  may  be  inferred  from  what  has 
appeared  in  the  French  press.  'The  "Journal  des  Debats" 
published  an  article  saying  we  had  no  right  to  demand  this, 
to  which  the  "Sie"cle  replied  asserting  we  had  a  right,  and 
the  article  in  the  "  Sie"cle"  was  copied  into  the  "  Moniteur," 
which  was  tantamount  to  a  recognition  and  approval  of  it. 
There  are  rumors  afloat  here  that  matters  are  not  going  on 
satisfactorily  at  Paris,  and,  taking  all  these  things  together, 
it  looks  as  if  the  horizon  was  a  little  overcast,  but  as  Orloff 
was  only  to  arrive  at  Paris  last  night  nothing  essential  can 
as  yet  have  passed.  Meanwhile  this  country  remains  in  the 
same  passive  and  expectant  state,  so  far  behaving  very  well 
that  there  is  not  the  least  stir  or  any  attempt  to  make  peace 
more  difficult,  not  a  word  said  in  Parliament,  no  meetings 
or  petitions,  the  "Tim.es"  nearly  silent,  and  only  an  under- 
growl  from  time  to  time  from  the  Radical  or  malignant 
journals.  But  all  who  have  had  any  opportunity  of  testing 
the  state  of  public  feeling  agree  that  the  peace,  be  it  what  it 
may,  will  be  taken  with  regret,  and  that  if  Clarendon  were  to 
return  having  broken  off  the  negotiations,  and  to  announce 
that  the  war  would  go  on,  he  would  be  hailed  with  the 
greatest  enthusiasm,  and  the  ardor  for  war  would  break  out 
with  redoubled  force. 

While  this  lull  has  been  -going  on  upon  the  great  ques- 
tion, the  world  has  been  less  passionately  moved  and  inter- 
ested by  the  affairs  of  the  Wensleydale  Peerage,  and  nobody 
has  talked  of  anything  else  for  the  last  ten  days  but  this  and 
the  Crimean  Report.  The  general  feeling  among  the  law- 
yers and  in  society  is  against  the  Life  Peerage,  but  the  Gov- 
ernment are  very  reluctant  to  give  way  and  to  own  them- 
selves beaten  upon  it.  To-night  is  the  great,  and,  it  may 
be  hoped,  final  struggle  in  the  House  of  Lords  upon  it,  when 
nobody  doubts  that  the  Government  will  be  beaten. 

Last  night  the  Evangelical  and  Sabbatarian  interest  had 
a  great  victory  in  the  House  of  Commons,  routing  those  who 
endeavored  to  effect  the  opening  of  .the  National  Gallery 
and  British  Museum  on  Sunday.  The  only  man  of  impor- 
tance who  sustained  this  unequal  and  imprudent  contest  was 
Lord  Stanley.  At  this  moment  cant  and  Puritanism  are  in 
the  ascendant,  and  so  far  from  effecting  any  anti-sabbatarian 
is 


290  REIGN   OF   QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

reform,  it  will  be  very  well  if  we  escape  some  of  the  more 
stringent  measures  against  Sunday  occupations  and  amuse- 
ments with  which  Exeter  Hall  and  the  prevailing  spirit 
threaten  us. 

February  24th. — A  letter  from  Lady  Clarendon,  who 
says  "the  report  about  things  going  ill  is  false,  and  as  yet 
things  have  hardly  begun.  The  Emperor  in  feelings  and 
opinions  is  everything  that  Clarendon  could  desire."  Ma- 
dame de  Lieveu  received  Clarendon  d  bras  ouverts,  but  said 
very  little  to  him.  This  morning  I  called  on  George  Lewis, 
and  had  a  long  talk  about  the  prospects  of  peace.  He  said 
Palmerston,  according  to  his  ancient  custom,  was  doing  all 
he  could  to  extort  as  much  as  possible  from  Russia,  writing 
to  Clarendon  in  this  strain  constantly  and  urging  him  to  in- 
sist on  more  and  more  concessions ;  but  Lewis  thinks  not- 
withstanding this  that  Palmerston  has  quite  made  up  his 
mind  for  peace,  and  that  he  makes  demands  very  often  with 
the  expectation  of  being  refused,  and  the  intention  of  not 
insisting  on  them  if  he  finds  a  very  determined  resistance. 
One  point  of  difference  is  Kars  ;  the  Kussians  not  unfairly 
wish  to  have  some  equivalent  for  surrendering  it,  and  Palm- 
erston insists  that  they  are  not  entitled  to  any.  In  the  pre- 
liminaries it  was  settled  that  we  were  to  restore  all  our  con- 
quests, and  they  were  in  return  to  give  up  part  of  Bessarabia. 
At  that  time  Kars  was  not  'taken,  and  now  they  say  the  rela- 
tive positions  of  the  parties  are  altered,  and  "  if  we  are  to  re- 
store Kars,  that  ought  to  be  set  against  the  restoration  of 
Kinburn,  the  part  of  the  Crimea  you  occupy,  &c.,  and  having 
got  an  equivalent  in  Kars,  you  ought  to  relax  your  demand 
for  Bessarabia."  To  this  Palmerston  replies  that  the  Russians 
are  to  guarantee  the  integrity  of  the  Turkish  dominions,  of 
which  Kars  is  a  part,  and  therefore  their  restoration  of  it  is 
a  matter  of  course  for  which  no  equivalent  is  necessary. 
This  argument  is  not  logical,  and  no  arbitrator  would  admit 
it.  It  is  a  good  point  to  wrangle  upon,  and  if  the  Russians 
knock  under  it  will  be  because  they  are  resolved  to  submit 
to  any  terms  rather  than  not  have  peace. 

It  is  much  the  same  thing  about  Nicolaieff,  as  to  which 
the  Emperor  appears  at  present  disposed  to  back  us  up. 
Lewis  disapproves  of  our  exigeances  and  Palmerston's  tone. 
He  thinks  ou  both  points  the  Russians  have  good  cases,  and 
that  Palmerston  and  Clarendon  are  only  fighting  for  them 
in  order  to  have  a  more  plausible  and  showy  peace  to  set 


1856.]  DEBATE  ON  LIFE  PEERAGES.  291 

before  the  country.  He  says  we  never  thought  of  demand- 
ing the  destruction  of  the  docks  of  Nicolaieff  at  first,  and 
that  our  demanding  it  now  is  a  mere  afterthought,  and  in 
pursuance  of  the  plan  of  starting  as  many  demands  as  we 
can  to  take  the  chance  of  what  we  can  get.  Lewis  disap- 
proves of  this  course,  and  urged  me  to  encourage  Clarendon 
not  to  lend  himself  to  exigencies  unjust  in  themselves,  but 
to  do  what  he  really  thinks  right  and  necessary  without  fear 
of  the  consequences. 

When  we  had  done  talking  of  this  matter  he  said  he 
wanted  to  speak  to  me  about  the  Peerage  question,  which  had 
assumed  a  shape  which  he  thought  menaced  great  embarrass- 
ment, if  not  danger.  The  government,  he  said,  would  not 
give  way,  and  he  was  himself  opposed  to  their  doing  so  ;  but 
what  was  to  be  done  ?  I  said  I  did  not  see  what  the  Gov- 
ernment could  do,  nor  why  they  should  not  give  way  when 
they  had  resolved  to  fight  and  had  been  fairly  beaten  ;  but 
he  thought  they  should  stultify  themselves  by  acknowledg- 
ing they  had  been  wrong,  and  that  such  a  course  would 
oblige  the  Chancellor  to  resign.  I  controverted  these  propo- 
sitions and  said  they  would  stultify  themselves  much  more, 
if  from  motives  of  vanity  and  pride  t  hey  chose  to  let  the 
House  of  Lords  remain  without  that  assistance  to  obtain 
which  was  the  pretext  for  Parke's  creation.  On  the  whole, 
Lewis  seemed  to  think  the  least  objectionable  course  would 
be  to  pass  a  bill  enabling  the  Crown  to  make  a  certain  num- 
ber of  Life  Peers,  but  he  overlooked  the  fact  that  this  would 
be  as  much  a  confession  of  error,  and  an  acknowledgement 
that  the  Queen  had  no  such  prerogative,  as  to  make  Lord 
Wensleydale  an  hereditary  Peer.  My  advice  was  to  make 
him  an  hereditary  Viscount.  I  was  obliged  to  go  away  and 
had  not  time  to  talk  it  out.  In  the  afternoon,  I  spoke  to 
Campbell  and  Lyndhurst  about  it,  and  asked  what  they  pro- 
posed, and  how  the  difficulty  was  to  be  got  over.  They 
naturally  want  the  Government  to  knock  under  and  give  up 
the  hereditary  peerage  ;  they  both  scouted  the  idea  of  Parke 
coming  down  to  the  House  of  Lords  and  insisting  on  being 
admitted  and  making  a  scene.  Lyndhurst  to-night  is  to 
give  notice  of  motion  for  a  Committee  to  consider  the  Ap- 
pellate Jurisdiction. 

February  21th.—  The  debate  in  the  Lords  on  Monday 
night  affords  a  prospect  of  an  amicable  termination  of  the 
Peerage  case,  but  the  Government  still  have  a  lingering  hope 


292  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

that  by  some  management  and  contrivance  they  may  avoid 
the  necessity  of  submitting  to  their  defeat  and  acting  accord- 
ingly. There  is  to  be  a  Committee  on  the  Appellate  Juris- 
diction, and  they  think  they  may  obtain  some  report  which 
may  enable  them  to  get  out  of  their  scrape,  but  the  only  way 
I  can  make  put  by  which  they  think  of  doing  this  is  to  lay 
the  foundation  of  a  bill  to  enable  the  Crown  to  make  a 
limited  number  of  Life  Peers.  This  would,  however,  be  a 
more  formal  acknowledgement  of  error,  and  that  the  Queen 
does  not  possess  the  prerogative,  than  any  other  course.  I 
expect  they  will  at  last  be  driven  to  adopt  the  course  I  re- 
commended, that  of  making  Park  a  Viscount,  hereditary  of 
course. 

Last  night,  Disraeli  made  a  bitter  attack  on  the  Govern- 
ment, to  which  Labouchere  replied  with  a  spirit  for  which 
nobody  gave  him  credit.  The  Opposition  displayed  great 
warmth,  and  a  disposition  to  show  serious  fight  on  any  occa- 
sion they  could  find.  Certainly  the  Government  cuts  a  very 
poor  figure,  and  it  is  difficult  not  to  think  that  as  soon  as 
the  all  absorbing  question  of  peace  or  war  is  decided,  they 
will  be  much  put  to  it  to  defend  themselves,  unless  they  con- 
duct affairs  much  better  for  the  future  than  they  have  done 
up  to  the  present  time.  Hitherto  they  have  presented  a 
series  of  blunders,  failures,  and  exposures.  First  of  all  the 
Peerage  question  ;  then,  much  worse,  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, Lowe's  Bill  on  Snipping  Dues,  which  Palmerston  was 
obliged  to  withdraw  last  night,  not  at  all  creditably,  and  the 
failure  of  which  was  in  a  great  measure  attributable  to 
Lowe's  very  injudicious  speech,  which,  as  he  is  the  organ  of 
the  Board  of  Trade  in  the  House  of  Commons,  was  in  itself 
a  great  evil  and  misfortune.  George  Grey's  Bill  on  County 
Police  meets  with  such  opposition  that  though  it  is  a  very 
good  measure  he  will  probably  not  be  able  to  carry  it.  But 
still  worse  than  these  are  the  case  of  the  Crimean  Report 
with  all  its  incidents,  one  blunder  after  another,  and  the 
wretched  exhibition  of  Monsell  in  moving  the  Ordnance  Es- 
timates, amounting  to  a  complete  break-down.  All  these 
things,  one  after  another,  place  the  Government  in  a  very 
weak  and  contemptible  position,  and  show  that  in  spite  of 
Palmerston's  having  recovered  a  good  deal  of  his  personal 
popularity  in  the  House  of  Commons,  his  Government  has 
no  strength,  and  his  being  able  to  go  on  at  all  is  only  owing 
to  the  peculiar  circumstances  in  which  the  country  is  placed, 


1856.]  A  VISIT  TO  PARIS.  293 

and  the  extreme  difficulty  of  any  other  Government  being 
formed  which  would  be  palateable  to  the  country,  more  effi- 
cient, and  therefore  stronger  and  more  durable  than  the 
present. 

To-morrow  I  purpose  going  to  Paris  to  see  and  hear  what 
is  going  on  at  this  interesting  moment. 

Paris,  March  1st,  1856. — I  left  London  on  Thursday  with 
M.  de  Flahault  and  my  brother.  We  slept  at  Boulogne,  and 
after  a  prosperous  journey  in  all  its  stages,  found  myself  in 
my  old  quarters  at  the  Embassy  yesterday  evening  at  seven 
o'clock.  I  had  hardly  arrived  before  a  card  came  from  Moray, 
who  gave  a  great  evening  party  with  two  petites  pieces  and 
music.  I  went  there  with  Lady  Cowley.  The  crowd  was  so 
great  that  I  saw  nothing  whatever  of  the  spectacle,  but  was 
pretty  well  amused,  for  I  met  some  old  acquaintance,  made 
some  new  ones,  and  was  presented  to  some  of  the  celebrities 
of  the  day.  I  was  much  struck  with  the  ugliness  of  the 
women,  and  the  extreme  recherche  of  their  costumes.  Na- 
ture has  done  nothing  for  them,  their  modistes  all  that  is  pos- 
sible. The  old  friends  I  met  were  La  Marre  and  Bourqueney, 
whom  I  have  not  seen  since  he  was  Secretary  of  Embassy  to 
Guizot,  when  we  had  so  much  to  do  together  about  the  affairs 
of  the  East.  I  made  acquaintance  with  Fleury,  the  Em- 
press's Grand  Ecuyer,  renewed  it  with  Bacciochi,  and  I. was 
presented  to  Cavour  and  the  Grand  Vizier,  as  little  like  the 
beau  ideal  of  a  Grand  Vizier  as  can  well  be  imagined,  but  by 
all  accounts  a  Turk  comme  il  y  en  a  pen.  He  is  a  very  lit- 
tle, dark,  spare,  mild-looking  man,  speaks  French  perfectly, 
and  exceedingly  clever,  well-informed,  enlightened,  and  hon- 
orable. He  was  Grand  Vizier  once  before,  and  owes  his  pres- 
ent elevation  to  his  great  personal  merit.  He  accepted  the 
post  with  reluctance,  feeling  sure  Stratford  would  torment 
him  to  death  and  get  him  turned  out  again,  but  it  seems  as 
if  his  high  qualities,  and  the  general  respect  with  which  he 
is  regarded,  would  enable  him  to  maintain  himself  against 
all  intrigues,  and  even  against  Stratford's  predominance.  I 
met  Clarendon,  but  had  hardly  any  opportunity  of  talking  to 
him,  as  he  was  every  moment  interrupted  by  people  come 
up  to  do  civilities  to 'him.  He  had  just  time  to  tell  me  that 
matters  are  going  on  very  slowly,  and  that  he  sees  no  reason 
why  he  should  not  be  kept  here  for  the  next  six  months. 
Orloff  had  met  him  a  bras  ouverts  and  renewed  their  old 
Petersburg  friendship.  Brunnow  he  is  disgusted  with,  and 


294  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

says  he  has  made  a  bad  impression  here.  He  told  me  he  had 
said  to  Brunnow  :  "  You  were  in  England  long  enough  to 
know  what  a  special  pleader  is  ;  well,  if  all  other  trades 
should  fail  you,  take  to  that." 

Orloff  spoke  very  frankly  about  the  war,  and  the  conduct 
of  the  late  Emperor,  which  he  had  always  regarded  as  insane 
in  sending  Menschikoff  to  Constantinople.  If  he  had  sent 
him,  Orloff,  instead,  he  would  answer  for  it,  there  would 
have  been  no  war.  Then  marching  into  the  Principalities, 
and  finally  not  accepting  the  modifications  of  the  Vienna 
Note.  After  this,  Orloff  said,  he  had  declined  to  have  any- 
thing more  to  do  with  those  affairs,  and  had  retired  in  dis- 
gust. He  thought  Nicholas's  mind  had  undergone  a  change 
after  he  had  reached  sixty  years  of  age. 

Clarendon  said  he  was  delighted  with  the  Emperor  and 
liked  him  better  and  better  every  time  he  saw  him.  I  met 
Walewski,  who  said  he  wanted  to  talk  to  me,  when  he  ex- 
pressed great  anxiety  to  know  the  state  of  opinion  in  Eng- 
land, and  talked  of  the  chances  of  peace,  and  particularly 
wished  to  know  if  I  thought  Palmerston  really  and  sincerely 
desired  peace.  I  told  him  the  exact  truth  as  to  opinion  in 
England,  and  said  I  believed  Palmerston  was  now  sincere  in 
wishing  to  make  peace,  but  that  it  was  in  his  nature  to  be 
exigeant,  and  he  thought  it  necessary  to  be  so  now  because 
it  was  of  great  moment  to  him  to  present  to  the  country  a 
peace  with  as  many  concessions  as  possible  from  Eussia.  I 
said  it  depended  on  France  after  all,  and  then  I  found  that 
while  they  thought  Bomarsund  ought  to  be  an  indispensable 
condition,  Nicolaieff  ought  not ;  and  so  we  parted,  and  I 
promised  to  dine  with  him  on  Monday. 

This  morning  after  breakfast  I  had  a  long  conversation 
with  Cowley.  He  did  not  speak  despondingly  of  the  peace, 
but  he  dilated  on  the  difficulty  of  coming  to  satisfactory 
terms,  and  such  as  Clarendon  could  consent  to,  which  he 
attributes  principally  to  the  French,  who,  having  gained  all 
the  glory  they  want  for  the  satisfaction  of  their  national  van- 
ity, have  no  longer  any  desire  to  go  on  with  the  war,  and  we 
are  placed  by  them  in  a  fix.  "If,"  he  said,  "  our  army  was 
in  Asia  Minor  he  should  not  care,  because  then  we  might  say 
to  them,  Do  just  what  you  please,  make  peace  if  it  suits  you, 
we  shall  not  resent  it  or  have  any  quarrel  with  you,  but  we 
will  carry  on  the  war  on  our  own  account.  As  it  is,  if  we 
insist  on  renewing  the  war,  the  French  cannot,  and  would 


1856.]  MADAME   DE   LIEVEN   OX   THE   WAR.  295 

not  abandon  us,  and  leave  us  to  be  attacked  by  superior 
Russian  armies ;  they  would  therefore  very  reluctantly  go 
on  with  the  war,  but  it  would  be  well  known  that  we  were 
dragging  them  on  with  us,  and  the  exasperation  against 
us  would  be  great  and  general,  and,  say  what  we  might, 
a  quarrel  between  France  and  England  would  infallibly  en- 
sue." He  said  all  the  objections  he  had  entertained  against 
Paris  being  the  place  of  conference  had  been  more  than 
realised,  and  that  the  thing  to  have  done  would  have  been 
to  have  it  in  some  dull  German  town,  where  there  would 
have  been  no  amusements  and  occupations,  and  no  intrigues, 
and  where  they  would  have  applied  themselves  vigorously  to 
their  work  in  order  to  get  it  done  as  quickly  as  possible.  I 
have  not,  however,  as  yet  made  out  what  intrigues  there 
are,  but  there  is  of  course  a  vast  deal  of  commerage  going  on. 

The  conferences  take  place  every  other  day,  beginning  at 
one,  and  they  generally  last  about  four  hours.  Walewski 
presides,  and,  they  say,  does  it  pretty  well  ;  M.  Benedetti, 
the  Chef  de  Departement  in  the  Foreign  Office,  is  the  Proto- 
collist  and  Redacteur ;  the  manner  of  it  is  conversational, 
but  they  occasionally  make  speeches,  Walewski  told  me. 
I  asked  Clarendon  in  the  evening  how  they  were  going  on, 
and  he  said  he  thought  they  were  making  a  little  progress, 
but  that  the  French  did  all  they  could  to  render  it  impossible. 

I  called  on  Madame  de  Lieven  in  the  morning,  who  did 
not  seem  to  know  much  beyond  what  lies  on  the  surface. 
She  is  craving  for  news  and  eager  for  peace.  Orloff  has  kept 
aloof  from  her,  to  her  great  mortification,  and  rather  to  the 
malicious  satisfaction  of  her  enemies,  but  he  went  to  see  her 
at  last  the  day  before  yesterday,  and,  I  suppose,  accounted 
for  the  delay,  for  she  spoke  of  him  as  if  they  were  friends, 
though  of  course  she  would  take  care  not  to  say  a  word  of 
complaint  or  to  have  it  supposed,  if  she  could  help  it,  that 
he  had  neglected  her.  She  complained  that  in  our  exiyeance 
we  did  not  make  allowance  enough  for  the  difficulties  of 
the  Emperor  of  Russia's  position,  for,  however  necessary 
peace  might  be  to  Russia,  there  is  a  very  great  party  there 
who  from  pride  and  obstinacy  would  carry  on  the  war  at 
all  risks  and  hazards.  She  talked  much  of  the  enormous 
faults  that  had  been  committed  throughout  the  whole  of  the 
Eastern  Question,  and  of  the  severe  retribution  the  pride 
of  the  late  Emperor  had  drawn  down  on  his  country,  and 
remarked,  which  is  quite  true,  that  this  would  be  the  first 


296  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

time  in  the  history  of  Russia  in  which  she  had  made  a  dis- 
advantageous peace  ;  for  even  in  her  wars  against  Napoleon, 
when  she  had  suffered  defeat  after  defeat,  she  had  still  con- 
cluded peace  with  a  gain  of  territory.  I  saw  the  Hollands, 
Guizot  at  Madame  de  Lieven's  door,  called  on  Lady  Claren- 
don, and  then  went  to  ride  with  Lady  Cowley  in  the  Bois, 
and  so  the  evening  and  the  morning  were  the  first  day.  The 
weather  is  cold  and  gloomy,  and  I  don't  think  I  shall  stay 
here  long. 

March  3d. — Went  about  visiting  yesterday,  and  at  night 
to  the  Tuileries,  an  evening  party  and  play,  two  small  pieces  ; 
the  Emperor  was  very  civil  to  me  as  usual,  came  up  to  me 
and  shook  hands  ;  he  talked  to  Orloff  and  to  Clarendon,  then 
the  Grande  Maitresse  told  him  the  Empress  was  ready,  when 
he  went  out  and  came  hack  with  her  on  his  arm,  Mathilde, 
Princess  Murat,  and  Plon  Plon  following.  As  the  Emperor 
passed  before  me,  he  stopped  and  presented  me  to  the  Em- 
press. I  was  introduced  to  Orloff,  and  in  the  course  of  the 
evening  had  a  long  talk  with  Brunnow,  who  said  they  had 
made  all  the  advances  and  concessions  they  could,  and  it  was 
for  us  to  move  toward  peace,  and  not  to  advance  one  step 
and  then  retreat  two. 

This  morning  I  went  to  see  the  opening  of  the  legislative 
bodies,  and  hear  the  Emperor's  Speech.  It  was  a  gay  and 
pretty  sight,  so  full  of  splendor  and  various  colors,  but 
rather  theatrical.  He  read  his  speech  very  well  and  the 
substance  of  it  gave  satisfaction  ;  it  was  not  easy  to  compose 
it,  but  he  did  it  exceedingly  well,  and  steered  clear  of  the 
ticklish  points  with  great  adroitness  and  tact.  It  sounded 
odd  to  English  ears  to  hear  a  Royal  Speech  applauded  at  the 
end  of  each  paragraph,  and  the  shouts  of  "  Vive  PEmpereur  " 
from  the  Senators  and  Deputies. 

After  Cowley  came  home  he  began  talking  over  the  state 
of  affairs,  and  the  peace  we  are  going  to  make,  about  which 
his  grief  and  disappointment  are  overflowing.  He  says  the 
Emperor  had  the  best  intentions,  but  has  been  beset  with 
men  who  were  determined  on  peace  for  their  own  ends,  and 
whom  he  could  not  resist.  What  he  blames  him  for  is  not 
having  at  once  said  that  he  would  go  so  far  with  us  and  no 
further,  and  not  have  allowed  us  to  delude  ourselves  with 
expectations  of  support  from  him  that  were  not  to  be  real- 
ised. He  says  it  is  now  all  over,  the  matter  decided,  it  will 
proceed  rapidly,  and  all  be  finished  by  Easter. 


1856.]  A  DINXEP.  AT  COUNT  WALEWSKI'3.  297 

At  night.-*-!  have  been  dining  with  Walewski,  a  very 
handsome  dinner  to  the  Sardinians,  and  a  party  afterward. 
Knowing  none  of  the  people,  it  was  a  bore  ;  I  found  nobody 
to  converse  with  but  Cavour  and  Flahault ;  talked  over  the 
state  of  affairs  with  the  latter  and  our  discontents.  He  said 
the  Emperor  could  not  refuse,  and  when  Clarendon  came 
over  and  found  His  Majesty's  conversation  so  satisfactory,  he 
was  misled  by  it  and  fancied  he  should  obtain  his  support  to 
all  our  demands ;  he  owned  that  it  would  have  been  better 
if  the  Emperor  had  been  more  explicit.  When  I  got  home 
I  found  Cowley,  who  was  engaged  in  drawing  up  a  statement 
of  the  comparative  state  of  Russia,  as  to  her  aggressive  power 
against  Turkey  before  the  war  and  now,  after  peace  has  been 
made.  He  is  doing  this  for  Clarendon  and  to  assist  him  in 
making  his  case  good  in  Parliament  when  the  peace  is  at- 
tacked, as  he  says  it  is  quite  certain  it  will  be.  I  asked  him 
what  were  the  points  on  which  the  Russians  made  the  most 
difficulty.  He  said  on  all  except  Bomarsund.  He  is  quite 
convinced  that  Walewski  has  played  false,  and  that  he  has 
made  known  to  Orloff  exactly  what  he  must  give  up,  and 
when  he  may  be  stout. 

March  5th. — Little  to  record  ;  Cowley  continues  talking 
to  me  of  the  state  of  affairs  as  it  is  and  as  it  might  have  been, 
and  is  excessively  dejected  and  disgusted  at  the  idea  of  the 
peace  he  is  about  to  sign  ;  he  thinks  it  neither  creditable  nor 
likely  to  be  durable,  but  we  start  from  such  different  points 
of  view  that  it  is  impossible  for  us  to  agree.  He  harps  upon 
the  evil  done  by  having  the  Conference  here,  and  certainly 
the  advantage  Clarendon  promised  himself  from  having  it 
here  has  proved  null,  for  the  Emperor  does  not  send  for  him, 
having  no  mind  to  talk  to  him,  and  he  will  not  ask  an  audi- 
ence of  the  Emperor,  though  Cowley  urges  him  very  much 
to  do  it.  He  acknowledges,  however,  that  it  would  be  now 
too  late,  and  that  nothing  more  can  be  done  ;  he  thinks 
Clarendon  will  bring  himself  with  great  reluctance  to  sign 
such  a  Treaty  ;  but  he  must  swallow  the  pill,  however  bitter. 
The  bitterness  proceeds  from  having  had  such  vast  preten- 
sions and  having  encouraged,  if  not  held,  such  lofty  lan- 
guage. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  this  Government  want  to  get  their 
army  home  when  typhus  is  raging  there,  and  they  have  by 
their  own  account  22,000  men  in  hospital,  while  ours  is  quite 
healthy.  We  took  all  sorts  of  precautions,  and  strongly  ad- 


298  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XL 

vised  the  Freuch  to  do  the  same,  and  to  adopt  a  sanitary  plan 
we  imparted  to  them  ;  they  held  it  cheap,  did  nothing,  and 
here  are  the  consequences.  It  is  said  that  while  those  who 
have  been  in  the  Crimea  and  have  distinguished  themselves 
are  eager  for  peace,  those  who  have  not  yet  earned  medals 
are  averse  to  peace,  and  that  there  will  be  a  good  deal  of 
jealonsy  between  the  regiments. 

March  6th. — We  talked  yesterday  morning  about  the  ori- 
gin of  the  Austrian  proposals,  and  Cowley  said  he  had  never 
been  able  exactly  to  make  out  whether  the  scheme  had  origi- 
nated at  Vienna  or  here,  but  he  was  inclined  to  believe  that 
the  first  hint  was  given  by  Austria,  and  that  Walewski  then 
put  the  thing  on  paper,  which  was  sent  to  Vienna  and  re- 
turned thence  in  the  shape  of  a  proposal.  Bourqueney  first 
brought  it  from  Vienna,  Buol  having  obtained  his  Emperor's 
consent  to  it.  Cowley  told  me  Buol  had  been  all  along  will- 
ing to  join  us  in  the  war.  but  the  Emperor  never  would  con- 
sent to  it.  Cowley's  notions  are  that  we  never  ought  to  have 
listened  to  any  intervention,  nor  to  any  proposals  for  peace 
but  from  Kussia  herself,  that  we  should  have  made  her  sue 
for  peace.  He  would  have  had  our  demands  from  the  first 
stated  distinctly,  and  have  allowed  of  nothing  but  accept- 
ance or  refusal ;  he  would  never  have  agreed  to  the  article 
for  the  cession  of  Bessarabia,  nor  have  asked  for  territory  at 
all.  If  it  could  have  been  managed  he  would  have  preferred 
giving  the  Principalities  to  Austria,  who  should  for  them 
ive  up  Lombardy  to  Sardinia.  Not  a  bad  idea.  By  the 
r,  it  is  much  noticed  that  in  the  Emperor's  Speech  he  calls 
e  King  of  Sardinia  the  King  of  Piedmont,  probably  with- 
out any  particular  meaning  or  intention,  but  they  say  he 
never  does  anything  without  a  meaning.  I  rode  to  the  new 
racecourse  yesterday,  near  the  Bois  de  Boulogne,  and  went 
to  the  Opera  last  night  to  see  a  beautiful  new  ballet,  "Le 
Corsaire."  Went  to  Passy  to  see  the  Delesserts,  who  were 
out. 

In  this  head  quarter  of  gossip  every  trifle  makes  a  noise, 
a  little  scene  in  society  excites  interest  and  shows  the  con- 
tinued violence  of  party  feeling.  A  party  dined  at  Lord 
Holland's  and  more  came  in  the  evening,  mostly,  as  it  hap- 
pened, Orleanists,  for  the  Hollands  live  with  all  parties  in- 
discriminately. There  were  Mesdames  de  Eemusat,  d'Haus- 
sonville,  and  several  others  of  that  color,  when  the  door 
opened  and  MM.  de  Flahault  and  Morny  were  announced, 


the 


1856.]  DEJECTION  OF  LORD  COWLEY.  299 

on  which  the  women  all  jumped  up  like  a  covey  of  partridges 
and  walked  out  of  the  room,  without  taking  any  notice  of 
the  men.  It  is  said  that  the  Orleanist  party  entertain  a  pe- 
culiar rancor  against  M.  de  Flahault  for  having  seen  behind 
a  door  or  a  curtain  the  arrest  of  General  Changarnier  on  the 
2d  of  December,  which  he  afterward  had  the  folly  to  avow. 

At  night. — Just  before  dinner  came  an  invitation  to  go 
to  the  Tuileries  to-night,  which  with  much  reluctance  I  was 
forced  to  do.  Two  petites  pieces  as  on  Sunday.  I  did  not 
attempt  to  get  into  the  gallery,  and  sat  in  the  next  room, 
first  with  Brunnow,  then  with  the  Grand  Vizier,  who  is  be- 
come a  great  friend  of  mine.  The  Emperor  did  nothing  but 
take  off  one  Plenipotentiary  after  another  :  first  Clarendon, 
next  Buol,  then  Orloff,  and  lastly  Walewski,  and  probably 
more  was  done  there  than  at  the  Conference  in  the  morning. 
Brunnow  and  Walewski  both  told  me  the  affair  was  progress- 
ing, and  Cowley  seemed  very  low  coming  home.  His  dejec- 
tion is  extreme,  and  he  said  this  morning  that  he  could  not 
recover  from  his  extreme  disappointment  at  the  conduct  of 
the  Emperor,  that  he  had  always  had  a  bad  opinion  of  Walew- 
ski, and  no  reliance  on  him  or  any  of  the  ministers,  but  he 
would  have  staked  his  life  on  the  Emperor's  remaining  true 
to  us,  that  he  had  always  assured  our  Government  that  they 
might  depend  implicitly  on  him,  and  it  was  a  bitter  mortifi- 
cation to  him  to  have  been  deceived  himself  and  to  deceive 
them.  I  asked  him  how  Clarendon  felt  all  this,  and  he  said 
Clarendon  had  never  spoken  to  him  about  it,  and  preserved 
a  calmness  which  astonished  him.  "  What,"  I  asked,  "did 
the  Cabinet  at  home  say?"  He  said,  "They  seemed  to 
place  entire  confidence  in  Clarendon,  and  to  leave  all  power 
and  responsibility  to  him." 

March  8th. — Called  on  M.  de  Greffuhle  yesterday,  whom 
I  had  not  seen  for  years.  He  is  eighty,  enormously  rich, 
full  of  activity  and  intelligence,  Orleanist  by  social  habits, 
but  well  affected  toward  this  Government  and  not  hostile  to 
the  Emperor,  though  despising  his  Government.  He  said 
that  he  was  compelled  to  make  peace,  and  that  it  would  cost 
him  his  Crown  if  he  did  not ;  that  something  would  happen 
and  then  he  would  be  upset,  so  great  would  be  the  conse- 
quences of  his  running  counter  to  the  universal  desire  for 
peace  here  ;  that  the  finances  are  in  a  very  difficult  state  and 
there  must  be  another  loan,  but  it  would  not  be  contracted 
like  the  last,  which  was  a  piece  of  absurd  charlaiancrie. 


300  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XL 

I  went  in  the  afternoon  to  see  the  Imperial  stables,  a 
wonderful  establishment ;  and  then  the  stallions,  near  Passy. 
In  the  evening  to  Madame  Baudon's,  where  I  was  presented 
to  General  Cavaignac,  but  had  no  conversation  with  him. 
He  is  a  tall,  gentlemanlike  man,  with  a  very  military  air.  1 
was  surprised  to  see  him  there  in  the  midst  of  the  Legiti- 
mists, he,  a  republican,  but  it  seems  he  was  once  near  mar- 
rying Madame  Baudon,  who  was  sous-gouvernante  des  En- 
fants  de  France  when  Madame  de  Gontaut  was  Gouvernante. 

March  9th. — Went  about  visiting  as  usual.  Called  on 
Achille  Fould,  who  introduced  me  to  Magne,  Minister  of 
Finance,  said  to  be  a  great  rogue.  Everything  here  is  in- 
trigue and  jobbery,  and  I  am  told  there  is  a  sort  of  gang, 
of  which  Morny  is  the  chief,  who  all  combine  for  their  own 
purpose  and  advantage  :  Morny,  Fould,  Magne,  and  Rouher, 
Minister  of  Commerce.  They  now  want  to  get  out  Billault, 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  whom  they  cannot  entirely  manage, 
and  that  ministry  is  necessary  to  them  on  account  of  the 
railroads,  which  are  under  his  management.  Fould  was  full 
of  civilities  and  offers  of  services,  and  he  told  me  the  Em- 
peror has  a  mind  to  talk  to  me  ;  whether  anything  will  conic 
of  it  I  know  not.  I  went  thence  to  Madame  de  Galliera's, 
where  I  met  Thiers  and  made  a  rendezvous  with  him  for  to- 
day ;  then  to  Madame  de  Lieven,  who  had  had  Orloff  with 
her ;  lastly  to  Madame  de  Girardin  and  renewed  our  old 
acquaintance,  dined  with  Delmar,  and  came  home  to  a  great 
party  here. 

March  IQth. — I  called  on  Thiers  yesterday,  and  had  a 
long  talk  with  him  ;  he  declared  he  was  happier  unemployed 
and  quite  free  than  he  had  ever  been  ;  he  had  been  all  for 
the  war,  and  was  now  as  much  for  peace — like  every  other 
Frenchman  he  considered  it  a  necessity  ;  anxious  as  ever  for 
the  English  alliance,  and  ridiculed  the  idea  that  we  had  not 
accomplished  everything  that  our  honor  and  glory  required  ; 
bitter  against  this  Government,  and  maintained  that  the 
Emperor  might  very  safely  relax  the  severity  of  it  without 
giving  up  anything  ;  indignant  with  the  peculation  and  cor- 
ruption that  prevailed,  and  the  abominable  acts  of  injustice 
committed,  one  of  which  he  mentioned  towards  his  own 
family.  Very  pleasant  as  usual. 

The  news  of  the  day  was  the  dangerous  illness  of  King 
Jerome,  whose  life  hangs  on  a  thread.  This  morning  I  went 
to  St.  Germains  to  see  a  stag  hunt  in  the  forest — a  curious 


1336.]  A  CONCERT  AT  WALEWSKI'S.  301 

sight,  with  the  old-fashioned  meute ;  the  officers,  and  those 
privileged  to  wear  the  uniform,  in  embroidered  coats,  jack- 
boots, and  cocked  hats  ;  piqueurs  on  horseback  and  foot  with 
vast  horns  wound  round  their  bodies  ;  the  costume  and  the 
sport  exactly  as  in  the  time  of  Louis  XIV.,  rather  tiresome 
after  a  time.  The  old  chateau  is  a  melancholy  delabre  build- 
ing, sad  as  the  finishing  career  of  its  last  Royal  inhabitant. 
These  recollections  come  thick  upon  one — Anne  of  Austria 
and  the  Fronde,  Louis  XIV.  and  Mademoiselle  de  la  Valli^re 
— for  here  their  lives  began.  When  the  Queen  was  here  she 
insisted  on  being  taken  up  to  see  Mademoiselle  de  la  Valliere's 
apartment,  to  mark  which  some  slight  ornaments  remain. 
Here  too  James  II.  held  his  dismal  Court  and  came  to  his 
unhappy  and  bigoted  end.  After  it  ceased  to  be  a  palace,  it 
became  successively  a  prison,  a  school,  and  a  barrack,  and 
now  the  Emperor  has  a  fancy  to  restore  it.  I  went  at  night 
to  a  great  concert  at  Walewski's,  where  I  fell  in  with  Clar- 
endon, and  found  he  was  quite  prepared  to  make  peace  even 
on  such  terms  as  he  can  get,  in  which  I  encouraged  him, 
and  to  my  surprise  he  said  he  did  not  think  it  would  be  a 
bad  peace,  though  it  was  not  so  good  as  we  might  have  got 
if  the  generals  had  done  all  they  might,  or  if  we  had  had 
another  campaign.  He  asked  me  how  I  thought  people 
would  look  on  it  in  England,  and  I  told  him  from  all  I 
heard  I  thought  now  the  wish  was  for  peace,  and  that  the 
peace  would  be  well  enough  taken.  This  he  now  thinks 
himself,  and  he  said  peace  would  certainly  be  concluded  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  month. 

March  I5(h. — From  Cowley's  account  the  Conferences 
appear  to  be  drawing  to  an  end,  as  a  committee  has  been 
formed  to  draw  up  the  Treaty.  It  consists  of  Cowley,  Bonr- 
queney,  Brunnow,  Cavour,  Buol,  and  the  Grand  Vizier. 
Cowley  is  still  bemoaning  the  insufficiency  of  the  terms,  and 
while  he  admits  the  necessity  of  peace  here,  maintains  that  if 
the  Emperor  would  only  have  joined  us  in  insisting  upon  the 
terms  we  wished  to  impose,  it  is  certain  the  Russians  would 
have  consented  to  everything,  for  he  says  they  now  know 
from  unquestionable  information  that  the  Russians  expected 
much  harder  terms.  The  Emperor  was,  however,  so  beset  by 
his  entourage,  and  so  afraid  of  running  the  slightest  risk  of 
the  Russians  breaking  off  the  negotiations,  that  he  would 
not  insist  on  anvthing  which  he  was  not  certain  the  Russians 
would  agree  to^  and  Cowley  says  he  thinks  Clarendon  was 


302  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XI. 

not  so  firm  as  he  might  have  been,  and  if  he  had  pressed  the 
Emperor  more  strongly,  that  the  latter  would  have  yielded 
and  told  Or! off  that,  though  anxious  to  make  peace,  he  was 
still  more  anxious  to  continue  on  good  terms  with  us,  and 
that  if  the  Russian  Government  wanted  peace,  they  would 
only  have  it  on  such  and  such  terms.  All  this  may  be  true, 
and  I  am  myself  inclined  to  think  the  Russians  would  have 
agreed  to  our  terms,  if  those  terms  had  been  heartily  backed 
up  by  the  Emperor ;  but  except  to  give  something  more  of 
a  triumph  to  the  English  public,  I  am  not  of  opinion  that 
the  difference  between  what  we  required  and  what  we  shall 
get  is  worth  much.  When  the  denouement  is  before  the 
world,  it  will  appear  how  insane  it  was  to  plunge  into  such 
a  war,  and  that  the  confusion  and  unsettled  state  of  affairs 
which  will  be  the  result  of  it  are  more  dangerous  to  the  sta- 
bility of  the  Turkish  Empire  than  the  ambitious  designs  of 
Russia  ever  were.  Whether  the  Emperor  Nicholas  was  pre- 
mature or  not  in  his  idea  of  "the  sick  man,"  it  will  soon 
appear  how  sick  the  man  will  be  left  by  the  doctors  who 
have  stepped  in  to  save  him,  and  I  believe  the  bouleversement 
of  the  old  Turkish  dominion  will  have  been  greatly  acceler- 
ated by  the  war  and  the  consequences  which  will  flow  from 
the  successes  of  the  allies. 

What  Cowley  particularly  laments  over  is  having  failed 
to  dismantle  Nicolaieff  and  to  stop  the  outlet  from  the  Bug 
to  the  Black  Sea,  and  having  got  no  satisfactory  arrange- 
ment with  regard  to  the  Circassian  coast  and  the  contiguous 
provinces  which  were  ceded  to  Russia  by  the  Treaty  of 
Adrianople.  We  wanted  that  Russia  should  acknowledge 
the  independence  of  these  provinces  or  of  some  part  of  them  ; 
but  I  cannot  see  of  what  use  this  would  have  been,  and  it 
would  have  been  a  matter  of  the  greatest  difficulty  how  to 
secure  their  independence  and  under  what  Government. 
There  is  a  sort  of  sympathy  with  the  Circassians  in  England, 
which  would  have  made  some  stipulations  with  regard  to 
them  popular  ;  but  the  independence  would  be  illusory,  Rus- 
sia would  soon  reassert  her  authority,  and  our  stipulations 
would  become  a  dead  letter,  or  we  should  be  involved  in  end- 
less disputes  without  any  satisfactory  results.  As  to  form- 
ing another  coalition  for  the  sake  of  semi-barbarous  nation- 
alities on  the  coasts  of  the  Caspian,  nothing  would  be  more 
impossible.  England  herself,  who  will  soon  recover  from  her 
madness,  would  not  hear  of  it,  and  France  still  less.  The 


1856.]  BIRTH  OF  THE  PRINCE  IMPERIAL.  303 

war  was  founded  in  delusion  and  error,  and  carried  on  by  a 
factitious  and  ignorant  enthusiasm,  and  we  richly  deserve  to 
reap  nothing  but  mortification  and  disappointment  in  return 
for  all  the  blood  and  treasure  we  have  spent. 

March  16th. — We  passed  the  day  in  momentary  expecta- 
tion of  hearing  of  the  Empress's  confinement.  No  news 
arrived,  but  at  six  in  the  morning  we  were  awakened  from 
our  beds  by  the  sound  of  the  cannon  of  the  Invalides,  which 
gave  notice  of  a  son.  Will  his  fortune  be  more  prosperous 
than  that  of  the  other  Royal  and  Imperial  heirs  to  the  throne 
whom  similar  salvos  have  proclaimed  ?  It  is  a  remarkable 
coincidence  that  the  confinement  was  as  difficult  and  dan- 
gerous as  that  of  Marie  Louise,  with  the  same  symptoms 
and  circumstances,  and  that  the  doctor  accoucheur  (Dubois) 
in  this  instance  was  the  son  of  the  Dubois  who  attended  the 
other  Empress.  From  all  I  hear  the  event  was  received 
here  with  good  will,  but  without  the  least  enthusiasm,  though 
with  some  curiosity,  and  the  Tuileries  Gardens  were  crowded. 
People  were  invited  by  the  police  to  illuminate. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

Lord  Clarendon's  favorable  View  of  the  Peace— General  Evans'  Proposal  to  embark  after 
the  Battle  of  Inker-man — Sir  K.  Lyons  defends  Lord  Italian — Peace  concluded — Sir  J. 
Graham's  gloomy  View  of  Affairs — Edward  Elliee's  Plan— Favorable  Eeception  of  the 
Peace— A  Lull  in  Politics— A  Sabbatarian  Question— The  Trial  of  Palmer  for  Murder- 
Defeat  of  the  Opposition— Danger  of  War  with  the  United  States— Ristori  as  an 


nation  at  Moscow — Interference  at  Naples— Foreign  Relations — Progress  of  Democ- 


pointment— James  Wortley  Solicitor-General— Conference  on  the  Treaty  of  Pails- 
Low  Church  Bishops— Leadership  of  the  Opposition— Coolness  In  Paris—Dictatorial 
Policy  to  Brazil. 

London,  March  21st,  Good  Friday.— I  left  Paris  on  Wednes- 
day morning  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Keeve,  dined  at  Boulogne, 
crossed  over  in  the  evening,  and  arrived  in  London  yesterday 
morning  at  eleven  o'clock.  When  near  Folkestone  we  were 
caught  ^in  a  fog,  lost  our  way,  and  were  very  near  having 
to  anchor  and  pass  the  night  at  sea.  After  a  vast  deal  of 
whistling  and  bellowing,  stopping  and  going  on,  the  fog 


304  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

cleared  a  little,  lights  became  visible,  and  we  entered  the 
harbor  with  no  other  inconvenience  than  having  made 
a  long  detour,  and  being  an  hour  later  than  our  proper 
time.  I  regretted  leaving  Paris,  where  I  was  treated  with 
so  much  affection  and  hospitality,  and  on  the  whole  very 
well  amused.  On  Monday,  I  dined  with  the  Duchesse  de 
Mouchy ;  on  Tuesday  night  Clarendon  came  after  dinner 
to  see  me  before  my  departure,  and  we  had  some  talk  about 
the  peace  and  the  terms.  He  spoke  very  cheerfully  about 
it,  and  seems  not  at  all  dissatisfied,  nor  to  feel  any  alarm 
about  its  reception.  As  it  is,  without  at  all  acknowledging 
that  he  has  made  any  sacrifices,  he  considers  that  the  in- 
fluence he  has  acquired  for  England,  particularly  with 
Austria  and  Turkey,  is  far  more  valuable  than  any  items  of 
concession  from  Russia  would  have  been.  Buol  told  him 
that  he  was  now  quite  convinced  that  England  was  the 
Power  to  which  Austria  must  really  look  with  confidence  and 
reliance  on  her  honor  and  friendship,  and  the  Turk  was  still 
more  warm  and  vehement  in  assurances  of  the  same  kind, 
This  was  elicited  from  the  Austrians  by  the  fact  of  England 
having  supported  the  condition  of  the  Bessarabian  cession, 
while  France  took  part  with  Eussia  and  threw  Austria  over. 
Moreover,  Clarendon  does  not,  like  Cowley,  complain  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  but  speaks  with  great  satisfaction  of  His 
Majesty's  conduct  to  him,  and  the  renewed  cordiality  with 
which  he  has  recently  expressed  himself  toward  England, 
and  for  the  maintenance  of  his  alliance  with  us.  In  short, 
he  evidently  thinks,  and  not  without  reason,  that  he  will 
return,  having  obtained  a  sufficiently  good  peace,  and  having 
placed  England  in  a  very  fine  position.  He  said  that  he  had 
been  able  to  accomplish  his  task  by  being  ready  to  incur 
responsibility  at  home,  and  by  being  able  to  act  unfettered, 
and  taking  on  himself  to  disregard  any  instructions  or  recom- 
mendations from  home  that  he  did  not  approve  of.  Yester- 
day I  saw  George  Lewis  and  had  a  talk  with  him  and  his 
wife  about  Clarendon  and  the  peace.  He  said  he  thought  the 
peace  quite  sufficient  and  he  did  not  understand  what  it  was 
Cowley  found  fault  with,  nor  why  he  is  dissatisfied.  He 
denies  that  we  have  given  up  anything  that  it  would  have 
been  just  and  reasonable  to  stand  out  upon,  and  will  not 
hear  of  taking  an  apologetic  tone,  but  that  Clarendon  should 
defend  the  peace  on  its  own  merits.  He  thinks  it  will  be 
well  enough  received  in  the  House  of  Commons  and  by  the 


1856.]  SIR  EDMUND   LYONS'S  NARRATIVE.  305 

country,  and  he  is  in  good  spirits  about  the  Government. 
He  says  Palmerston  has  been  moderate  and  reasonable,  and 
that  he  is  not  aware  of  Clarendon's  having  been  harassed 
with  any  instructions,  but  left  entirely  to  his  own  discretion. 
They  all  think  he  has  done  exceedingly  well. 

March  29th. — I  went  to  Hatchford  on  Saturday  last ;  on 
Wednesday  to  Althorp.  I  met  Sir  Edmund  Lyons  at  Hatch- 
ford,  who  talked  incessantly  about  the  incidents  of  the  war 
and  the  conduct  of  the  people  concerned  in  it,  and  very  in- 
teresting his  talk  was,  for  besides  having  been  one  of  the 
most  conspicuous  and  important  actors  in  it,  he  was  com- 
pletely in  the  confidence  of  the  Commanders-in-Chief,  and 
consulted  by  them  on  every  occasion  and  with  regard  to  all 
operations.  He  told  us  what  had  passed  between  Evans  and 
Raglan  and  between  Evans  and  himself  on  a  most  important 
occasion,  to  this  effect :  Evans  went  to  Raglan  immediately 
after  the  battle  of  Inkerman,  and  proposed  to  him  to  em- 
bark the  army  immediately,  leaving  their  guns,  and  (Lyons 
says  he  is  almost  certain)  their  sick  and  wounded  to  the  ene- 
my. Raglan  said,  "  But  you  forget  the  French  :  would  you 
have  us  abandon  them  to  their  fate  ? "  He  replied,  "  llTou 
are  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  English  army,  and  it  is  your 
business  to  provide  for  its  safety.  ..."  Raglan  would  not 
hear  of  the  proposal.  Almost  immediately  after  Evans  met 
Sir  Edmund  Lyons  and  told  him  what  had  passed  with 
Raglan,  and  urged  him  to  suggest  the  same  course.  Lyons 
made  the  same  observation  about  the  French  that  Raglan 
had  done,  and  said  one  of  two  things  would  happen  :  either 
the  French  would  take  Sebastopol  alone,  when  we  should  be 
covered  with  shame  and  dishonor,  or  they  would  fail  and 
probably  suffer  some  great  disaster.  The  expression  of 
"  perfide  Albion  "  had  long  been  current  in  France,  and  then 
indeed  it  would  be  well  deserved  and  would  become  a  per- 
petual term  of  reproach  against  us.  These  rebuffs  did  not 
prevent  Evans  going  on  board  ship  and  there  giving  out  that 
the  army  would  in  a  few  days  be  obliged  to  embark,  and 
Captain  Dacres  came  to  Lyons  and  told  him  he  heard  this 
was  going  to  happen.  Lyons  asked  him  where  he  had  heard 
this,  and  he  said  Evans  had  announced  it,  and  talked  of  it 
unreservedly  as  certain  to  happen.  Lyons  said,  "  It  is  false  ; 
the  army  will  not  go  away,  and  Sebastopol  will  be  taken.  It 
is  very  mischievous  that  such  reports  should  circulate,  and  I 
order  you  not  to  allow  such  a  thing  to  be  said  by  anybody  on 


306  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIL 

board  your  ship,  and  to  contradict  it  in  the  most  positive 
manner." 

Everything  that  Lyons  said,  and  it  may  be  added  all  one 
hears  in  every  way,  tends  to  the  honor  and  the  credit  of  Rag- 
lan, and  I  am  glad  to  record  this  because  I  have  always  had 
an  impression  that  much  of  the  difficulty  and  distress  of  the 
army  in  1854  was  owing  to  his  want  of  energy  and  manage- 
ment. He  was  not  a  Wellington  certainly,  and  probably  he 
might  have  done  more  and  better  than  he  did,  but  he  was 
unquestionably,  on  the  whole,  the  first  man  in  the  army,  and 
if  he  had  not  been  continually  thwarted  by  the  French, 
would  have  done  more.  While  many  here  were  crying  out 
for  placing  our  army  under  the  command  of  French  generals, 
and  recalling  Raglan  (and  I  must  confess  I  had  myself  a  con- 
siderable leaning  that  way),  he  was  struggling  against  the 
shortcomings  or  the  inactivity  of  Canrobert  and  Pelissier. 
Canrobert  acknowledged  that  he  had  not  nerves  sufficient 
for  the  duties  of  his  station,  and  he  never  could  be  got  to 
agree  to  adopt  the  bold  offensive  movements  which  Raglan 
was  continually  urging  upon  him,  especially  after  the  battle 
of  Inkerman,  when  Raglan  entreated  him  to  follow  up  the 
discomfited  Russians,  his  whole  army  being  ready  and  not 
above  1.500  of  them  having  been  engaged.  With  Pelissier, 
Raglan  had  very  little  to  do,  for  his  death  occurred  soon  after 
Pelissier  took  the  command. 

Lyons  gave  us  an  interesting  account  of  Raglan's  last 
illness.  He  seemed  to  have  no  idea  that  he  was  in  serious 
danger,  nor  had  the  people  about  him.  At  last,  when  he  was 
so  rapidly  sinking  that  the  doctors  saw  his  end  was  approach- 
ing, and  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  apprise  him  thereof,  he 
would  not  believe  it,  and  he  insisted  to  his  aide-de-camp  who 
told  him  of  his  state  that  he  was  better,  and  he  fell  into  a 
state  of  insensibility  without  ever  having  been  conscious  of 
his  dying  condition.  One  of  the  best  authenticated  charges 
against  Raglan  was  that  of  his  not  showing  himself  to  his 
soldiers,  and  it  was  said  many  believed  that  he  had  quitted 
the  camp  ;  at  last  this  idea  became  so  prevalent  that  his  own 
staff  felt  the  necessity  of  something  being  said  to  him  about 
it,  but  none  dared,  for  it  seems  they  were  all  exceedingly 
afraid  of  him.  At  last  they  asked  Lyons  if  he  would  speak 
to  him  and  tell  him  what  was  said.  Lyons  said  he  had 
no  scruple  or  difficulty  in  so  doing,  and  told  him  plainly 
the  truth.  Raglan  not  only  took  it  in  good  part,  but 


1356.]  PEACE   CONCLUDED.  307 

thanked  him  very  much,  and  said  his  reason  for  not  riding 
round  all  the  divisions  was  that  he  could  not  prevent  the 
soldiers  turning  out  to  salute  him,  and  he  could  not  bear  to 
see  this  ceremony  done  by  the  men  who  had  been  all  night 
in  the  trenches  or  otherwise  exposed  to  fatigue,  and  that  this 
was  the  sole  reason  why  he  had  abstained,  but  henceforward 
he  would  make  a  point  of  riding  round  every  day,  and  so  he 
ever  after  did  ;  so  that  the  main  fact  as  reported  by  "  corre- 
spondents "  was  not  devoid  of  truth.  I  wish  I  could  recollect 
all  the  various  anecdotes  Lyons,  told  us,  but  I  neglected  to 
put  them  down  at  the  time,  and  now  they  have  faded  from 
my  memory.  He  discussed  the  qualities  of  the  English 
generals  with  reference  to  the  command  of  the  army  after 
Raglan's  death.  He  never  had  well  understood  why  it  was 
that  Colin  Campbell  was  always  considered  out  of  the 
question,  and  his  own  opinion  seemed  to  be  that  he  was  the 
fittest  man.  The  French  thought  so,  and  one  of  the  alleged 
reasons  against  him,  viz.,  that  he  could  not  speak  French,  was 
certainly  not  true.  Simpson  was  very  reluctant  to  take  the 
command  at  first,  and  wrote  home  to  say  so,  but  after  he  had 
received  certain  flattering  encouragements  his  opposition 
waxed  fainter,  and  by  the  time  it  was  taken  from  him  he 
became  anxious  to  retain  it.  Raglan  was  not  at  all  annoyed 
at  Simpson's  being  sent  there,  and  did  what  he  pleased  with 
him.  Simpson  never  attempted  to  interfere  with  him  or  to 
control  him  in  any  way,  but  on  the  contrary  was  entirely 
subservient  to  Raglan. 

April  1st. — News  of  peace  reached  London  on  Sunday 
evening,  and  was  received  joyfully  by  the  populace,  not  from 
any  desire  to  see  an  end  of  the  war,  but  merely  because  it  is 
a  great  event  to  make  a  noise  about.  The  newspapers  have 
been  reasonable  enough,  except  the  "  Sun,"  which  appeared 
in  deep  mourning  and  with  a  violent  tirade  against  peace. 

April  3d. — Yesterday  I  met  Graham  at  the  Council  Office, 
where  he  had  come  to  attend  a  committee.  Since  the  for- 
mation of  Aberdeen's  Government  three  years  ago  I  have 
hardly  ever  seen  him,  and  have  never  had  any  conversation 
with  him.  Yesterday  he  sat  down  and  began  talking  over 
the  state  of  affairs  generally,  and  the  prospects  of  the 
country,  which  he  considers  very  gloomy  and  full  of  danger, 
more  particularly  from  the  outrageous  license  of  the  press, 
which  has  now  arrived  at  a  pitch  perfectly  intolerable,  but 
which  it  is  impossible  to  check  or  control.  Then  the  total 


308  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIL 

destruction  of  parties  and  of  party  ties  and  connexions,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  antipathies  and  disagreements  of  such 
public  men  as  these  are.  He  says  there  is  not  one  man  in 
the  House  of  Commons  who  has  ten  followers,  neither  Glad- 
stone, nor  Disraeli,  nor  Palmerston.  The  Government  goes 
on  because  there  is  no  organized  opposition  prepared  and  able 
to  take  its  place,  and  the  Government  receives  a  sufficiency 
of  independent  support,  because  all  feel  that  the  business  of 
the  country  must  be  carried  on,  and  hitherto  Palmerston 
has  been  supported  as  a  War  Minister,  and  the  best  man  to 
carry  on  the  war  ;  but  Graham  is  very  doubtful  what  will 
happen  when  the  discussions  on  the  peace  and  all  matters 
relating  to  the  war  are  over,  and  other  questions  (principally 
of  domestic  policy)  come  into  play.  Palmerston,  always  san- 
guine, fancies  he  can  stand,  but  it  is  very  doubtful,  for  he  is 
not  backed  by  a  party  constituting  a  majority  ;  the  Treasury 
Bench  is  very  weak,  and  Palmerston  himself  a  poor  and 
inefficient  conductor  of  the  Government  in  the  House.  John 
Russell  has  taken  up  the  question  of  education,  which  he 
hopes  to  render  popular,  and  through  it  means  again  to 
recover  his  former  influence  and  authority.  He  said  that 
John  Russell  is  (in  spite  of  all  that  happened  last  year) 
more  looked  up  to  by  the  Whig  party  than  Palmerston, 
and  that  they  would  rather  have  him  for  their  leader,  as, 
notwithstanding  the  faults  he  has  committed,  he  is  by 
far  the  ablest  man,  has  a  much  greater  grasp  of  intellect, 
more  foresight,  and  is  much  more  of  a  statesman,  and  has 
more  fixed  principles.  Palmerston  (Graham  thinks)  has  a 
passionate  love  of  office  and  power,  and  will  cling  to  it  with 
tenacity  to  the  last,  and  never  resign  it  but  on  compulsion, 
not  caring  with  whom  he  acts,  nor  on  what  principles.  This, 
I  think,  is  partly  true  and  partly  false.  I  do  not  think  he 
cares  whom  he  acts  with,  but  I  do  not  believe  he  is  quite  in- 
different as  to  the  principles.  He  says  Lewis  has  done  well, 
and  is  liked  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  Gladstone  likes 
him  and  gives  him  a  cordial  support ;  that  Baines  is  a  good 
man,  and  those  two  are  the  most  respected  and  considered 
of  all  the  men  on  the  Treasury  Bench,  the  House  accepting 
their  sterling  qualities  in  place  of  greater  brilliancy  such  as 
Gladstone  can  command  ;  that  Gladstone  is  certainly  the 
ablest  man  there,  though  it  is  still  doubtful  whether  his 
talents  are  equal  to  such  an  emergency  as  the  present  to 
master  public  opinion,  enlist  it  on  his  side,  and  to  admiuis- 


1856.]   SIR  JAMES   GRAHAM   ON  THE   STATE   OF  PARTIES.      3Q9 

ter  the  Government  on  certain  principles  of  administrative 
reform,  which  Graham  himself  considers  necessary.  His 
religious  opinions,  in  which  he  is  zealous  and  sincere,  enter 
so  largely  into  his  political  conduct  as  to  form  a  very  serious 
obstacle  to  his  success,  for  they  are  abhorrent  to  the  majority 
of  this  Protestant  country,  and  (I  was  rather  surprised  to 
hear  him  say)  Graham  thinks  approach  very  nearly  to  Rome. 
Gladstone  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  any  Government 
unless  he  were  leader  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  when 
that  Government  is  formed,  there  should  be  previously  a 
clear  and  distinct  understanding  on  what  principles  it  was 
founded  and  what  their  course  of  action  should  be.  His 
tone  is  now  that  of  disclaiming  party  connections,  and  being 
ready  to  join  with  any  men  who  are  able  and  willing  to  com- 
bine in  carrying  out  such  measures  as  are  indispensably 
necessary  for  the  good  government  of  the  country,  such  a 
system  as  he  briefly  shadowed  out  in  his  speech  at  the  Man- 
sion House  the  other  day.  Graham's  idea  is,  that  iu  the 
event  of  this  Government  breaking  down,  the  best  chance  of 
another  being  formed  would  be  by  Clarendon  undertaking 
it,  whom  on  the  whole  he  regards  as  the  man  best  fitted  by 
his  experience  and  ability  to  be  at  the  head  of  affairs  ;  that 
he  and  Gladstone  might  be  brought  together,  but  would 
Lord  John  consent  to  go  to  the  Lords,  and  to  serve  under 
Clarendon  as  President  of  the  Council  and  Head  of  the  Edu- 
cation Department  ?  This  opens  questions  full  of  doubt  and 
difficulty.  Derby,  he  thinks,  has  no  desire  to  form  another 
Government,  and  would  prefer  to  go  on  as  he  is  now,  leader 
of  a  large  party  of  Peers  who  are  willing  to  follow  him  and 
to  make  the  House  of  Lords  one  of  the  scenes  and  instru- 
ments of  his  amusements  as  usual,  provided  it  supplies  him 
with  occupation  and  excitement,  indifferent  to  the  conse- 
quences and  to  the  mischief  he  may  do.  Disraeli  appears  to 
be  endeavoring  to  approach  Gladstone,  and  a  confederacy 
between  those  two  and  young  Stanley  is  by  no  means  an  im- 
probability. What  Stanley  is  disposed  to  do  and  capable  of 
doing  is  still  an  enigma,  and  although  his  speeches  are  not 
devoid  of  matter,  they  are  without  a  particle  of  the  spirit 
and  stirring  eloquence  of  his  father. 

The  change  which"  has  taken  place  in  the  country  pre- 
sents to  Graham  a  most  alarming  prospect.  Hitherto  it  has 
been  governed  by  parties,  and  patronage  has  been  the  great 
instrument  of  keeping  parties  together  ;  whereas  Sir  Robert 


310  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

Peel  has  destroyed  party,  which  had  now  entirely  ceased  to 
exist ;  and  between  the  press,  the  public  opinion  which  the 
press  had  made,  and  the  views  of  certain  people  in  Parlia- 
ment, of  whom  Gladstone  is  the  most  eminent  and  strenu- 
ous, patronage  was  either  -destroyed  or  going  rapidly  to 
destruction.  The  only  hope  of  escaping  from  great  perils 
was  in  that  broad  stratum  of  good  sense  and  firmness  which 
still  existed  in  the  country,  and  of  which  manifestations  had 
been  recently  given.  He  admires  the  resolute  and  unflinch- 
ing spirit  with  which  the  war  had  been  entered  into,  carried 
on,  and  the  country  was  quite  willing  to  persist  in  ;  and  not 
less  the  sensible  and  reasonable  manner  in  which  the  peace, 
by  which  they  were  mortified  and  disappointed,  had  been 
acquiesced  in,  for  he  says  that  it  is  beyond  all  question  that 
there  is  throughout  the  country  a  strong  feeling  of  mortifica- 
tion and  regret  that  we  have  not  played  a  more  brilliant 
part,  and  that  our  share  of  glory  has  been  less  than  that  of 
our  ally,  and  there  would  have  been  a  general  feeling  of  ex- 
ultation and  satisfaction  if  we  had  fought  another  campaign 
in  order  to  end  the  war  with  greater  eclat.  But  this  senti- 
ment has  been  sufficiently  mastered  by  prudent  considera- 
tions and  a  just  appreciation  of  the  circumstances  of  Europe 
generally,  and  of  our  relations  with  other  Powers,  to  check 
all  ebullitions  of  mortified  pride,  and  to  induce  a  prudent 
reserve  and  acquiesce  in  the  management  of  the  Government, 
and  in  a  spirit  like  this  there  appears  some  hope  for  the 
future.  We  had  a  very  long  talk  about  these  and  other 
matters,  the  substance  of  which  1  record  as  it  recurs  to  my 
mind. 

A  day  or  two  before  I  met  Ellice  at  Hillingdou,  where 
we  interchanged  our  thoughts,  and  a  good  deal  that  he  said 
was  much  in  Graham's  sense  :  that  this  Government  could 
not  stand  but  by  being  remodelled,  and  his  notion  is  that 
half  of  it  should  be  got  rid  of,  the  Peelites  taken  in,  and  Lord 
John  to  go  to  the  House  of  Lords  as  President  of  the  Coun- 
cil, Granville  taking  Cowley's  place  as  ambassador  at  Paris, 
and  Cowley  replacing  Stratford  Canning  at  Constantinople. 
A  propos  of  Stratford  Canning,  Graham  thinks  the  Opposi- 
tion will  attack  the  Government  and  not  the  ambassador  on 
the  case  of  Kars,  and  that  it  is  not  impossible  they  may 
carry  a  vote  of  censure  against  them,  which  I  told  him  I  did 
not  believe  was  possible,  or  that  they  could  be  able  to  carry 
any  resolution  affecting  the  Government  so  much  as  to  com- 


1856.]  PALMERSTON'S  POSITION  IMPROVED.  31 1 

pel  their  resignation,  and  I  suggested  to  him  how  fatal  this 
would  be  to  his  scheme  of  reorganizing  a  Government  under 
Clarendon,  as  such  censure  would  more  especially  touch  him, 
and  this  would  make  it  impossible  for  the  Queen  to  entrust 
the  formation  of  another  Government  to  his  hands. 

April  1th. — Since  my  conversation  with  Graham,  I  have 
learned  from  the  Duke  of  Bedford  that  Lord  John  is  not 
very  much  disinclined  to  go  to  the  House  of  Lords,  particu- 
larly as  his  position  in  reference  to  his  seat  for  the  City  is  so 
embarrassing.  The  Dissenters,  always  unreasonable  and  un- 
grateful, will  not  forgive  his  speech  upon  Church  Rates  the 
other  night,  and  his  general  popularity  is  gone.  Then  it  is 
probably  a  consideration  with  him  to  secure  to  his  family 
the  settlement  his  brother  will  make  on  him  if  he  takes  the 
peerage. 

London,  May  ±th. — For  nearly  a  month  I  have  let  this 
journal  fall  into  arrear,  during  which  period  the  most  in- 
teresting occurrences  have  been  the  return  of  Clarendon,  the 
publication  of  the  conditions  of  peace  with  the  accompany- 
ing protocols,  and  the  debate  upon  Kars.  With  regard  to 
the  peace,  Clarendon  comes  very  well  out  of  his  mission,  and 
no  fault  is  found  with  the  peace.  The  Kars  debate  was  a 
great  error  on  the  part  of  the  Opposition,  and  ended  with  a 
great  triumph  for  the  Government.  Just  before  it,  Palmer- 
ston  called  a  meeting  of  his  supporters,  where  he  harangued 
them  with  great  success,  and  managed  to  rally  them  round 
him  with  more  of  zeal  and  cordiality  than  they  have  hither- 
to shown.  His  position  is  certainly  improved,  and  accord- 
ing to  present  appearances  he  will  get  through  the  session 
without  much  difficulty.  All  agree  that  he  has  been  doing 
well  in  the  House  of  Commons ;  his  assiduity,  his  punctual 
attendance,  and  his  popular  manners  make  him  agreeable 
to  the  House,  and  he  has  exhibited  greater  facility  and  re- 
source in  dealing  with  all  sorts  of  miscellaneous  subjects 
than  anybody  gave  him  credit  for.  There  is  not  the  small- 
est danger  of  the  peace  proving  dangerous  to  him,  and  it  is 
evident  that  the  House  of  Commons,  however  independent 
and  undisciplined  it  may  be,  will  not  allow  him  to  be  placed 
in  any  danger,  and  is  determined  not  to  have  any  change 
of  Government  at  present.  The  Peelites  and  John  Rus- 
sell supported  him  and  had  nothing  else  to  do,  for  they  are 
neither  of  them  in  a  condition  to  attempt  to  play  a  game  of 
their  own. 


312  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIL 

May  l±th. — Every  day  my  disinclination  to  continue  this 
work  (which  is  neither  a  journal  nor  anything  else)  increases, 
but  I  have  at  the  same  time  a  reluctance  to  discontinue  en- 
tirely an  occupation  which  has  engaged  me  for  forty  years, 
and  in  which  I  may  still  find  from  time  to  time  something 
to  record  which  may  hereafter  be  deemed  worth  reading, 
and  so  at  long  intervals,  and  for  short  periods,  I  resume  my 
reluctant  pen. 

We  are  now  in  the  Whitsuntide  holidays,  in  a  profound 
political  and  parliamentary  calm,  the  Government  perfectly 
secure,  Palmerston  very  popular,  the  Opposition  disheartened 
and  disunited,  and  having  managed  their  matters  as  awk- 
wardly and  stupidly  as  possible,  attacking  the  Government 
on  questions  and  points  on  which  the  assailants  were  sure  to 
be  beaten,  and  strengthening  instead  of  weakening  it  by  their 
abortive  attempts.  There  was  great  difference  of  opinion 
among  them  about  fighting  battles,  on  Kars,  and  on  the 
peace  ;  Lynd hurst  and  Derby  were  against,  Disraeli  was  for. 
Roebuck,  whom  I  fell  in  with  on  Sunday  in  a  railway  train, 
told  me  that  if  they  had  laid  hold  of  the  one  point  of  the 
protocol  in  the  Belgian  press,  and  worked  this  well,  they 
might  have  put  the  Government  in  a  minority,  but  they 
missed  this  obvious  opportunity.1  I  called  on  Lyndhurst 
yesterday,  who  said  they  had  unaccountably  overlooked  this 
plausible  topic.  He  is  going  to  make  a  speech  on  Italy  when 
Parliament  meets,  and  we  agreed  entirely  that  either  too 
much  or  too  little  was  done  at  Paris  on  this  question,  and 
that  either  it  ought  not  to  have  been  entertained  and  dis- 
cussed at  all,  or  some  more*  decided  measures  ought  to  have 
been  adopted  with  regard  to  it.  To  stir  up  such  delicate 
questions,  and  leave  them  in  their  present  unhappy  condi- 
tion, is  an  egregious  error. 

The  questions  of  war  and  of  peace  having  now  ceased  to 
interest  and  excite  the  public  mind,  a  religious  question  has 
sprung  up  to  take  their  place  for  the  moment,  which  though 
not  at  present  of  much  importance,  will  in  all  probability 
lead  to  more  serious  consequences  hereafter.  Sir  Benjamin 
Hall  having  bethought  himself  of  providing  innocent  amuse- 
ment for  the  Londoners  on  Sunday,  established  a  Sunday 

1  [An  attempt  ha'l  been  made  at  the  Congress  of  Paris  by  Count  Walewski 
to  bring  forward  some  measure  or  resolution-  reflecting  on  tile  independence  of 
the  press  in  Belgium.  It  led  to  nothing,  but  Lord  Clarendon  was  accused  of  not 
having  protested  against  it  with  sufficient  energy.] 


1856.]  A   SABBATARIAN   QUESTION.  313 

playing  of  military  bands  in  Kensington  Gardens  and  in  the 
other  parks  and  gardens  about  the  metropolis,  which  has 
boon  carried  on,  with  the  sanction  of  the  Government,  with 
great  success  for  several  Sundays.  Some  murmurs  were 
heard  from  the  puritanical  and  Sabbatarian  party,  but  Palmer- 
eton  having  declared  himself  favorable  to  the  practice  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  the  opposition  appeared  to  cease.  The 
puritans,  however,  continued  to  agitate  against  it  in  meet- 
ings and  in  the  press,  though  the  best  part  of  the  latter  was 
favorable  to  the  bands,  and  at  last,  when  a  motion  in  Parlia- 
ment was  threatened  to  insist  on  the  discontinuance  of  the 
music,  the  Cabinet  thought  it  necessary  to  reconsider  the 
subject.  They  were  informed  that  if  the  Government  re- 
sisted the  motion  they  would  be  beaten,  and  moreover  that 
no  man  could  support  them  in  opposition  to  it  without  great 
danger  of  losing  his  seat  at  the  next  election.  It  is  stated 
that  the  Sabbatarians  are  so  united  and  numerous,  and  their 
organization  so  complete,  that  all  over  the  country  they 
would  be  able  to  influence  and  probably  carry  any  election, 
and  that  this  influence  would  be  brought  to  bear  against 
every  man  who  maintained  by  his  vote  this  "desecration  of 
the  Sabbath."  Accordingly  it  was  resolved  by  the  Cabinet 
to  give  way,  and  the  only  question  was  how  to  do  so  with 
anything  like  consistency  and  dignity.  The  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  was  made  the  "Deus  ex  machind"  to  effect  this 
object.  He  was  made  to  write  a  letter  to  the  Premier. repre- 
senting the  feelings  of  the  people  and  begging  the  bands 
might  be  silenced.  To  this  Palmerston  wrote  a  reply  in 
which  he  repeated  his  own  opinion  in  favor  of  the  music, 
but  that  in  deference  to  the  public  sentiment  he  would  put 
an  end  to  their  playing.  All  this  has  excited  a  good  deal  of 
interest  and  discussion.  For  the  present,  the  only  question 
is  whether  the  angry  public  will  not  vent  its  indignation  and 
resentment  to-morrow  in  acts  of  uproar  and  violence  ;  but 
though  these  acts  will  not  be  serious  or  lasting  if  they  do 
take  place,  it  may  be  expected  that  the  Sabbatarians  will  not 
rest  satisfied  with  their  triumph,  but  will  endeavor  to  make 
fresh  encroachments  on  our  free  will  and  our  habits  and  pur- 
suits, and  that  fresh  and  more  serious  contests  will  arise  out 
of  this  beginning. 

May  28th  (day  of  the  Derby). — Yesterday  on  Epsom  race- 
course arrived  the  news  of  P'almer's  being  found  guilty  of 
the  murder  of  Cook.  This  case  and  the  trial  have  excited 

14 


314  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

an  interest  almost  unprecedented,  unlike  anything  since  the 
case  of  Thurtell  about  twenty  years  ago  or  more.  People 
who  never  heard  of  either  of  the  men  took  the  deepest  in- 
terest in  it,  the  women  particularly,  though  there  was  noth- 
ing peculiar  in  it  or  of  a  nature  to  excite  them  particularly. 
The  trial  lasted  a  fortnight,  all  the  details  of  it  were  read 
with  the  greatest  avidity,  half  the  town  went  one  day  or 
other  to  hear  it,  and  the  anxiety  that  the  man  should  be 
convicted  was  passionate.  Cockburn  gained  great  applause 
by  the  manner  in  which  he  conducted  the  prosecution. 

This  trial  has  proved  more  attractive  and  interesting  than 
anything  in  the  political  world,  though  there  has  been  a 
pitched  battle  in  the  Lords  on  the  question  of  Maritime  Law 
and  Right  of  Search  given  up  in  the  recent  Treaty.  Derby 
made  a  violent  onslaught  on  the  Government,  and  was  at 
first  very  confident  of  a  majority.  He  soon  found  these 
hopes  were  fallacious,  when  he  got  angry  and  was  more  vio- 
lent than  he  has  ever  been  before  this  session.  The  Govern- 
ment got  a  majority  of  above  fifty,  which  puts  an  end  to  any 
further  contest  there.  The  Government  have  now  nothing 
to  fear,  the  Opposition  are  routed  and  dispirited,  and  one 
can  see  nothing  to  alter  the  present  state  of  affairs.  The 
minor  questions  which  have  occupied  attention  are  settling 
quietly.  The  Chelsea  Commission  is  over,  and  the  result 
will  be  harmless,  on  the  whole  rather  good  than  bad,  because 
it  will  prove  that  the  violent 'attacks  on  the  military  authori- 
ties during  the  war  have  been  exaggerated  and  in  many  cases 
unfounded.  A  sort  of  compromise  has  been  made  about  the 
Wensleydale  peerage,  not  a  very  happy  one,  and  it  remains 
to  be  seen  whether  the  House  of  Commons  is  sufficiently  ac- 
quiescent as  to  sanction  it  by  agreeing  to  the  12,000/.  a  year 
to  be  paid  to  two  new  judges  and  peers  for  life.  The  Gov- 
ernment have  virtually  abandoned  the  principle  they  con- 
tended for,  and  have  yielded  to  the  adverse  vote  and  Com- 
mittee. When  they  appeal  to  Parliament  and  limit  the 
number  of  life  peerages,  they  abandon  the  prerogative  of  the 
Crown. 

June  1st. — The  state  of  affairs  with  America  becomes 
more  and  more  alarming.1  Grey  told  me  the  other  night 

1  [In  consequence  of  the  dispute  with  the  American  Government  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Foreign  Enlistment,  Mr.  Crampton,  the  British  Minister,  was  ordered  to 
leave  Washimrton  on  May  23th.  He  arrived  in  England  on  June  loth;  but 
Lord  Palmerston  stated  in  the  House  of  Commons  that  the  dismissal  of  Mr. 
Crampton  did  not  break  off  diplomatic  relations  with  the  United  States,  as  Mr. 


1856.]      DAGGER   OF  WAR  WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES.          315 

that  he  had  had  a  long  conversation  with  Dallas,  whose  tone 
was  anything  but  reassuring  as  to  the  prospect  of  peace  ;  and 
yesterday  I  met  Thackeray,  who  is  just  returned  from  the 
United  States.  He  thinks  there  is  every  probability  of  the 
quarrel  leading  to  war,  for  there  is  a  very  hostile  spirit,  con- 
stantly increasing,  throughout  the  States,  and  an  evident 
desire  to  quarrel  with  us.  He  says  he  has  never  met  with  a 
single  man  who  is  not  persuaded  that  they  are  entirely  in  the 
right  and  we  in  the  wrong,  and  they  are  equally  persuaded 
if  war  ensues  that  they  will  give  us  a  great  thrashing  ;  they 
don't  care  for  the  consequences,  their  riches  are  immense, 
and  200,000  men  would  appear  in  arms  at  a  moment's  notice. 
Here,  however,  though  there  is  a  great  deal  of  anxiety,  there 
is  still  a  very  general  belief  that  war  cannot  take  place  on 
grounds  so  trifling  between  two  countries  which  have  so  great 
and  so  equal  an  interest  in  remaining  at  peace  with  each 
other.  But  in  a  country  where  the  statesmen,  if  there  are 
any,  have  so  little  influence,  and  where  the  national  policy 
is  subject  to  the  passions  and  caprices  of  an  ignorant  and 
unreasoning  mob,  there  is  no  security  that  good  sense  and 
moderation  will  prevail.  Many  imagine  that  matters  will 
proceed  to  the  length  of  a  diplomatic  rupture,  that  Cramp- 
ton  will  be  sent  away  and  Dallas  retire  in  consequence,  and 
that  then  by  degrees  the  present  heat  will  cool  down,  and 
matters  be  amicably  arranged  without  a  shot  being  fired.  I 
feel  no  such  confidence,  for  if  diplomatic  intercourse  ceases 
numerous  causes  of  complaint  will  arise,  and  as  there  will  be 
no  means  left  for  mutual  and  friendly  explanation  and  ad- 
justment, such  causes  will  be  constantly  exaggerated  and  in- 
flamed into  an  irreconcilable  quarrel.  Matters  cannot  long 
go  on  as  they  now  are  without  the  public  here  becoming  ex- 
cited and  angry,  and  the  press  on  both  sides  insolent,  violent, 
and  provoking,  and  at  last,  going  on  from  one  step  to  an- 
other, we  shall  find  ourselves  drifted  into  this  odious  and  on 
both  parts  suicidal  contest,  for  there  is  not  a  blow  we  can 
strike  at  America  and  her  interests  that  will  not  recoil  on  us 
and  our  own.  It  has  often  been  remarked  that  civil  wars 
are  of  all  wars  the  most  furious,  and  a  war  between  America 
and  England  would  have  all  the  characteristics  of  a  civil  and 
an  international  contest ;  nor,  though  I  have  no  doubt  that 

Dallas  remained  in  this  country.  It  is  remarkable  that  within  a  few  months  or 
even  weeks  two  British  Ministers  received  their  passports  from  foreign  govern- 
ments and  were  sent  away — a  very  uncommon  occurrence !] 


316  REIGN   OF  QUEEX   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

America  is  in  the  wrong,  can  I  persuade  myself  that  we  are 
entirely  in  the  right  on  either  of  the  principal  points  in  dis- 
pute. We  have  reason  to  congratulate  ourselves  that  the 
Russian  war  is  over,  for  if  it  had  gone  on  and  all  our  ships 
had  been  in  the  Baltic,  and  all  our  soldiers  in  the  Crimea, 
nothing  would  have  prevented  the  Americans  from  seizing 
the  opportunity  of  our  hands  being  full  to  bring  their  dis- 
pute with  us  to  a  crisis. 

Juns  7/A. — 1  went  last  night  to  see  the  celebrated  Ristori 
in  a  very  bad  play  called  "  Medea,"  being  a  translation  into 
Italian  from  a  French  tragedy  by  a  M.  Legouve.  This  play 
was  written  for  Madame  Rachel,  who  refused  to  act  the  part, 
which  refusal  led  to  a  lawsuit,  in  which  the  actress  was  ([ 
think)  defeated.  Ristori  is  certainly  a  fine  actress,  but  she 
did  not  appear  to  ms  equal  to  Pasta  in  the  same  part,  or  to 
other  great  actresses  I  have  seen.  However,  my  inability 
to  hear  well  and  want  of  familiarity  with  Italian  acting 
and  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  language  disqualify  me  from 
boin^  a  competent  judge. 

The  American  horizon  is  rather  less  dark.  Nothing  is 
yet  known  a?  to  Crampton's  dismissal,  and  Dallas  does  not 
believe  it.  The  Danish  Minister  at  Washington  writes  over 
here  that  he  thinks  that  the  clouds  will  disperse  and  there 
will  ba  no  serioiu  quarrel. 

London,  July  VZth. — After  the  lapse  of  a  month  or  more, 
during  which  I  could  not  bring  myself  to  record  anything, 
or  to  comment  upon  passing  events,  I  am  at  last  roused  from 
my  apathy,  and  am  induced  to  take  up  mv  fen  and  say  a 
word  upon  the  defeat  of  the  Appellate  Jurisdiction  Bill  in  the 
Ilous3  of  Commons  the  other  night,  which  gave  me  the 
greatest  satisfaction,  because  I  regard  it  as  a  just  punishment 
for  the  stupid  obstinacy  with  which  the  Government  have 
blundered  on  from  one  fault  to  another  throughout  this 
whole  business.  It  has  been  a  complete  comedy  of  errors, 
and  every  one  who  has  taken  a  part  in  it  has  been  in  the 
wrong.  I  told  Granville  how  it  would  be  in  the  first  instance, 
and  urged  him,  after  the  House  of  Lords  had  refused  to  let  in 
Parke  as  a  life  peer,  to  accept  the  defeat  quietly  by  making 
him  an  hereditary  peer  and  thus  give  the  go-by  to  the 
main  question.  This  nothing  would  induce  them  to  do,  and 
they  fancied  that  they  could  avoid  the  mortification  of  ap- 
pearing to  knock  under,  and  save  their  own  consistency,  by 
the  contrivance  of  this  bill.  Every  mischief  that  it  was 


1856.]  BARON   PARKE   OX   THE   LIFE   PEERAGE.  317 

possible  to  do  they  have  managed  to  accomplish,  and  the 
leaders  of  the  opposite  parties,  who  all  ielt  themselves  in  a 
scrape,  came  to  a  sort  of  compromise  in  the  Lords'  Com- 
mittee, the  result  of  which  was  this  unpopular  bill.  Among 
them  they  have  assailed  the  prerogative  of  the  Crown,  they 
have  damaged  the  judicial  authority  of  the  House  of  Lords, 
they  have  deeply  offended  many  of  their  own  friends  by 
tendering  to  them  such  a  measure,  and  they  have  behaved 
most  unkindly  and  unhandsomely  to  Baron  Parke,  who 
thinks  he  has  great  reason  to  complain. 

I  have  been  at  Knowsley  for  the  last  three  days,  and  so 
missed  the  march  of  the  Guards  into  London  on  Wednesday. 
Lord  Hardiuge  was  struck  down  by  paralysis  as  he  was 
epeaking  to  the  Queen  at  Aldershot  on  Tuesday  last.  It  is 
supposed  that  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  will  succeed  him,  and 
that  Jim  Macdpnald  will  be  his  Alilitary  Secretary.  The 
American  question  is  still  undecided,  but  everybody  appears 
to  be  very  easy  about  it. 

July  %Mh. — I  met  Baron  Parke  the  other  day,  who  talked 
over  his  atfair,  complained  of  the  treatment  he  had  received 
from  the  Government,  but  said  he  gathered  from  what  the 
Chancellor  had  said  to  him  that  they  meant  now  to  muke 
him  an  hereditary  peer,  declared  there  was  not  a  shadow  of 
doubt  about  the  legality,  and  that  Campbell  had  as  little 
doubt  as  he  himself  had,  but  finding  the  measure  was  un- 
popular with  certain  lawyers,  he  had  suddenly  turned  against 
his  own  recorded  opinion  and  opposed  it.  The  Baron  said 
the  Government  were  greatly  to  blame  for  not  having  ven- 
tilated the  question,  and  ascertained  whether  they  could 
carry  it  or  not,  and  if  he  had  had  an  idea  of  all  the  bother 
it  had  made,  he  never  would  have  had  anything  to  do  with 
if.  George  Lewis  told  me  that  the  life  peerage  had  never 
been  brought  before  the  Cabinet,  and  he  knew  nothing  of  it 
till  he  saw  it  in  the  Gazette,  nor  did  Clarendon  :  in  fact  it 
was  confined  to  the  Chancellor,  Granville.  and  Pfchnenton* 
They  none  of  them,  however,  know  wiMi  whom  it  originated. 
Now  that  the  measure  turns  out  to  be  so  unpopular  and  is 
so  scouted,  and  the  transaction  has  been  attended  with  PO 
many  blunders  and  defeats,  no  one  is  willing  to  accept  the 
responsibility  of  it,  or  to  acknowledge  having  had  anything 
to  do  with  it.  It  is  strange  that  Palmerston  should  ever  have 
consented  to  it,  but  he  knew  nothing  and  cared  nothing 
about  it ;  he  was  probably  assured  it  would  go  down  without 


318  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

any  difficulty,  and  in  this  poco  curante  way  he  suffered  him- 
self to  be  committed  to  it,  not  seeing  the  storm  it  would 
cause.  He  allowed  Granville  to  manage  it  all  his  own  way, 
and  at  last  he  had  the  good  luck  to  be  beaten  upon  it  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  for  the  scrape  would  have  been  more 
serious  if  he  had  carried  it  there.  These  last  days  of  the 
session  have  been  as  usual  marked  by  the  withdrawal  and 
abandonment  of  various  bills  that  were  for  the  most  part  in- 
troduced at  the  beginning  of  it,  and  which  were  found  to  be 
quite  worthless,  especially  the  Law  Reform  Bill. 

London,  July  21th. — Parliament  has  finished  its  debates, 
and  will  be  prorogued  on  Tuesday.  Dizzy  wound  up  by  a 
"  review  of  the  session,"  a  species  of  entertainment  which 
used  to  be  given  annually  some  years  ago  by  Lord  Lyndhurst 
with  great  skill  and  effect,  but  which  on  the  present  occa- 
sion, and  in  Disraeli's  hands,  was  singularly  inopportune  and 
ineffective.  Lord  AVensleydale  has  at  last  taken  his  feat  as 
an  hereditary  peer  ;  the  Government,  after  various  abortive 
attempts  to  wriggle  out  of  their  absurd  position,  having  done 
at  last  what  they  ought  to  have  done  at  first — knocked  under 
and  endured  what  could  not  be  cured.  The  Government  go 
into  summer  and  winter  quarters  in  a  very  healthy  and  pros- 
perous state,  with  nothing  apparently  to  apprehend,  and 
with  every  probability  of  meeting  Parliament  next  year  in 
the  same  condition,  and,  barring  accidents,  going  through 
next  session  as  successfully  as  they  have  gone  through  this. 

August  4th. — I  was  at  Goodwood  all  last  week  ;  the 
Prince  of  Prussia  came  there.  Not  a  word  of  news  ;  the 
Queen  still  engaged  in  reviewing  the  troop?,  and  compli- 
mentary fStes  are  still  going  on  to  Sir  W.  Williams  of  Ears, 
and  Charles  Wyndham  "  the  hero  of  the  Redan."  The  dis- 
turbances in  Spain  seem  to  be  over,  and  O'Donnell  remains 
victorious.  My  first  impression  was  (the  common  one)  that 
Espartero  had  been  ousted  by  an  intrigue,  and  that  it  was  a  re- 
actionary coup  d'etat,  but  I  now  hear  that  it  is  no  such  thing, 
and  that  we  ought  to  desire  the  success  of  the  present  Gov- 
ernment. Espartero  and  O'Donnell  could  not  agree,  as  was 
not  unlikely  in  a  coalition  Government  the  two  chiefs  of 
which  were  men  of  such  different  opinions  and  antecedents. 
After  many  abortive  attempts  to  reconcile  their  differences, 
it  was  agreed  that  a  council  of  Ministers  should  be  held 
•which  the  Queen  herself  should  preside  over,  and  when  a 
final  attempt  should  be  made.  A  long  discussion  took  place, 


1856.]  CHANCES   OF  WAR  319 

and  the  queen  did  all  she  could  to  reconcile  the  two  generals, 
and  to  enable  the  Government  to  go  on  unchanged.  Finding 
it  impossible  to  effect  this,  she  ended  by  saying,  "Well, 
gentlemen,  since  I  cannot  prevail  on  you  to  go  on  together,  I 
must  needs  choose  between  yon,  and  as  I  think  Marshal 
O'Donnell  will  be  the  best  able  to  carry  on  the  Government, 
I  appoint  him."  Then  the  National  Guards  began  an  insur- 
rection which  was  put  down,  but  no  violent  measures  seem 
to  have  been  adopted,  and  O'Donnell  has  declared  that  Spain 
can  only  be  successfully  governed  on  constitutional  priuci- 

e'es,  and  that  he  means  to  retain  the  Cortes  in  its  integrity, 
ow  far  his  acts  will  correspond  with  his  professions  remains 
to  be  seen.  Narvaez  was  recommended  to  go  to  France,  and 
Queen  Christina  appears  not  to  have  been  allowed  to  return 
to  Spain,  which  are  good  signs.  It  is  a  good  thing  for  Spain 
that  Espartero  should  have  retired,  for  though  probably  the 
honestest  Spaniard,  he  is  at  the  same  time  the  weakest  and 
the  most  wanting  in  moral  courage  and  decision. 

History  is  full  of  examples  of  the  slight  and  accidental 
causes  on  which  the  greatest  events  turn,  and  of  such  ex- 
amples the  last  war  seems  very  full.  Charles  Wyndham 
told  me  that  nothing  but  a  very  thick  fog  which  happened 
on  the  morning  of  Inkerman  prevented  the  English  army 
being  swept  from  their  position  and  totally  discomfited. 
The  Russians  could  see  nothing,  lost  their  own  way,  and 
mistook  the  position  of  the  British  troops.  Had  the  weather 
been  clear  so  that  they  had  been  able  to  execute  their  plans, 
we  could  not  have  resisted  them ;  a  defeat  instead  of  the 
victory  we  gained  would  have  changed  the  destiny  of  the 
world,  and  have  produced  effects  which  it  is  impossible  to 
contemplate  or  calculate. 

On  the  other  hand,  nothing  but  miscalculation  and  bad 
management  prevented  the  capture  of  Sebastopol  immedi- 
ately after  Alma.  My  nephew  is  just  returned  from  a  voy- 
age witli  Lord  Lyons  to  the  Crimea,  where  he  went  all  over 
the  scenes  of  the  late  contest,  all  the  positions,  and  the  ruins 
of  Sebastopol  as  well  as  the  northern  forts.  He  was  well 
treated  by  the  Russians,  who  showed  him  everything,  and 
talked  over  the  events  of  the  war  with  great  frankii* 
They  told  him  that  if  the  allies  had  marched  at  once  after 
the  battle  on  the  north  side,  no  resistance  could  have  been 
made,  and  the  other  side  must  have  fallen.  We  had  long 
known  that  the  north  side  would  have  fallen  if  we  had  at- 


320  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

tacked  it  at  once.  Frank  asked  the  Kussian  officer  whether 
there  was  any  bad  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  Russian  army 
toward  the  French  or  English,  and  he  said  none  whatever, 
but  a  great  deal  toward  the  Austrians,  and  that  they  desired 
nothing  more  than  an  opportunity  of  fighting  them.  He 
also  said  that  they  had  been  misled  by  our  newspapers,  from 
which  they  obtained  all  their  information,  and  thinking 
that  the  announcements  there  of  an  intended  invasion  of  the 
Crimea  were  made  for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  them,  they 
had  withdrawn  a  great  many  troops  from  the  Crimea,  so 
that  while  Sebastopol  had  been  emptied  of  the  garrison  to 
increase  the  army  of  Menschikoff,  the  Russians  had  not 
more  than  30,000  or  35,000  men  at  the  Alma. 

Ilillingdon,  August  17th. — It  is  impossible  to  find  any- 
thing of  the  least  interest  to  write  about,  and  my  journal  is 
in  danger  of  dying  of  starvation  or  of  atrophy.  The  causes 
of  discontent  we  have  had  with  Russia  are  disappearing,  and 
the  Emperor's  coronation  will  not  be  clouded  by  fresh 
doleances  on  our  part.  Bulwer  is  just  gone  to  the  Princi- 
palities, where  the  commissioners  are  to  endeavor  to  ascer- 
tain what  are  the  wishes  of  the  people  as  to  the  union. 
France  and  England  arc  in  favor  of  it,  Turkey  and  Austria 
against  it,  while  Russia  professes  to  be  indifferent  and  neu- 
tral. Spain  is  settling  down  into  submission  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  O'Donnell.  Naples  is  relieved  from  her  fears  of 
English  intervention,  and  there  seems  some  chance  that  she 
may  relax  the  rigor  of  her  Government  now  that  she  may  do 
so  salvo  honore  and  not  under  compulsion.  This  country  is 
profoundly  tranquil  and  generally  prosperous  ;  everybody 
seems  satisfied  with  Palmerston  and  his  administration.  I 
myself,  who  for  so  many  years  regarded  him  politically  with 
the  greatest  aversion  and  distrust,  have  come  to  think  him 
the  best  minister  we  can  have,  and  to  wish  him  well. 

September  15th. — Another  month  has  passed  away,  and 
still  I  have  had  nothing  to  record.  The  coronation  at  Mos- 
cow appears  to  have  gone  off  with  great  eclat,  and  to  have 
been  a  spectacle  of  extraordinary  magnificence,  the  prodi- 
gious cost  of  which  betrays  no  sign  of  exhaustion  or  im- 
poverishment by  the  late  war.1  "We  were  probably  mistaken, 

1  [The  Emperor  Alexander  II.  of  Eussia  was  crowned  with  preat  pomp  in 
Moscow  on  September  7 ;  tlie  ceremony  was  attended  by  special  ambassadors 
from  all  the  creat  Powers  ;  Lord  Granville,  accompanied  by  Lady  Gninville  and 
a  brilliant  suite,  was  the  representative  of  Great  Britain  on  this  occasion.] 


1856.]  THE   CORONATION  AT  MOSCOW.  321 

as  we  were  in  so  many  other  things,  in  fancying  that  iho 
power  and  resources  of  Russia  were  very  greatly  impaired, 
but  during  the  war,  whatever  we  wished  we  were  ready  to 
believe. 

The  state  of  affairs  at  home  and  abroad  is  curious  : 
abroad  there  is  uneasiness  and  uncertainty  as  to  the  future, 
the  elements  of  future  disturbances  being'in  a  sort  of  abey- 
ance ;  at  home  the  fever  and  excitement  which  prevailed 
during  the  war  having  been  succeeded  by  a  torpor  and  an 
apathy  such  as  I  never  remember  to  have  seen  before.  All 
party  politics  seem  to  be  extinct,  the  country  cares  about 
nobody,  desires  no  changes,  and  only  wishes  to  go  on  and 
prosper.  There  is  not  a  public  man  to  whom  public  opinion 
turns,  and  no  great  questions  are  afloat  to  agitate  and  divide 
the  country,  or  around  the  standards  of  which  different 
opinions,  principles,  or  passions  can  flock.  Palmerston  may 
remain  Minister  as  long  as  he  lives,  if  he  does  not  commit 
any  gross  faults  either  of  commission  or  of  omission,  or  unless 
something  may  occur,  which  nobody  can  foresee  or  imagine, 
to  rouse  the  nation  from  its  apathy. 

September  2Ist. — The  old  Crimean  correspondent  of  the 
" Times"  has  despatched  a  very  interesting  and  graphic 
account  of  the  coronation  at  Moscow,  and  Granville  writes 
word  that  whereas  he  had  estimated  the  cost  of  it  at  a 
million  sterling,  he  was  now  led  to  believe  it  would  be  not 
much  less  than  three.  The  coronation  of  George  IV.  cost 
240, OQOL,  which  was  considered  an  enormous  sum  and  a 
monstrous  extravagance.  Our  last  two  coronations  cost  from 
30,000/.  to  50,  GOO/. 

The  quarrel  with  the  King  of  Naples  appears  to  be  com- 
ing to  a  crisis,  and  though  it  will  not  produce  any  serious 
consequences  now,  the  precedent  of  interference  we  are  estab- 
lishing may  have  very  important  ones  at  some  future  time, 
and  though  philanthropy  may  make  us  rejoice  at  fome 
coercion  being  applied  to  put  an  CL.d  to  such  a  cruel  and 
oppressive  government  as  that  of  King  Bomba  (as  they  call 
Ferdinand),  it  may  be  doubted  whether  it  would  not  be 
sounder  policy  to  abstain  from  interference  with  what  only 
indirectly  and  remotely  concerns  us,  and  from  enforcing  a 
better  and  more  humane  system  of  government  in  a  country 
where  the  people  do  not  resm  to  care  much  about  its  tyranny 
and  inhumanity.  And  then  there  is  the  great  objection  cf 
dictating  to  arid  interfering  with  weak  governments  while 


322  REIGN   OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

we  do  not  venture  to  deal  in  the  same  way  with  the  equally 
flagrant  abominations  of  stronger  ones,  to  say  nothing  of  a 
host  of  difficulties  and  objections  which  suggest  themselves 
as  possible,  if  not  probable,  results  of  our  interference.  It 
will  aiford  to  other  Powers  an  excuse  if  not  a  right  to  inter- 
fere in  like  manner,  whenever  they  require  a  pretext,  and 
they  consider  it  their  interest  to  do  so  ;  and  if  such  cases 
occur,  the  peace  of  the  world  will  be  largely  endangered.  As 
it  is,  I  strongly  suspect  (for  I  know  nothing)  that  the  agree- 
ment on  the  Neapolitan  question  between  France  and  our- 
selves is  by  no  means  cordial  and  complete.  Mrs.  Craven 
writes  me  word  she  has  been  in  a  house  in  the  country  with 
Walewski,  who  talked  very  openly  (and  no  doubt  impru- 
dently) to  her,  telling  her  that  Palmerston  was  very  difficult 
to  go  on  with.  I  know  not  what  Palmerston  has  been  doing, 
nor  what  his  present  policy  may  be,  but  I  thought  he  had 
either  abandoned  or  greatly  modified  that  old  policy  of  med- 
dling and  bullying  to  which  he  used  to  be  so  addicted,  and  at 
all  events  that  while  the  foreign  policy  of  England  is  directed 
by  Clarendon,  we  should  abstain  from  anything  very  arbitrary 
and  violent.  It  is,  however,  whispered  that  Walewski  is  no 
longer  in  the  good  graces  of  the  Emperor,  and  what  I  heard 
lon£  ago  about  Her  Majesty's  opinion  of  him  renders  it  not 
unlikely. 

September  23d. — All  the  little  I  hear  tends  to  confirm  the 
notion  that  there  is  an  antagonism  growing  up  between 
French  and  English  policy,  and  that  France  and  Russia  are 
becoming  more  and  more  intimate  every  day.  The  points 
of  the  Treaty  on  which  there  are  still  some  differences,  and 
on  which  we  appear  to  be  making  a  great  fuss,  the  French 
seem  to  care  very  little  about,  perhaps  being  rather  disposed 
to  side  with  Russia.  These  differences  are  very  inconsiderable 
in  themselves,  but  if  they  lead  to  coolness  and  estrangement 
between  us  and  the  French,  and  to  an  alliance  between 
France  and  Russia,  they  may  hereafter  be  very  important. 
Nothing  can  be  more  perplexed  and  unintelligible  (at  least  to 
those  who  are  not  behind  the  curtain)  than  the  international 
relations  of  the  Great  Powers  and  of  their  dispositions  to- 
ward the  smaller  ones,  and  in  such  a  chaos  no  little  tact, 
discretion,  and  firmness  are  required  to  shape  our  foreign 
policy. 

September  Z5fh. — The  void  which  the  march  of  events 
fails  to  fill  up  cannot  be  better  occupied  than  by  the  follow- 


1856.]  M.   GU1ZOT   ON   DEMOCRACY   IN   ENGLAND.  323 

ing  extract  from  Guizot's  notice  on  Sir  Robert  Peel  in  the 
"  Revue  des  Deux-Mondes  "  (185G).  He  is  speaking  of  de- 
mocracy in  England  :  "  M.  de  Talleyrand  disait  dans  la 
Uhambre  des  Pairs,  il  y  a  quelqu'im  qui  a  plus  d'esprit  que 
Napoleon  on  que  Voltaire,  c'est  tout  le  monde.  On  peut 
dire  aujourd'hui  meme  a  propos  de  PAngleterre  il  y  a  quel- 
qu'un  qui  a  plus  de  pouvoir  que  la  couronne,  plus  de  pouvoir 
que  1'aristocratie,  c'est  tout  le  monde,  et  tout  le  monde  c'est 
la  democratic.  Oii  commence-t-elle  ?  oii  finitelle  ?  a  quels 
signes  visibles  se  distingue-t-elle  des  autres  elements  de  la 
societe  ?  Personne  ne  pourrait  le  dire,  mais  peu  importe  : 
pour  etre  difficile  a  definir,  le  fait  n'en  est  ni  moins  certain, 
ni  moins  puissant,  les  elements  les  plus  divers  entrent  dans 
la  composition  de  la  democratic  moderne,  des  classes  riches 
et  des  classes  pauvres,  des  classes  savantes  et  des  classes 
ignorantes,  des  maitres  et  des  ouvriers,  des  eonservateurs  et 
des  novateurs,  des  amis  du  pouvoir  et  des  enthonsiastes  de 
liberte,  bien  des  aristocrates  me'mes,  detaches  de  leur  origine 
par  leurs  mceurs,  par  leur  aversion  des  genes  et  des  devoirs 
que  1'aristocratie  impose.  Et  la  position  de  la  democratic 
anglaise  n'est  pas  moins  changee  que  sa  composition  ;  elle 
ne  se  borne  pas  comme  jadis  a  defendre  au  besoin  ses  liber- 
tes,  elle  regarde  les  affaires  publiques  comme  les  siennes, 
surveille  assidument  ceux  qui  les  font,  et  si  elle  ne  gouverne 
pas  1'etat,  elle  domine  le  gouvernement."  All  this  seems 
to  me  perfectly  true,  and  the  best  definition  of  the  English 
democracy,  its  nature,  and  its  position  that  could  possibly 
be  given,  and  that  the  nature  of  things  admits  of.  Guizot 
evidently  saw  clearly  a  truth  which  might  be  elaborated  into 
a  very  interesting  essay,  and  which  has  often  suggested  it- 
self to  me,  namely,  that  without  any  violence  or  ostensible 
disturbances  or  any  change  in  external  forms,  this  country 
has  undergone  as  great  a  revolution  as  France  itself,  or  any 
of  the  continental  nations  which  have  been  torn  to  pieces  by 
civil  discords  and  contests.  If  we  compare  the  condition 
of  England  at  any  two  not  very  distant  periods,  and  the 
manner  in  which  power  and  influence  have  been  distributed 
at  one  and  at  the  other,  this  will  be  very  apparent,  and 
nobody  can  doubt  that  this  process  is  still  going  on.  We 
are,  as  Guizot  says,  "dans  une  epoque  de  transition  .  .  . 
sous  1'empire  des  principes  et  des  sentiments  encore  confus, 
perplexes  et  obscurs,  mais  essentiellement  d6mocratiques, 
qui  fermentent  en  Europe  depuis  quinze  si£cles  et  y  rem- 


324  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

portent  de  nos  jours  des  victoires  dont  personne  ne  saurait 
dire  encore  quel  sera  le  vrai  et  dernier  resultat." 

October  3d. — There  appears  to  be  a  general  feeling  of 
uneasiness,  almost  of  alarm,  as  if  something  was  impending 
to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  world  and  interrupt  the  prosperity 
of  nations,  though  nobody  can  very  well  tell  what  it  is  they 
dread.  The  apprehension  is  vague,  but  it  is  general.  The 
only  political  question  of  any  consequence  in  which  we  are 
concerned  is  that  of  Naples,  and  some  fancy  that  the  Russian 
manifesto  prognosticates  a  renewal  of  the  contest  with  that 
Empire.  I  have  no  such  idea,  but  I  am  quite  unable  to  com- 
prehend what  it  is  the  different  Powers  are  about ;  there  is  a 
general  impression,  probably  not  unfounded,  that  France 
and  Russia  are  meditating  a  close  alliance,  and  if  this  be  the 
truth,  it  is  not  likely  that  Russia  should  have  put  forth  a 
State  paper  offensive  to  France.  It  is  by  no  means  impossible 
that  Gortschakoff  may  have  ascertained  that  the  declara- 
tion of  his  Emperor's  opinion  would  not  be  distasteful  to 
the  Emperor  Napoleon,  who  probably  does  not  enter  con 
amore  into  this  contest  with  Naples  and  merely  does  it  to 
please  us.1 

When  Baudin  took  leave  of  him  at  Paris  the  other  day 
on  his  going  to  Russia,  he  said  to  him,  "Is  it  your  Majesty's 
wish  that  I  should  cultivate  the  most  friendly  relations  with 
the  English  Ministers  at  Moscow  and  St.  Petersburg  ?"  to 
which  the  Emperor  replied  "Certainly,"  and  "  L'Angletcrre 
avant  tout."  In  this  there  can  be  little  doubt  of  his  personal 
sincerity,  but  probably  his  personal  disposition  and  the  policy 
of  his  Government  and  the  sentiments  of  the  French  people 
do  not  altogether  coincide,  and  this  places  him  in  a  some- 
what false  position,  and  will  most  likely  lead  to  apparent 
vacillation  and  inconsistency  in  his  conduct. 

Madame  de  Lieven  writes  to  me  that  the  Neapolitan 
Minister  at  Paris  affirms  that  his  King  will  not  give  way  at 
the  dictation  of  the  allied  Powers.  We  do  not,  however,  as 
yet  know  what  it  is  that  is  required  of  him.  If  it  be  true 

1  [The  British  and  French  Governments  had  on  more  than  one  occasion  re- 
monstnited  with  the  King  of  Naples  on  the  cruel  and  arbitrary  policy  of  his  Gov- 
ernment, which  led  eventually  to  his  own  destruction ;  but  the  King  received 
these  remonstrances  very  ill,  and  on  October  28  the  differences  between  these 
Courts  had  become  so  serious  that  the  British  and  French  Ministers  were  with- 
drawn from  Naples,  and  a  naval  squadron  appeared  off  the  city.  The  Russian 
Government  at  this  time  issued  a  circular  despatch  complaining  of  these  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Western  Powers,  and  denying  their  right  to  interfere  for  the 
purpose  of  extorting  concessions  from  the  King  of  Naples  to  his  own  subjects.] 


1856.]  THE   QUARREL  WITH   NAPLES.  305 

that  he  should  govern  his  people  more  mildly. and  liberally, 
nothing  can  be  more  vague,  and  our  greatest  difficulties 
would  b3gin  when  we  had  extorted  from  him  promises  and 
engagements  to  act  according  to  our  notions  of  justice  and 
huma  litv.  He  would  be  more  than  mortal  if  he  was  disposed 
honestly  to  act  up  to  engagements  and  promises  extorted 
from  him  by  fear,  and  it  would  be  impossible  for  us  to  super- 
intend and  secure  their  due  performance  without  taking 
upon  ourselves  virtually  the  government  of  his  kingdom  and 
superseding  the  King's  authority.  We  never  should  get 
France  to  concur  in  this,  and  on  the  whole  it  appears  more 
probable  that  differences  will  arise  in  the  course  of  this  joint 
action  between  us  and  France  than  that  we  should  succeed 
in  ameliorating  the  condition  of  Naples.  I  fear  that  the  raire 
far  interfering  in  the  internal  affairs  of  other  countries  will 
never  be  extinguished  here.  I  see  in  the  papers  to-day  an 
address  to  Clarendon  from  the  Protestant  Society,  request- 
ing he  will  interpose  with  the  Spanish  Government  in  favor 
of  some  Spanish  subject  who  has  got  into  trouble  in  conse- 
quence of  having  turned  Protestant,  and  being  engaged  in 
diffusing  the  Scriptures,  and  trying  to  convert  others  to 
Protestantism,  which  is  an  offence  against  the  laws  of  Spain. 
October  1th.—  I  have  seen  Clarendon  and  asked  him  about 
the  affair  of  Naples.  He  was  not  very  communicative,  and  I 
suspect  he  is  not  very  easy  about  the  course  we  are  pursuing 
and  the  part  he  has  to  play.  He  first  said  that  it  was  impos- 
sible for  us  to  tolerate  the  conduct  of  the  King  to  us,  and 
the  impertinence  of  his  note.  I  asked  what  it  was  he  said  : 
Clarendon  replied  it  amounted  to  this,  "Mind  your  own 
business."  Then  he  alluded  to  the  atrocities  of  the  Govern- 
ment, which  ought  not  to  be  endured  ;  that  no  man  was  safe 
for  a  minute,  or  could  tell  when  he  went  to  bed  at  night 
that  he  might  not  be  arrested  in  the  morning,  all  which 
was  done  by  the  King's  personal  orders  ;  that  there  was  con- 
tinual danger  of  an  outbreak  or  insurrection,  particularly 
of  a  Muratist  revolution.  I  told  him  my  opinion  of  the 
very  questionable  policy  of  interference,  either  as  a  matter 
of  right  or  of  expediency,  and  nothing  could  be  more  lame 
than  "the  case  he  made  out.  He  said  the  ships  were  not  to 
act  any  hostile  part,  or  to  coerce  the  King,  which  makes  the 
case  worse  in  my  opinion.  It  is  doing  neither  one  thing  nor 
the  other,  violating  a  sound  principle,  and  incurring  great 
future  risks  without  any  present  object,  or  effecting  any 


326  REIGN  OF   QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIL 

good,  or  benefiting  the  people  in  whom  we  take  an  interest. 
He  says  the  Emperor  Napoleon  has  a  great  horror  of  a  Murat- 
ist  movement,  the  Prince  Murat,  his  cousin,  being  a  most 
worthless  blackguard  ;  but  his  son,  who  married  Berthier's 
granddaughter  and  heiress,  is  a  young  man  full  of  merit  of 
every  sort. 

London,  October  10th. — I  met  Clarendon  again  at  the 
Travellers',  and  had  some  conversation  with  him,  but  was  in- 
terrupted by  Azeglio,  or  I  might  probably  have  learned  more 
about  the  present  state  of  affairs.  He  told  me  that  we  had 
been  squabbling  with  the  French  Government,  and  that  the 
persevering  attempts  of  Russia  to  disturb  the  harmony  be- 
tween us  and  them  had  not  been  unsuccessful.  Nothing  in 
the  way  of  cajolery  had  been  omitted  at  Moscow  to  captivate 
the  French,  while  on  one  occasion  the  Emperor  had  been  so 
uncivil  that  Granville  felt  himself  obliged  to  go  to  Gortscha- 
koff  and  make  a  formal  complaint,  which  was  met  by  all 
sorts  of  assurances  and  protestations  in  order  to  mollify  him, 
and  after  this  everything  went  on  smoothly.  It  is  a  curious 
state  of  things,  for  as  far  as  I  can  make  it  out,  the  policy  of 
the  French  Government  appears  to  be  to  become  intimate 
with  Russia  and  to  be  cool  with  us;  but  all  the  time  the 
Emperor  (who  is  the  Government)  shrinks  from  anything 
like  a  breach  with  England,  and  clings  to  the  intimacy  estab- 
lished between  the  two  Courts,  and  has  a  profound  respect 
for  the  Queen  and  value  for  her  good  opinion.  ]  asked  him 
how  he  reconciled  the  offensive  Circular  of  Gortschakoff  with 
the  anxiety  of  Russia  to  please  France,  when  he  said  that  he 
had  no  doubt  they  had  told  the  French  that  it  was  aimed 
exclusively  at  us,  and  had  come  to  an  understanding  with 
Morny  about  it,  so  that  France  was  not  to  take  offence  at  it. 
We  are  now,  he  said,  on  the  best  terms  with  Austria,  and 
Austria  on  the  worst  with  Russia.  Russia  knows  that  the 
article  of  the  treaty  compelling  her  to  surrender  a  part  of 
Bessarabia  was  the  work  of  Austria,  and  this  was  an  injury 
and  an  insult  (for  she  had  never  before  disgorged  territory) 
which  she  never  would  forgive.  The  Russian  Circular  would 
have  the  effect  of  complicating  the  Neapolitan  question,  as  it 
made  the  King  more  resolved  not  to  yield  to  the  demands  of 
the  two  Powers.  He  told  me  that  Palmerston  had  resolved 
to  take  up  in  earnest  the  question  of  Law  Reform  next  year, 
and  that  he  (Clarendon)  had  strongly  urged  him  to  do  so  as 
the  best  way  of  procuring  both  strength  and  credit  for  his 


1856.]  THE  BOLGRAD  QUESTION.  337 

Government ;  that  Palmerston  had  readily  come  into  it,  and 
•was  resolved  to  carry  out  those  measures  which  have  so  long 
been  under  discussion,  and  which  for  various  reasons  have 
hitherto  failed  of  their  accomplishment. 

November  10th. — I  went  to  The  Grove  on  Saturday  and 
had  a  good  deal  of  comfortable  talk  with  Clarendon  about 
foreign  affairs,  especially  the  Bolgrad  question  and  Naples. 
He  described  the  former  very  clearly,  and  satisfied  me  that 
we  are  entirely  in  the  right.  It  was  settled,  he  said,  at  Paris 
mainly  between  him  and  Orloff.  He  drew  the  line  on  the 
map  as  the  boundary  had  been  agreed  upon,  and  as  he  was 
doing  so,  Orloff  said,  "I  wish  you  would  draw  it  a  little 
more  to  the  south  ;  it  will  make  no  sort  of  difference  to  you, 
and  by  this  means  it  includes  within  our  line  a  strip  of  ter- 
ritory which  the  Emperor  wishes  to  retain  because  it  forms 
a  part  of  a  military  colony  which  he  is  anxious  to  keep  in- 
tact ; "  and  Clarendon  agreed  to  draw  the  line  accordingly 
and  to  accomplish  the  Emperor's  wishes.  They  have  since 
attempted  to  quibble  about  another  Bolgrad  which  was  not 
even  marked  at  all  on  their  map,  and  it  turns  out  that  the 
story  of  the  military  colony  was  a  mere  pretence,  as  they 
have  themselves  given  that  up  without  making  any  difficulty. 
The  state  of  the  case  and  the  difference  which  has  since 
arisen  with  Russia  and  with  France  is  this  :  the  Emperor 
Napoleon,  who  is  very  indolent  and  abhors  the  trouble  of 
examining  details,  and  consequently  remains  often  ignorant 
of  what  it  behoves  him  to  know,  suffered  himself  to  be  bam- 
boozled by  Brunnow  and  misled  by  Walewski  into  giving  his 
assent  to  the  Russian  interpretation  of  the  boundary  line, 
and  to  giving  a  promise  of  his  support  in  the  controversy. 
Recently  at  Compie'gne  Cowley,  in  a  long  audience,  went 
through  the  whole  question  with  him  and  minutely  explained 
the  case  against  Russia.  The  Emperor  said  he  had  never 
really  understood  it  before,  acknowledged  that  our  case  was 
good,  regretted  that  he  had  committed  himself,  but  said  that 
having  pledged  his  word  he  did  not  know  how  to  break  that 
pledge  and  to  withdraw  the  support  he  had  promised  to  give 
to  Russia  in  the  dispute,  and  this  is  the  fix  in  which  the 
question  now  is.  While  the  foolish  and  ignorant  newspapers 
here  (except  the  "Times")  are  endeavonng  to  separate  the 
Emperor  from  his  ministers,  and  to  make  out  that  he  is  one 
with  our  Government,  and  that  the  difficulties  and  obstruc- 
tions proceed  from  other  parties,  the  truth  is  that  they  now 


328  HEIGX  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

proceed  entirely  from  himself,  worked  upon  and  deceived 
certainly  by  Russian  agents  and  pro-Russian  ministers  ;  but 
if  he  really  was  in  the  disposition  which  our  press  attributes 
to  him,  he  might  break  through  such  obligations  as  he  suf- 
fered himself  to  be  entangled  in  and  settle  the  question  at 
once  ;  nor  is  it  very  easy  to  see  why  he  does  not,  for  there  is 
good  reason  to  believe  he  is  sincerely  desirous  of  remaining 
on  good  terms  with  us.  I  asked  Clarendon  why  the  question 
could  not  be  again  referred  to  a  Conference  of  the  Powers 
parties  to  the  Treaty,  and  he  said  we  could  not  consent  to 
this,  because  we  should  be  in  a  minority,  for  Sardinia,  partly 
cajoled  by  Russia  and  partly  from  antipathy  to  Austria, 
would  go  against  us. 

I  asked  him  about  Naples,  of  which  affair  he  could  give 
but  a  very  unsatisfactory  account  and  a  lame  story.  He  said 
France  had  acted  with  us  very  steadily,  but  that  it  was  she 
who  had  started  this  hare,  and  he  had  engaged  in  it  in  the 
belief  that  the  Emperor  would  never  have  mooted  the  ques- 
tion unless  he  had  been  assured  that  the  King  of  Naples 
would  yield  to  the  remonstrances  of  the  two  Courts,  and  but 
for  that  conviction  he  would  never  have  meddled  in  it,  which 
he  now  very  much  regretted.  He  had  given  Carini  notice  to 
quit,  and  at  their  parting  interview  he  had  entreated  him  to 
persuade  the  King  if  possible  to  change  his  system,  and, 
now  that  he  was  relieved  from  all  interference,  menace,  or 
coercion,  and  his  dignity  could  not  suffer,  to  give  satisfac- 
tion to  all  Europe  by  putting  an  end  to  the  inhuman  and 
impolitic  system,  which  had  occasioned  our  interference 
and  had  drawn  upon  him  remonstrances  and  advice  from 
every  Sovereign  in  Europe.  Very  good  advice,  and  I  hope 
it  may  be  followed,  but  it  is  a  lame  and  impotent  conclusion 
to  the  menacing  demonstrations  with  which  we  began  to 
quarrel.  Clarendon  talked  of  the  various  atrocities  of  the 
King  of  Naples,  but  with  an  evident  consciousness  that  the 
fact,  even  if  it  be  true,  and  not,  as  is  probable,  exaggerated, 
affords  no  excuse  for  our  policy  in  the  matter.  As  the  sub- 
ject could  not  be  agreeable  I  did  not  press  it,  and  abstained 
from  telling  him  how  general  the  opinion  is  that  he  has  com- 
mitted a  great  blunder.  He  will  probably  hear  enough  of 
it  before  the  chapter  is  closed  ;  even  Granville,  who  never 
says  much,  said  to  me  yesterday  that  "  it  was  a  very  foolish 
affair." 

Clarendon  talked  to  me  of  Palmerston,  and  told  me  (what 


1856.]  LORD   PALMERSTOX'S   GOVERNMENT.  329 

I  think  I  had  heard,  and  have  very  likely  noted  before) 
that  on  Aberdeen's  fall  Palmerston  was  quite  ready  to  join 
Derby  when  Derby  tried  to  form  a  Government,  and  that 
it  was  Clarendon's  refusal  which  frustrated  that  attempt. 
Palmerston  endeavored  to  persuade  Clarendon  to  join,  but 
when  Clarendon  put  to  him  all  the  reasons  why  they  had 
both  of  them  better  refuse,  Palmerston  saw  them  all  very 
clearly,  and  rather  imprudently  said  on  leaving  him,  "  We 
are  both  agreed  that  it  will  not  do  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  Derby  and  his  Government."  When  Clarendon  went 
to  the  Queen  and  explained  his  own  conduct  to  her,  and  she 
expressed  to  him  the  embarrassment  which  she  felt,  and 
asked  him  what  she  could  do,  he  at  once  said,  "Send  for 
Lord  Palmerston,  who  is  the  only  man,  in  the  present  tem- 
per of  the  people  and  state  of  affairs,  who  can  form  a  Gov- 
ernment that  has  a  chance  of  standing.  Send  for  him  at 
once,  place  yourself  entirely  in  his  hands,  give  him  your  en- 
tire confidence,  and  I  will  answer  for  his  conduct  being  all 
that  you  can  desire."  The  Queen  took  the  advice,  and  has 
had  no  reason  to  repent  of  it,  and  Clarendon  told  me  he  had 
done  everything  in  his  power,  and  seized  every  available  op- 
portunity to  reconcile  them  to  each  other,  to  promote  a  good 
feeling  and  understanding,  and  to  soften  any  little  asperities 
which  might  have  made  ^»cir  intercourse  less  smooth,  and 
the  consequence  is  that  Palmerston  gets  on  with  her  very 
well,  and  his  good  sense  as  well  as  Clarendon's  exhortations 
make  him  see  of  what  importance  it  is  to  him  for  the  easy 
working  of  his  Government  and  his  own  case  to  be  on  good 
and  cordial  terms  with  the  Queen.  It  is  therefore  really  to 
Clarendon  that  Palmerston  is  indebted  in  great  measure,  if 
not  entirely,  for  being  in  his  present  position,  but  Clarendon 
has  too  much  tact  ever  to  remind  him  of  it,  or  of  what  ho 
was  himself  inclined  to  do  in  1855. 

November  19th. — The  death  of  Jervis  made  the  office  of 
Chief  Justice  of  Common  Pleas  vacant.1  According  to  es- 
tablished (but  as  I  think  bad)  usage,  the  Attorney-General, 
Cockburn,  had  a  right  to  take  the  place,  and  for  the  last  fort- 
night nothing  occupied  public  attention  more  than  the  ques- 
tion whether  he  would  take  it  or  not.  He  w&s  much  averse 
to  take  it,  but  everybody  pressed  him  to  accept  it,  and  after 
much  hesitation  a'nd  consultation  he  agreed  to  be  Chief 

»  [R'urht  Hon.  Sir  John  Jervis.  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  died  on 
November  1,  1856,  at  the  age  of  fifty-four.  J 


330  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

Justice,  and  now  it  is  said  he  regrets  his  determination  and 
thinks  he  has  made  a  mistake.  He  gives  up  Parliament,  for 
which  he  is  well  adapted,  where  he  acts  a  conspicuous  part, 
being  a  capital  speaker,  and  which  he  likes,  and  feels  that  it 
is  his  element.  He  gives  up  the  highest  place  at  the  bar, 
where  he  is  a  successful  advocate,  and  makes  15,000/.  or 
16,000?.  a  year,  and  he  sees  that  he  shall  be  obliged  to  give 
up  in  great  measure  his  loose  habits  and  assume  more 
decorous  behavior,  which  will  be  a  great  sacrifice  to  him, 
and  he  becomes  a  judge  with  6,000?.  a  year  for  life,  not  being 
a  good  lawyer,  and  conscious  that  he  will  be  inferior  to  his 
colleagues  and  to  the  Puisne  Judge  in  his  own  court.  As 
soon  as  he  had  consented  to  the  promotion  a  fresh  difficulty 
presented  itself  as  to  the  office  of  Solicitor-General,  for  such 
is  the  penury  of  legal  ability  at  this  time  that  Westminster 
Hall  cannot  furnish  any  men  of  unquestionable  fitness  for 
the  office,  and  the  difficulty  is  increased  by  the  choice  being 
necessarily  restricted  to  men  holding  the  opinions  of  the 
present  Government,  and  being  able  to  command  a  seat  in 
Parliament.  They  have  offered  the  place  to  the  Recorder, 
James  Wortley,  but  up  to  this  moment  I  know  not  if  it  has 
been  accepted.1 

November  23d. — After  long  delay  and  apparently  much 
hesitation  James  Wortley  has  accepted  the  Solicitor-General- 
ship. He  consulted  Gladstone  and  Sidney  Herbert,  neither 
of  them  very  eligible  advisers  on  such  a  question.  Gladstone 
is  said  to  have  replied  that  he  would  run  a  great  risk  as  to 
his  pecuniary  interests,  but  if  he  could  support  the  foreign 
policy  of  the  Government,  there  was  no  reason  why  he 
should  not  accept.  He  retains  his  rank  of  Privy  Councillor, 
of  which  I  doubt  the  fitness,  as  it  places  him  at  all  events  in 
a  very  anomalous  position,  for  the  law  officers  are  the  official 
advisers  of  the  Privy  Council  and  are  often  called  upon  to 
sit  there  as  assessors.  However,  the  Judges  are  said  to  have 
pronounced  an  opinion  that  there  is  no  reason  why  he  should 
not  plead  in  any  of  the  courts.  It  is  said,  and  I  believe 
truly,  that  now  'Cockburn  has  taken  the  irretrievable  step 
he  is  very  sorry  for  it,  and  is  more  struck  by  the  necessary 
consequences  of  his  promotion  than  he  was  at  first.  He  has 
all  his  life  been  a  very  debauched  fellow,  but  he  is  clever, 

1  [Right  lion.  James  Stuart  Wortley,  a  younper  son  of  Lord  WharncHffe, 
who  then  filled  the  office  of  Recorder  or  London,  which  he  surrendered  for  that 
of  Solicitor-General.] 


1856.]  A  DIPLOMATIC   IMBROGLIO.  331 

good-natured,  and  of  a  liberal  disposition  and  much  liked  by 
his  friends.  A  story  is  told  of  him  that  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  going  down  on  Sundays  to  Richmond  or  elsewhere  with  a 
woman,  and  generally  with  a  different  one,  and  the  landlady 
of  the  inn  he  went  to  remembered  that  Sir  A.  Cockbnrn  al- 
ways brought  Lady  Cockburn  with  him,  but  that  she  never 
saw  any  woman  who  looked  so  different  on  different  days, 
and  this  gave  rise  to  another  story.  When  Lord  Campbell 
went  to  some  such  place  with  Lady  Stratheden  (who  had 
been  raised  to  the  peerage  before  her  husband),  the  mistress 
of  the  house  said  that  Sir  A.  Cockburn  always  brought  Lady 
Cockburn  with  -him,  but  that  the  Chief  Justice  brought 
another  lady  and  not  Lady  Campbell. 

While  we  have  meetings  perpetually  held  and  innumer- 
able writings  put  forth  to  promote  education  and  raise  the 
moral  standard  of  the  people,  we  are  horrified  and  alarmed 
day  after  day  by  accounts  of  the  most  frightful  murders, 
colossal  frauds,  and  crimes  of  every  description.  War  has 
ceased,  though  the  Temple  of  Janus  seems  only  to  be  ajar ; 
but  the  world  is  still  in  commotion,  in  alarm,  and  visited  by 
every  sort  of  calamity,  moral  and  material,  in  the  midst  of 
which  it  is  difficult  to  discover  any  signs  of  the  improvement 
of  the  human  race,  even  of  those  portions  of  it  which  are 
supposed  to  be  the  most  civilised  and  the  most  progressive. 

December  7th. — At  Wrotham  and  at  Ossington  last  week. 
The  news  of  the  day  is  that  we  are  to  have  another  "  Con- 
ference *'  at  Paris,  to  settle  the  Bolgrad  affair,  our  Govern- 
ment having  given  way  to  what  Clarendon  told  me  he  cer- 
tainly would  not  conse'nt ;  but  we  had  managed  to  get  mat- 
ters into  such  a  fix,  and  it  was  so  necessary  to  extricate  all 
the  several  parties  from  the  embarrassed  positions  in  which 
they  were  placed  by  their  own  or  by  each  other's  faults,  that 
no  alternative  remained.  This  arrangement,  which  is  not 
very  consistent  with  Palmerston's  recent  declarations  at  Man- 
chester and  in  London,  is  proclaimed  by  the  Government 
papers,  and  generally  understood  to  be  a  means  of  enabling 
Russia  to  concede  onr  demands  with  as  little  loss  of  dignity 
and  credit  as  possible,  and  to  terminate  the  difference  be- 
tween us  and  France  by  our  making  an  apparent  concession  to 
France,  while  she  makes  a  real  one  to  us.  Everything  has 
evidently  been  carefully  arranged  for  the  playing  out  of  this 
diplomatic  farce,  and  Cowley,  who  is  to  be  our  sole  repre- 
sentative, is  to  be  accommodating  and  not  quarrelsome  ;  but 


333  REIGX  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

reste  a  savoir  whether  the  manoeuvres  of  some  of  the  others 
may  not  provoke  his  temper  and  bring  about  angry  collisions. 
Between  this  matter  and  the  bevue  we  have  made  of  our  Nea- 
politan interference,  never  was  there  such  a  deplorable  exhi- 
bition as  our  foreign  policy  displays ;  but  nobody  seems  to 
care  much  about  it,  and  though  there  will  in  all  probability 
be  a  good  deal  of  sparring,  and  taunts  and  sneers  in  Parlia- 
ment, Palmerston's  Government  will  incur  no  danger  of  any 
adverse  vote,  for  everybody  is  conscious  that  in  the  actual 
state  of  parties  and  the  dearth  of  parliamentary  leaders,  every 
man  of  sufficient  ability  being  disqualified  for  one  reason  or 
another,  no  man  but  Palmerston  can  conduct  a  Government 
or  command  a  majority  in  Parliament ;  nor  does  there  appear 
in  the  distance  any  man  likely  to  be  able  to  fill  his  place  in 
the  event  of  his  death  or  his  breaking  down,  events  which 
must  be  contemplated  as  not  very  remote  when  he  is  seventy- 
three  years  old,  although  his  wonderful  constitution  and 
superhuman  vigor  of  mind  and  body  make  everybody  forget 
his  age  and  regard  the  possibility  of  his  demise  with  the  sort 
of  incredulity  which  made  the  courtier  of  Louis  XIV.  ex- 
claim on  the  death  of  that  monarch,  "  Apres  la  mort  du  Roi 
on  pent  tout  croire." 

Great  astonishment  has  been  excited  by  the  appointmont 
of  a  Mr.  Bickersteth  as  Bishop  of  Ripnn,  against  whom  noth- 
ing can  be  said,  nor  anything  for  him,  except  that  he  is  a 
very  Low  Churchman.  All  the  vacant  sees  have  now  been 
filled  with  clergymen  of  this  color,  which  is  not  very  fair  or 
prudent,  as  it  will  exasperate  the  moderate  High  Churchmen 
and  set  them  strongly  against  a  Government  which  appears 
determined  to  shut  the  door  of  ecclesiastical  preferment 
against  all  but  the  Lowest  Churchmen,  and  such  a  policy 
will  most  likely  have  the  effect  of  encouraging  the  advocates 
of  those  extreme  measures  of  an  anti-Catholic  or  a  puritani- 
cal character  which  always  give  so  much  trouble  and  embar- 
rassment when  they  are  brought  forward  in  Parliament. 

December  12th. — The  Conference  to  which  Clarendon 
told  me  he  would  not  agree  is  going  to  take  place  after  all, 
but  everybody  is  ridiculing  what  is  notoriously  a  got-up  com- 
edy with  a  foregone  conclusion,  devised  to  solve  the  difficulty 
into  which  all  the  great  actors  had  got  themselves,  but  it  is 
not  yet  quite  clear  what  the  modus  operandi  is  to  be.  From 
what  I  have  picked  up  here  and  there  I  gather  that  Sardinia 
is  to  be  induced  to  give  a  casting  vote  against  Russia,  leaving 


1856.]  LEADERSHIP   OF  TOE   OPPOSITION.  333 

France  still  at  libarty  to  fulfil  her  original  engagement  and 
vote  with  her,  while  we  obtain  the  object  for  which  we  have 
stood  out,  and  by  such  a  dodge  to  bring  the  dispute  to  an 
end.  When  Parliament  meets  there  will  be  plenty  to  be 
said  about  this  affair  and  about  Naples,  and  no  doubt  the 
Opposition  or  the  malcontents  will  be  able  to  bombard  the 
Government  and  vent  their  spleen,  but  that  will  be  all,  for 
Palmerston  is  perfectly  invulnerable  and  may  commit  any 
blunders  with  impunity. 

A  report  has  been  lately  current  that  Gladstone  will  be- 
come the  leader  of  the  Opposition  vice  Disraeli,  a  report  I 
thought  quite  wild  and  improbable,  but  I  heard  the  other 
dajr  something  which  looks  as  if  it  was  not  so  much  out  of 
the  question  as  I  had  imagined.  George  Byng  told  me  he 
had  met  Sir  William  Jolliffe,  who  is  the  Derbyite  whipper- 
in,  at  Wrotham,  and  having  asked  him  whether  there  was 
any  foundation  for  the  above  report,  he  replied  that  it  cer- 
tainly was  not  true  at  present,  that  he  could  not  say  what 
might  or  what  might  not  happen  hereafter,  but  that  he 
could  not  at  one 3  be  accepted  as  leader,  and  must  in  any 
case  first  serve  in  the  ranks.  I  do  not  know  what  may  be 
the  value  of  Jolliffe's  opinions,  or  what  he  knows  of  the  in- 
tentions of  his  chief,  but  he  may  probably  be  more  or  less 
acquainted  with  the  sentiments  of  his  party,  and  may  be 
aware  that  their  necessities  have  modified  their  extreme  re- 
pugnance to  Gladstone,  and  that  they  may  now  be  willing  to 
accept  him  as  leader  (eventually),  though  two  years  ago  they 
so  peremptorily  insisted  on  his  entire  exclusion  from  their 
political  society.  Meanwhile  there  is  no  combination  amon^ 
them.  Derby  is  at  Knowsley  amusing  himself,  and  Disraeli 
at  Paris,  doing  nobody  knows  what. 

There  is  talk  of  Lord  Granville  resigning  the  lead  and 
his  office  and  going  to  Ireland  instead  of  Carlisle,  or  to  Paris 
instead  of  Cowley,  but  he  has  never  intimated  the  least 
intention  of  doing  either.  Ireland  he  certainly  will  not  po 
to ;  Paris  is  not  so  impossible.  There  seems  some  doubt 
whether  his  health  will  admit  of  his  going  on  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  and  if  they  knew  how  to  get  Cowley  away  from 
Paris  without  doing  him  an  injustice  or  an  unkindness,  I 
think  they  would  not  be  sorry,  for  his  position  there  is  un- 
satisfactory. It  is  a  serious  inconvenience  to  be  on  such 
terms  with  Walewski  that  they  never  converse  at  all  except 
when  business  obliges  them  to  meet,  and  the  consequence 


334  REIGN  OF  QUEEN    VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XII. 

of  their  relations  is  that  all  affairs  between  the  two  countries 
are  carried  on  between  Clarendon  and  Persigny  in  London, 
and  as  little  as  possible  at  Paris,  because  the  Emperor  now 
fights  rather  shy  of  Cowley,  and  is  by  no  means  on  the  same 
terms  with  him  as  heretofore,  though  alwavs  very  civil  and 
cordial  enough  when  they  meet ;  and  His  Majesty  will  not 
part  with  Walewski,  who,  although  of  a  moderate  capacity, 
is  clever  enough  to  know  how  to  deal  with  his  master,  and 
make  himself  agreeable  to  him,  and  the  Emperor  knows 
that  if  he  were  to  change  his  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  it 
would  be  attributed  to  the  influence  of  England  and  be 
on  that  account  unpopular.  The  English  press  has  ren- 
dered Walewski  the  incalculable  service  of  making  him 
popular  in  France,  and  rendering  it  impossible  for  the  Em- 
peror to  dismiss  him,  even  if  he  had  a  mind  to  do  so,  which 
he  has  not. 

December  17/7*. — There  was  an  article  in  the  "Times" 
the  day  before  yesterday  commenting  in  severe  terms  upon  a 
transaction  of  our  Foreign  Office,  as  set  forth  in  a  Blue 
Book,  in  relation  to  Brazil.  It  was  the  old  subject  of  the 
slave  trade,  and  the  old  method  of  arrogant  overbearing 
meddling  and  dictation,  a  case  as  odious  and  unjust  as  any 
one  of  those  by  which  Palmerston's  foreign  administration 
has  ever  been  disgraced.  I  really  no  longer  recognize  my 
old  friend  Clarendon,  in  whose  good  sense  and  moderation 
I  used  to  place  implicit  confidence,  and  believed  that  he 
would  inaugurate  a  system  at  the  Foreign  Office  very  differ- 
ent from  that  of  Palmerston,  and  which  would  tend  to  re- 
lieve us  from  the  excessive  odium  and  universal  unpopularity 
which  Palmerston  had  drawn  upon  us.  It  appears  that  I 
was  mistaken.  I  told  Granville  yesterday  morning  what  I 
thought  of  this  case,  and  asked  him  if  it  was  correctly 
stated.  He  said  he  regarded  it  just  as  I  did,  and  that  it  was 
quite  true,  every  word  of  it.  I  then  expressed  my  astonish- 
ment that  Clarendon  should  have  acted  in  this  way,  and  he 
replied.  "The  fault  of  Clarendon  is  that  "he  is  always  think- 
ing of  the  effect  to  be  produced  by  Blue  Books,  and  he  looks 
after  popularity,  and  is  influenced  by  those  he  acts  with. 
Under  Aberdeen  he  was  very  moderate,  but  he  saw  that  the 
moderation  of  Aberdeen  made  him  unpopular,  while  Palmer- 
ston's  popularity  in  great  measure  arose  from  his  very  differ- 
ent manner  toward  other  Powers,  so  when  Palmerston  be- 
came Prime  Minister  instead  of  Aberdeen,  he  fell  readily 


1857.]  STATE   OF   ENGLAND   AFTER  THE  WAH.  335 

into  the  Palmerstonian  method."  I  dare  say  this  is  the 
truth,  and  basides  the  contagion  of  Palmerston  himself,  he 
is  surrounded  by  men  at  the  Foreign  Office  who  are  pro- 
digious admirers  of  Palmerston  and  of  his  slashing  ways,  and 
who  no  doubt  constantly  urge  Clarendon  to  adopt  a  similar 
style.  All  this  is  to  me  matter  of  great  regret  personally, 
and  it  is  revolting  as  to  good  taste,  and^  as  I  believe,  to  our 
national  interests.  It  is,  however,  a  consolation  to  see  that 
the  most  powerful  and  influential  of  our  journals  has  the 
courage,  independence,  and  good  sense  to  protest  publicly 
against  such  violent  and  unjustifiable  proceedings. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

State  of  England  after  the  War— Prussia  and  Nenfchatel— Sir  Robert  Peel's  Account  of 
the  Russian  Coronation— An  Historical  Puzzle— The  Death  of  Princess  Lieven — Mr. 
Bpurgeoii'*  Preaching — Mr.  Glad-tone  in  Opposition— '1  it  for  Tat — Difficult  Kclati.iin 
with  France — Lord  John  in  Opposition — The  Liddell  r.  Westerton  t  ase—  Death  of 
Lord  Ellesuiere— \  iok-tit  Opposition  to  the  Government  ou  the  China  t^ue.s  ion — 
Languid  Defence  of  the  Goverume-jt— lur  ending  Dissolution — Popularity  ••{  Lord 
Palmerston — Despotism  of  Ministers  Parliament  dissolve. I — ludgment  on  Lid  Ml  e. 
Westerton — Lord  Palmerston  s  Addre.-s— 'i  he  Elections — Defeat  of  the  Manchester 
Leaders — Fear  of  Radical  Tendencies — The  Country  approve*  the  Chinese  Policy- 
Death  of  Lady  Keith. 

January  §th,  1857. — The  old  year  ended  and  the  new 
year  began  strangely.  After  three  years  of  expensive  war 
the  balance-sheet  exhibited  such  a  state  of  wealth  and  pros- 
perity as  may  well  make  us  "the  envy  of  surrounding  na- 
tions ; "  but  while  we  have  recovered  the  great  blessing  of 
peace,  we  have  to  look  back  upon  a  year  stained  beyond  all 
precedent  with  frightful  crimes  of  every  sort  and  kind  : 
horrible  murders,  enormous  frauds,  and  scandalous  robberies 
and  defalcations.  The  whole  attention  of  the  country  is 
now  drawn  to  the  social  questions  which  press  upon  us  with 
appalling  urgency,  and  the  next  session  of  Parliament,  which 
is  rapidly  advancing,  must  be  principally  engaged  in  the  en- 
deavor to  find  remedies  for  the  evils  and  dangers  incident  to 
our  corrupted  population,  and  our  erroneous  and  inadequate 
penal  system,  the  evils  and  dangers  of  which  threaten  to  be- 
come greater  and  more  difficult  to  remedy  every  day.  From 
this  question  it  is  impossible  to  dissever  that  of  education, 
for  at  least  we  ought  to  make  the  experiment  whether  the 


336  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

diffusion  of  education  will  or  will  not  be  conducive  to  the 
diminution  of  crime,  and  we  shall  see  whether  the  sectarian 
prejudices,  the  strength  and  obstinacy  of  which  have  hitherto 
erected  impassable  barriers  to  the  progress  of  educating  the 
people,  will  retain  all  their  obstinacy  in  the  face  of  the  exist- 
ing evil,  or  whether  the  bodily  fear  and  the  universal  per- 
suasion of  the  magnitude  and  imminence  of  the  danger  will 
not  operate  upon  bigotry  itself  and  render  the  masses  more 
reasonable.  Besides  these  important  questions  the  new  year 
opens  with  a  most  unpleasant  prospect  abroad,  where  every- 
thing seems  to  go  wrong  and  our  foreign  relations,  be  the 
cause  what,  or  the  fault  whose  it  may,  to  be  in  a  very  un- 
happy state. 

The  quarrel  between  Prussia  and  Switzerland 1  is  one  in 
which  we  appear  to  have  no  immediate  interest,  except  that 
it  is  always  our  interest  to  prevent  any  infraction  of  the  gen- 
eral peace,  but  of  course  we  could  not  think  of  not  interfer- 
ing in  some  way  or  other  in  the  matter.  The  King  of  Prussia 
has  behaved  as  ill  and  as  foolishly  as  possible,  and  our  Gov- 
ernment entirely  disapprove  of  his  conduct  and  have  given 
the  Swiss  to  understand  that  all  our  sympathies  are  with 
them,  and  that  we  think  they  have  right  on  their  side.  If 
France  and  England  were  now  on  really  good  terms,  and 
would  act  together  with  cordiality  and  authority,  nothing 
would  be  so  easy  as  to  put  a  prompt  extinguisher  on  the 
Swiss  affair  ;  but  as  we  cannot  agree  upon  a  common  course 
of  action,  there  is  danger  of  the  dispute  drifting  into  a  war, 
though  it  is  evidently  so  much  the  interest  and  the  desire  of 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  to  allow  no  shots  to  be  fired,  that  I 
still  expect,  even  at  this  almost  the  eleventh  hour,  to  be  in  a 
complete  fix.  The  Swiss  will  not  release  the  prisoners  unless 
the  King  will  at  the  same  time  abandon  his  claims  on  Neuf- 
ch&tel,  or  unless  England  and  France  will  guarantee  that  he 
will  do  so.  The  King  will  do  nothing  and  agree  to  nothing 
unless  the  Swiss  will  previously  and  unconditionally  release 
the  prisoners,  and  moreover  he  repudiates  our  intervention, 
as  he  thinks  us  unfairly  disposed  to  himself.  The  simplest 

1  [The  Prussian  Crown  retained,  by  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  rights  of  eover- 
eicmty  over  the  Swiss  Canton  of  Ncufchatel,  and  appointed  a  Governor  there. 
In  other  respects  the  Neufchatelese  enjoyed  all  the  rights  and  liberties  of  Swiss 
citizens.  Tnis  anomalous  state  of  things  naturally  gave  rise  to  friction.  The 
Kin^  of  Prussia  derived  no  sort  of  advantage  from  his  nominal  sovereignty; 
but  as  a  matter  of  dignity  he  declined  to  renounce  it,  and  even  threatened  a 
military  occupation  of  the  Canton,  which  the  Swiss  Conlederation  would  have 
resisted.] 


1857.]  THE  SWISS  QUESTION.  337 

course  would  be  for  England  and  France  to  declare  that  a 
Prnssian  invasion  of  Switzerland  should  be  a  casus  belli,  and 
I  think  we  should  have  no  objection  to  this,  but  France 
won't  go  along  with  us.  Then  if  the  Swiss  should  deliver 
over  the  prisoners  to  France,  and  she  would  accept  the  depot, 
all  might  be  settled.  As  it  is,  we  have  backed  up  Switzer- 
land to  resist,  and  if  war  ensues  we  shall  leave  her  to  her  fate 
— a  very  inglorious  course  to  pursue  ;  and  although  I  have  a 
horror  of  war,  and  am  alive  to  the  policy  of  keeping  well 
with  France,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  h'aving  encouraged 
the  Swiss  to  a  certain  point  it  would  better  become  us  to  take 
our  own  independent  line  and  to  threaten  Prussia  with  war 
if  she  does  not  leave  Switzerland  alone,  than  to  sit  tamely  by 
and  see  her,  unimpeded,  execute  her  threats.  The  Govern- 
ment are  evidently  much  embarrassed  by  this  question,  which 
is  still  further  complicated  by  the  matrimonial  engagement 
between  the  two  Royal  families. 

January  13th. — The  Swiss  affair  seems  settled,  so  far  at 
least  that  there  will  be  no  war.  The  prisoners  will  be  re- 
leased, but  I  dare  say  the  King  of  Prussia  will  chicaner  about 
the  abdication  of  his  rights  over  Neufchatel.  All  the  world 
is  occupied  with  Sir  Robert  Peel's  speech,  or  lecture  as  he 
terms  it,  at  Birmingham,  where  he  gave  an  account,  meant 
to  be  witty,  of  his  sejour  in  Russia  and  its  incidents.  It  was 
received  with  shouts  of  applause  by  a  congenial  Brummagem 
audience,  and  by  deep  disapprobation  in  every  decent  society 
and  by  all  reasonable  people. 

January  \tth. — I  met  Clarendon  last  night,  who  told  me 
the  Swiss  question  was  still  in  doubt,  for  the  King  was 
shuffling  and  would  probably  play  them  a  trick,  and  though 
he  knew  the  prisoners  were  going  to  be  liberated,  he  would 
not  engage  positively  to  give  up  his  claim.  The  Emperor 
Napoleon  has  behaved  very  ill  and  ungratefully  to  the  Swiss, 
who  in  consequence  were  more  irritated  against  him  than 
against  the  King  of  Prussia  himself.  Nothing  could  equal 
the  fawning  flattery  and  servility  of  the  King  to  the  Em- 
peror, who  was  at  the  same  time  tickled  by  it  and  disgusted. 

January  2Qth. — At  Woburn  for  two  days.  I  found  the 
Duke  entirely  occupied  with  a  question  (on  which  he  had  of 
course  a  various  correspondence),  whether  when  Aberdeen's 
Government  was  formed,  Aberdeen  had  at  the  time  imparted 
to  John  Russell  his  wish  and  intention  to  retire  as  soou  as 
possible,  so  that  John  might  take  his  place  as  Premier.  To 

15 


338  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

ascertain  this  fact,  he  had  applied  to  Lord  John  and  Aber- 
deen, to  Lansdowne  and  to  Clarendon,  all  of  whom  he  in- 
vited to  send  him  their  recollections  and  impressions,  which 
they  did.  The  matter  now  is  not  of  much  importance,  but 
is  worth  noticing  from  the  evidence  it  affords  of  the  diffi- 
culty of  arriving  at  truth,  and  therefore  of  the  fallibility  of 
all  history.  Though  this  circumstance  is  so  recent,  and  at 
the  time  was  so  important,  not  one  of  the  parties,  neither 
Lord  John  nor  Aberdeen  nor  the  other  two,  can  recollect  what 
did  pass,  but  as  they  all  concur  in  their  impressions  that  no 
such  engagement  was  given  when  the  Government  was 
formed,  it  may  safely  be  concluded  that  this  is  the  truth.  I 
know  I  heard  all  that  passed,  and  certainly  I  never  heard  of 
any  such  intention,  though  I  did  hear  some  time  afterward 
that  such  had  been  Aberdeen's  expressed  wish  and  Lord 
John's  expectation.  I  read  Aberdeen's  letters,  in  which  he 
entered  into  other  matters  connected  with  his  Government, 
and  I  must  say  more  creditable,  gentlemanlike,  and  amiable 
letters  1  never  read. 

January  28th. — At  Stoke  from  Saturday  to  Monday.  On 
returning  to  town,  we  heard  that  the  Persian  war  was  over, 
Palmerston's  usual  luck  bringing  a  settlement  of  the  only 
question  that  could  be  embarrassing  on  the  eve  of  the  meet- 
ing of  Parliament.  But  the  news  only  comes  telegraphically, 
so  unless  confirmed  must  be  doubtful,  and  cannot  be  named 
in  the  Speech.1 

Two  remarkable  deaths  have  occurred,  one  of  which 
touches  me  nearly,  that  of  Madame  de  Lieven  ;  the  other  is 
that  of  the  Duke  of  Kutland.  Madame  de  Lieven  died,  after 
a  short  illness,  of  a  severe  attack  of  bronchitis,  the  Duke 
having  lingered  for  many  months.  Very  different  characters. 
Madame  de  Lieven  came  to  this  country  at  the  end  of  1812  or 
beginning  of  1813  on  the  war  breaking  out  between  Eussia  and 
France.  "Pozzo  dj  Borgo  had  preceded  the  Lievens  to  renew 

1  [Differences  had  arisen  in  the  spring  of  1856  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
Court  of  Persia,  in  consequence  of  which  the  British-Minister  was  withdrawn 
from  Teheran.  In  October,  1856,  Herat  was  attacked  and  taken  by  the  Persians, 
which  led  to  war.  A  detachment  of  British  troops  under  General  Outram 
landed  at  Bushire  on  January  27, 1857,  and  the  Persians  were  defeated  at  Koo- 
shab  on  February  8.  Peace  was  signed  in  Paris  between  Her  Majesty  and  the 
Shah  on  March  4,  the  Persians  engaging  to  abstain  from  all  interference  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  Afghanistan,  and  to  respect  the  independence  of  Herat.  If 
these  dates  are  correct,  as  given  in  Irving's  Annals  of  our  Time,  the  intelligence 
of  the  peace  cannot  have  reached  London  BO  soon  as  Mr.  Greville  supposed,  and 
rumor  anticipated  the  event.] 


1857.]  DEATH  OF  PRINCESS  LIEVEN.  339 

diplomatic  relations  and  make  arrangements  with  us.  She 
was  at  that  time  young,  at  least  in  the  prime  of  life,  and 
though  without  any  pretensions  to  beauty,  and  indeed  with 
some  personal  defects,  she  had  so  fine  an  air  and  manner, 
and  a,  countenance  so  pretty  and  so  full  of  intelligence,  as  to 
be  on  the  whole  a  very  striking  and  attractive  person,  quite 
enough  so  to  have  lovers,  several  of  whom  she  engaged  in 
succession  without  seriously  attaching  herself  to  any.  Those 
who  were  most  notoriously  her  slaves  at  different  times  were 
the  present  Lord  Willoughby,  the  Duke  of  Sutherland  (then 
Lord  Gower),  the  Duke  of  Cannizzaro  (then  Count  St. 
Antonio),  and  the  Duke  of  Palmella,  who  was  particularly 
clever  and  agreeable.  Madame  de  Lieven  was  a  tres  grande 
dame,  with  abilities  of  a  very  fine  order,  great  tact  and  finesse, 
and  taking  a  boundless  pleasure  in  the  society  of  the  great 
world  and  in  political  affairs  of  every  sort.  People  here  were 
not  slow  to  acknowledge  her  merits  and  social  excellence, 
and  she  almost  immediately  took  her  place  in  the  cream  of 
the  cream  of  English  society,  forming  close  intimacies  with 
the  most  conspicuous  women  in  it,  and  assiduously  culti- 
vating relations  with  the  most  remarkable  men  of  all  parties. 
These  personal  liaisons  sometimes  led  her  into  political  par- 
tisanship not  always  prudent  and  rather  inconsistent  with 
her  position,  character,  and  functions  here.  But  I  do  not 
believe  she  was  ever  mixed  up  in  any  intrigues,  nor  even,  at  a 
later  period,  that  she  was  justly  obnoxious  to  the  charge  of 
caballing  and  mischief-making  which  has  been  so  lavishly 
cast  upon  her.  She  had  an  insatiable  curiosity  for  political 
information,  and  a  not  unnatural  desire  to  make  herself 
useful  and  agreeable  to  her  own  Court  by  imparting  to  her 
Imperial  masters  and  mistresses  all  the  information  she 
acquired  and  the  anecdotes  she  picked  up.  Accordingly 
while  she  was  in  England,  which  was  from  1812  to  1834,  she 
devoted  herself  to  society,  not  without  selection,  but  without 
exclusion,  except  that  she  sought  and  habitually  confined 
herself  to  the  highest  and  best  The  Regent,  afterward 
George  IV.,  delighted  in  her  company,  and  she  was  a  fre- 
quent guest  at  the  Pavilion,  and  on  very  intimate  terms 
with  Lady  Conyngham,for  although  Madame  de  Lieven  was 
not  very  tolerant  of  mediocrity,  and  social  and  colloquial 
superiority  was  necessary  to  her  existence,  she  always  made 
great  allowances  for  Royalty  and  those  immediately  con- 
nected with  it.  She  used  to  be  a  great  deal  at  Oatlands,  and 


310  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

was  one  of  the  few  intimate  friends  of  the  Duchess  of  York, 
herself  very  intelligent,  and  who  therefore  had  in  the  eyes  of 
Madame  de  Lieven  the  double  charm  of  her  position  and  her 
agreeableness.  It  was  her  duty  as  well  as  her  inclination  to 
cultivate  the  members  of  all  the  successive  Cabinets  which 
passed  before  her,  and  she  became  the  friend  of  Lord  Cas- 
tlereagh,  of  Canning,  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  Lord  Grey, 
Lord  Palmerston,  John  Russell,  Aberdeen,  and  many  others 
of  inferior  note,  and  she  was  likewise  one  of  the  habitues 
of  Holland  House,  which  was  always  more  or  less  neutral 
ground,  even  when  Lord  Holland  was  himself  a  member 
of  the  government.  When  Talleyrand  came  over  here  as 
Ambassador,  there  was  for  some  time  a  sort  of  antagonism 
between  the  two  embassies,  and  particularly  between  the 
ladies  of  each,  but  Madame  de  Dino  (now  Duchesse  of  Sagan) 
was  so  clever,  and  old  Talleyrand  himself  so  remarkable  and 
so  agreeable,  that  Madame  de  Lieven  was  irresistibly  drawn 
toward  them,  and  for  the  last  year  or  two  of  their  being  in 
England  they  became  extremely  intimate  ;  but  her  greatest 
friend  in  England  was  Lady  Cowper,  afterward  Lady 
Palmerston,  and  through  her  she  was  also  the  friend  of 
Palmerston,  who  was  also  well  affected  toward  Russia,  till 
his  jealous  and  suspicious  mind  was  inflamed  by  his  absurd 
notion  of  her  intention  to  attack  us  in  India,  a  crotchet 
which  led  us  into  the  folly  and  disaster  of  the  Afghan  war. 
In  1834  the  Lievens  were  recalled,  and  she  was  established  at 
St.  Petersburg  in  high  favor  about  the  Empress,  but  her 
sejour  there  was  odious  to  her,  and  she  was  inconsolable  at 
leaving  England,  where  after  a  residence  of  above  twenty 
years  she  had  become  rooted  in  habits  and  affections,  although 
she  never  really  and  completely  understood  the  country. 
She  remained  at  St.  Petersburg  for  several  months,  until 
her  two  youngest  children  were  taken  ill,  and  died  almost  at 
the  same  time.  This  dreadful  blow,  and  the  danger  of  the 
severe  climate  to  her  own  health,  gave  her  a  valid  excuse 
for  desiring  leave  of  absence,  and  she  left  Russia  never  to 
return.  She  went  to  Italy,  where  M.  de  Lieven  died  about 
the  year  1836  or  1837,  after  which  she  established  herself 
in  Paris,  where  her  salon  became  the  rendezvous  of  the  best 
society,  and  particularly  the  neutral  ground  on  which  emi- 
nent men  and  politicians  of  all  colors  could  meet,  and  where 
her  tact  and  adroitness  made  them  congregate  in  a  sort  of 
social  truce. 


1857.]  CHARACTER  OF  PRINCESS  LIETEX.  341 

I  do  not  know  at  what  exact  period  it  was  that  she 
made  the  acquaintance  of  M.  Guizot,  bnt  their  intimacy 
no  doubt  was  established  after  he  had  begun  to  play  a 
great  political  part,  for  his  literary  and  philosophical  celeb- 
rity would  not  alone  have  had  much  charm  for  her. 
They  were,  however,  already  great  friends  at  the  time  of 
his  embassy  to  England,  and  she  took  that  opportunity  of 
coming  here  to  pay  a  visit  to  her  old  friends.  The  fall  of 
Thiertr  Government  and  Guizot's  becoming  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs  of  course  drew  Madame  de  Lieven  still  more 
closely  to  him,  and  during  the  whole  of  his  administration 
their  alliance  continued  to  be  of  the  closest  and  most  inti- 
mate character.  It  was  an  immense  object  to  her  to  possess 
the  entire  confidence  of  the  French  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  who  kept  her  au  courant  of  all  that  was  going  on  in 
the  political  world,  while  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  should 
be  irresistibly  attracted  by  a  woman  immensely  superior  to 
any  other  of  his  acquaintance,  who  was  fully  able  to  com- 
prehend and  willing  to  interest  herself  about  all  the  grand 
and  important  subjects  which  he  had  to  handle  and  manage, 
and  who  associated  herself  with  a  complete  sympathy  in  all 
his  political  interests.  Their  liaison,  which  some  people 
consider  mysterious,  but  which  I  believe  to  have  been  en- 
tirely social  and  political,  grew  constantly  more  close,  and 
every  moment  that  Guizot  could  snatch  from  the  Foreign 
Office  and  the  Chamber  he  devoted  to  Madame  de  Lieven. 
He  used  to  go  there  regularly  three  times  a  day  on  his  way 
to  and  his  way  from  the  Chamber,  when  it  was  sitting,  and 
in  the  evening  ;  but  while  he  was  by  far  her  first  object,  she 
cultivated  the  society  of  all  the  most  conspicuous  and  re- 
markable people  whom  she  could  collect  about  her,  and  she 
was  at  one  time  very  intimate  with  Thiere,  though  his  ri- 
valry with  Guizot  and  their  intense  hatred  of  each  other 
eventually  produced  a  complete  estrangement  between  her 
and  Thiere. 

The  revolution  of  1848  dispersed  her  friends,  broke  up 
her  salon,  and  terrified  her  into  making  a  rather  ludicrous, 
but  as  it  turned  out  wholly  unnecessary,  escape.  She  came 
to  England,  where  she  remained  till  affairs  appeared  to  be 
settled  in  France  and  all  danger  of  disturbance  at  an  end. 
She  then  returned  to  Paris,  where  she  remained,  not  without 
fear  and  trembling,  during  the  period  of  peril  and  vicissitude 
which  at  length  ended,  much  to  her  satisfaction,  with  the 


342  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIIL 

coup  d'etat  and  the  Empire.  Guizot  had  returned  to  Paris, 
but  constantly  refused  to  take  any  part  in  political  affairs, 
either  under  the  Eepublic  or  with  the  new  government  of 
Louis  Napoleon.  This,  however,  did  not  prevent  Madame 
de  Lieven  (though  their  friendship  continued  the  same)  from 
showing  her  sympathy  and  goodwill  to  the  Imperial  regime, 
and  her  salon,  which  had  been  decimated  by  previous  events, 
was  soon  replenished  by  some  of  the  ministers  or  adherents 
of  the  Empire,  who,  though  they  did  not  amalgamate  very 
well  with  her  old  habitues,  supplied  her  with  interesting 
information,  and  subsequently,  when  the  war  broke  out, 
rendered  her  very  essential  service.  When  the  rupture  took 
place  all  the  Eussiau  subjects  were  ordered  to  quit  Paris. 
She  was  advised  by  some  of  her  friends  to  disobey  the  order, 
for  as  she  was  equally  precluded  from  going  to  England,  the 
circumstances  in  which  this  order  placed  her  were  indescrib- 
ably painful  and  even  dangerous,  but  she  said  that  however 
great  the  sacrifice,  and  though  she  was  entirely  independent, 
she  was  under  so  many  obligations  and  felt  so  much  attach- 
ment to  the  Imperial  family  that,  cost  her  what  it  might, 
she  would  obey  the  order,  and  accordingly  she  repaired  to 
Brussels,  where  for  a  year  and  a  half  or  two  years  she  took 
up  her  melancholy  and  uncomfortable  abode.  At  last  this 
banishment  from  her  home  and  her  friends,  with  all  the  priva- 
tions it  entailed,  became  insupportable,  and  she  endeavored, 
through  the  intervention  of  some  of  her  Imperialist  friends, 
to  obtain  leave  of  the  French  Government  to  return  to  Paris, 
either  with  or  without  (for  it  is  not  clear  which)  the  consent 
of  her  own  Court.  The  Emperor  Napoleon  seems  to  have  been 
easily  moved  to  compassion,  and  signified  his  consent  to  her 
return.  No  sooner  did  this  become  known  to  Cowley  and 
the  English  Government  than  they  resolved  to  interpose  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing  her  return  to  Paris,  and  Cowley 
went  to  Walewski  and  insisted  that  the  Emperor's  permis- 
sion should  be  revoked.  The  entente  cordiale  was  then  in 
full  force,  nothing  could  be  refused  to  the  English  Ambas- 
sador, and  Madame  de  Lieven  was  informed  that  she  must 
not  come  back  to  Paris.  She  bore  this  sad  disappointment 
with  resignation,  made  no  complaints,  and  resolved  to  bide 
her  time.  Some  months  later  she  caused  a  representation 
to  be  made  to  the  French  Government  that  the  state  of  her 
health  made  it  impossible  for  her  to  pass  another  winter  at 
Brussels,  and  that  she  was  going  to  Nice,  but  as  it  was  of 


1857.]  PRINCESS  LIEVEN.  343 

vital  importance  to  her  to  consult  her  medical  adviser  at 
Paris,  she  craved  permission  to  proceed  to  Nice  vid  Paris, 
where  she  would  only  stay  long  enough  for  that  purpose. 
The  permission  was  granted.  She  wrote  me  word  that  she 
was  going  to  Paris  to  remain  there  a  few  days.  I  replied  that 
I  was  much  mistaken  in  her  if  once  there  she  ever  quitted 
it  again.  She  arrived  and  was  told  by  her  doctor  that  it 
would  be  dangerous  in  her  state  to  continue  her  journey. 
She  never  did  proceed  further,  and  never  did  quit  Paris 
again.  The  Government  winked  at  her  stay,  and  never 
molested  or  interfered  with  her.  She  resumed  her  social 
habits,  but  with  great  caution  and  reserve,  and  did  all  she 
could  to  avoid  giving  umbrage  or  exciting  suspicion.  It  was 
a  proof  of  the  greatness  of  her  mind,  as  well  as  of  her  pru- 
dence and  good  temper,  that  she  not  only  testified  no  resent- 
ment at  the  conduct  of  Cowley  toward  her,  but  did  all  she 
could  to  renew  amicable  relations  with  him,  and  few  things 
annoyed  her  more  than  his  perseverance  in  keeping  aloof  from 
her.  From  the  time  of  her  last  departure  from  England  up 
to  the  death  of  Frederic  Lamb  (Lord  Beau  vale  and  Mel- 
bourne) she  maintained  a  constant  correspondence  with  him. 
After  his  death  she  proposed  to  me  to  succeed  him  as  her 
correspondent,  and  for  the  last  two  or  three  years  our  epis- 
tolary commerce  was  intimate  and  unbroken."  She  knew  a 
vast  deal  of  the  world  and  its  history  during  the  half  century 
she  had  lived  and  played  a  part  in  it,  but  she  was  not  a 
woman  of  much  reading,  and  probably  at  no  time  had  been 
very  highly  or  extremely  educated,  but  her  excessive  clever- 
ness and  her  finesse  a?  esprit  supplied  the  want  of  education, 
and  there  was  one  book  with  which  her  mind  was  perpetually 
nourished  by  reading  it  over  and  over  again.  This  was  the 
"Letters  of  Madame  de  Sevigne,"  and  to  the  constant  study 
of  those  unrivalled  letters  she  was  no  doubt  considerably 
indebted  for  her  own  epistolary  eminence,  and  for  her  ad- 
mirable style  of  writing,  not,  however,  that  her  style  and 
Madame  de  S6vigne?s  were  at  all  alike.  She  had  not  (in  her 
letters  at  least)  the  variety,  the  abundance,  or  the  abandon 
of  the  great  Frenchwoman,  but  she  was  more  teree  and  epi- 
grammatic, and  she  had  the  same  graphic  power  and  faculty 
of  conveying  much  matter  in  few  words. 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  charm  of  her  conversation  or 
her  grace,  ease,  and  tact  in  society.  She  had  a  nice  and 
accurate  judgment,  and  an  exquisite  taste  in  the  choice  of 


344  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

her  associates  and  friends ;  but  though  taking  an  ardent 
pleasure  in  agreeableness,  and  peculiarly  susceptible  of  being 
bored,  she  was  not  fastidious,  full  of "  politeness  and  good 
breeding,  and  possessed  the  faculty  of  turning  every  one  to 
account,  and  eliciting  something  either  of  entertainment  or 
information  from  the  least  important  of  her  acquaintance. 
It  has  been  the  fashion  here,  and  the  habit  of  the  vulgar 
and  ignorant  press,  to  stigmatise  Madame  de  Lieven  as 
a  mischievous  intriguer,  who  was  constantly  occupied  in 
schemes  and  designs  hostile  to  the  interests  of  our  country. 
I  firmly  believe  such  charges  to  be  utterly  unfounded.  She 
had  resided  for  above  twenty  years,  the  happiest  of  her 
life,  in  England,  and  had  imbibed  a  deep  attachment  to  the 
country,  where  she  had  formed  many  more  intimacies  and 
friendships  than  she  possessed  anywhere  else,  and  to  the  last 
day  of  her  life  she  continued  to  cherish  the  remembrance 
of  her  past  connection,  to  cultivate  the  society  of  English 
people,  and  to  evince  without  disguise  her  predilection  for 
their  country.  She  had  never  lived  much  in  Eussia,  her 
connection  with  it  had  been  completely  dissolved,  and  all  she 
retained  of  it  was  a  respectful  attachment  to  the  Imperial 
family,  together  with  certain  sympathies  and  feelings  of 
loyalty  for  her  native  country  and  her  Sovereign  which  it 
would  have  been  unnatural  and  discreditable  to  disavow. 
Her  well-known  correspondence  with  the  Imperial  Court 
was  only  caused  by  the  natural  anxiety  of  those  great 
persons  to  be  kept  au  courant  of  social  and  political  affairs 
by  such  an  accomplished  correspondent,  but  I  do  not  believe 
she  was  ever  employed  by  them  in  any  business  or  any 
political  design  ;  on  the  contrary,  she  was  rather  distrusted 
and  out  of  favor  with  them,  on  account  of  her  being  so 
denaturalized  and  for  her  ardent  affection  for  England  and 
the  English.  Russia  was  the  country  of  her  birth,  France 
the  country  of  her  adopted  abode,  but  England  was  the 
country  of  her  predilection.  With  this  cosmopolite  char- 
acter she  dreaded  everything  which  might  produce  hostile 
collision  between  any  two  of  these  countries.  She  was 
greatly  annoyed  when  the  question  of  the  Spanish  marriages 
embittered  the  relations  between  France  and  England,  but 
infinitely  more  so  at  the  Turkish  quarrel,  and  the  war  which 
it  produced.  Those  who  fulminated  against  her  intrigues 
were,  as  I  believe,  provoked  at  the  efforts  she  made,  so  far 
as  she  had  any  power  or  influence,  to  bring  about  the  restora- 


1857.]  A  SERMON  BY  MR.  SPURGEOK  345 

* 

tion  of  peace,  an  unpardonable  offence  in  the  eyes  of  all  who 
were  bent  on  the  continuation  of  the  war.  She  lived  to  see 
peace  restored,  and  closed  her  eyes  almost  at  the  moment 
that  the  last  seal  was  put  to  it  by  the  Conference  of  Paris. 
Her  last  illness  was  sudden  and  short.  Her  health  had 
always  been  delicate,  and  she  was  very  nervous  about  her- 
self ;  an  attack  of  bronchitis  brought  on  fever,  which  rapidly 
consumed  her  strength,  and  brought  her,  fully  conscious, 
within  sight  of  death  ;  that  consummation,  which  at  a  dis- 
tance she  had  always  dreaded,  she  saw  arrive  with  perfect 
calmness  and  resignation,  and  all  the  virtues  and  qualities 
for  which  the  smallest  credit  was  given  her  seem  to  have 
shone  forth  with  unexpected  lustre  on  her  deathbed.  Her 
faculties  were  bright  and  unclouded  to  the  last,  her  courage 
and  presence  of  mind  were  unshaken,  she  evinced  a  tender 
consideration  for  the  feelings  of  those  who  were  lamenting 
around  her  bed,  and  she  complied  with  the  religious  obliga- 
tions prescribed  by  the  Church  of  which  she  was  a  member 
with  a  devotion  the  sincerity  of  which  we  have  no  right  to 
question.  She  made  her  son  Paul  and  Guizot  leave  her  room 
a  few  hours  before  she  died,  that  they  might  be  spared  the 
agony  of  witnessing  her  actual  dissolution,  and  only  three 
or  four  hours  before  the  supreme  moment,  she  mustered 
strength  to  write  a  note  in  pencil  to  Guizot  with  these 
words:  "Merci  pour  vingt  annees  d'amitie  et  de  bohneur. 
Ne  m'oubliez  pas,  adieu,  adieu  !  "  It  was  given  to  him  after 
her  death. 

February  8th. — I  am  just  come  from  hearing  the  cele- 
brated Mr.  Spurgeon  preach  in  the  Music  Hall  of  the  Surrey 
Gardens.  It  was  quite  full  ;  he  told  us  from  the  pulpit 
that  9,000  people  were  present  The  service  was  like  the 
Presbyterian  :  Psalms,  prayers,  expounding  a  Psalm,  and  a 
sermon.  He  is  certainly  very  remarkable,  and  undeniably 
a  very  fine  character;  not  remarkable  in  person,  in  face 
rather  resembling  a  smaller  Macaulav,  a  very  clear  and  pow- 
erful voice,  which  was  heard  through  the  whole  hall ;  a  man- 
ner natural,  impassioned,  and  without  affectation  or  extrava- 
gance ;  wonderful  fluency  and  command  of  language,  abound- 
ing in  illustration,  and  very  often  of  a  ver^r  familiar  kind, 
but  without  anything  either  ridiculous  or  irreverent.  He 
gave  me  an  impression  of  his  earnestness  and  his  sincerity  ; 
speaking  without  book  or  notes,  yet  his  discourse  was  evi- 
dently very  carefully  prepared.  The  text  was  "Cleanse  me 


346  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

from  my  secret  sins,"  and  he  divided  it  into  heads,  the 
misery,  the  folly,  the  danger  (and  a  fourth  which  I  have  for- 
gotten) of  secret  sins,  on  all  of  which  he  was  very  eloquent 
and  impressive.  He  preached  for  about  three-quarters  of  an 
hour,  and  to  judge  of  the  handkerchiefs  and  the  audible 
sobs,  with  great  effect. 

We  have  had  a  week  of  Parliament,  and  though  nothing 
important  has  occurred,  the  discussions  do  not  seem  to  have 
raised  the  reputation  of  the  Government  or  to  promise  them 
an  easy  session,  though  nobody  seems  to  expect  that  their 
stability  is  likely  to  be  shaken.  Disraeli  and  Gladstone 
seem  verging  toward  each  other  in  opposition,  but  there  is 
no  appearance  of  a  coalition  between  them  ;  the  only  striking 
fact  is  that  the  Opposition,  of  whose  disunion  we  have  heard 
so  much,  and  of  the  internal  repulsion  supposed  to  prevail 
among  them,  seems  to  be  as  united  as  ever  it  has  been,  and 
the  usual  people  appeared  at  Derby's  and  Disraeli's  gather- 
ings. I  take  it  that  any  appearance  of  vulnerability  of  the 
Government  silences  all  manifestations  of  their  mutual  an- 
tipathies, and  puts  them  on  the  qui  vive  to  turn  out  their 
opponents. 

Gladstone  seems  bent  on  leading  Sir  George  Lewis  a  weary 
life,  but  Lewis  is  just  the  man  to  encounter  and  baffle  such 
an  opponent,  for  he  is  cold-blooded  as  a  fish,  totally  devoid 
of  sensibility  or  nervousness,  of  an  imperturbable  temper, 
calm  and  resolute,  laborious  and  indefatigable,  and  exceed- 
ingly popular  in  the  House  of  Commons  from  his  general 
good  humor  and  civility,  and  the  credit  given  him  for  honor, 
sincerity,  plain  dealing,  and  good  intentions. 

February  llth. — The  Duke  of  Bedford  told  me  yesterday 
that  Clarendon  had  complained  to  him  bitterly  of  John  Rus- 
sell's speech  the  first  night  of  the  session,  of  the  hostility 
it  manifested,  and  particularly  of  what  he  said  about  Naples. 
On  looking  at  the  report  of  the  speech,  the  Neapolitan  part 
was  certainly  strong,  but  it  was  not  stronger  than  was  war- 
ranted by  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  and  there  seems 
no  reason  why  Lord  John  should  abstain  from  speaking  out 
his  opinions  fairly  on  any  important  point  of  foreign  policy. 
His  speech,  on  the  whole,  was  not  regarded  as  hostile  or 
acrimonious.  Disraeli  has  got  into  a  scrape  by  blurting  out 
an  accusation  which  he  has  entirely  failed  in  making  good, 
and  he  has  afforded  Palmerston  an  occasion  for  a  triumph 
over  him  not  a  little  damaging.  I  am  told  the  effect  in  the 


1857.]  TREATY   BETWEEN  FRANCE   AND  AUSTRIA.  347 

House  was  very  bad  for  Disraeli.  Palmerston  is  said  to  be 
beginning  to  show  some  symptoms  of  physical  weakness, 
which  if  it  be  so,  is  very  serious  at  the  beginning  of  a  long 
and  arduous  session.  He  is  rising  seventy-three,  and  at 
that  age,  and  loaded  with  the  weight  of  public  affairs,  it  is 
not  wonderful  if  the  beginning  of  the  end  should  be  dis- 
cernible. 

February  \ktli. — The  defeat  which  Disraeli  sustained  the 
other  night  was  turned  the  night  before  last  into  something 
like  a  triumph,  and  Palmerston  found  himself  in  a  disagree- 
able position.  Disraeli  had  asserted  that  a  Treaty  had  been 
concluded  between  France  and  Austria  for  certain  ends  and 
at  a  certain  time.  Palmerston  flatly  contradicted  him,  and 
with  great  insolence  of  manner,  especially  insisting  that  it 
was  nothing  but  a  Convention,  and  that  conditional,  which 
never  had  been  signed.  Two  nights  after  Palmerston  came 
down  to  the  House,  and  in  a  very  jaunty  way  said  he  must 
correct  his  former  statement,  and  inform  the  House  he 
had  just  discovered  that  the  Convention  had  been  signed. 
Great  triumph  naturally  on  the  part  of  Disraeli,  who  poured 
forth  a  rather  violent  invective.  Then  Palmerston  lost  his 
temper  and  retorted  that  Disraeli  was  trying  to  cover  an 
ignominious  retreat  by  vaporing.  This  language,  under  the 
circumstances  of  the  case,  was  very  imprudent  and  very  im- 
proper, and  (unlike  what  he  had  ever  experienced  before)  he 
sat  down  without  a  single  cheer,  his  own  people  even  not 
venturing  to  challenge  the  approbation  of  the  House  in  a 
matter  in  which,  though  Disraeli  was  not  right,  Palmerston 
was  so  clearly  wrong.  What  business  had  he  to  make  such 
a  mistake  ?  for  he  ought  to  have  been  perfectly  and  accu- 
rately informed  of  every  detail  connected  with  foreign  affairs. 
He  certainly  is  not  qualis  erat,  and  I  am  disposed  to  believe 
that  he  is  about  to  begin  breaking,  and  that  he  will  not  be 
able  to  go  through  a  long  and  arduous  session  with  the  same 
vigor  and  success  which  he  has  hitherto  manifested.  Every 
sign  and  symptom  of  weakness  and  failing  strength  which 
he  may  show  will  raise  the  hopes  and  stimulate  the  exertions 
of  the  Opposition,  and  we  may  expect  to  see  not  a  coalition, 
but  such  a  concurrence  between  Gladstone,  Disraeli,  and 
Lord  Stanley  as  will  prevent  the  possibility  of  an  alternative 
Government.  Gladstone  and  Disraeli  are  already  on  friendly 
terms,  and  Gladstone  and  Stanley  seem  to  be  still  more  in- 
timate. The  present  Government  only  exists  by  Palmer- 


348  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  .[CHAP.  XIIL 

ston's  personal  popularity,  and  it  would  not  require  much  to 
pull  that  down. 

February  17th. — I  called  on  Lyndhurst  on  Sunday.  He 
was  in  high  force,  with  the  Blue  Book  before  him,  getting 
up  the  China  case,  on  which  he  means  to  have  a  day  in  the 
House  of  Lords.  He  told  me  that  Gladstone  says  the  Budget 
is  the  worst  that  was  ever  produced,  and  he  stakes  his  credit 
on  proving  that  it  is  full  of  errors  from  beginning  to  end, 
that,  instead  of  a  present  surplus  of  nearly  a  million,  there 
is  a  present  deficit  of  four  millions,  and  that  there  will  be 
one  of  nine  millions  in  1860.  I  don't  believe  he  will  make 
his  words  good. 

I  saw  Clarendon  yesterday  morning,  and  found  him  low, 
worn,  and  out  of  sorts  ;  said  he  wished  to  Heaven  he  could 
be  delivered  from  office  ;  everything  went  wrong,  the  labor, 
anxiety,  and  responsibility  were  overwhelming,  and  the  diffi- 
cult state  of  our  relations  with  France  more  than  could  be 
endured.  He  could  not  depend  on  the  French  Government, 
and  never  knew  from  one  day  to  another  what  the  conse- 
quences of  their  conduct  might  be.  He  believed  the  Emperor 
sincerely  desired  to  keep  well  with  us,  but  his  Government 
were  constantly  doing  things  which  rendered  our  acting  to- 
gether and  cordially  almost  impossible  ;  that  his  excessive 
levity  and  carelessness  perpetually  made  him  the  dupe  of  other 
people,  and  led  him  into  saying  things  and  committing  him- 
self, and  then  he  did  not  know  how  to  get  out  of  the  engage- 
ments to  which  he  stood  committed.  Clarendon  added  that 
it  was  impossible  such  a  state  of  things  should  not  produce 
first  coolness  and  then  quarrels,  and  then  God  knows  what 
consequences,  and  he  was  obliged  to  pick  his  way  through 
the  embarrassments  that  spring  up  around  him  with  the  ut- 
most care  and  circumspection.  Palmerston,  who  never  saw 
difficulties,  took  it  with  his  usual  easy  way,  and  said  we  were 
not  tied  to  France  like  Siamese  Twins,  and  why  should  we 
care  so  much  what  she  did,  and  why  might  she  not  take  her 
way,  and  we  ours  ;  but  Clarendon  feels  that  it  is  impossible 
for  him,  on  whom  the  responsibility  is  more  immediately 
thrown,  to  take  a  matter  fraught  with  such  consequences  in 
so  easy  a  style  ;  that  if  any  serious  dispute  arose,  France  and 
Russia  would  probably  become  allied  against  us,  and  that 
America  would  join  them.  Russia  pays  the  most  unceasing 
and  the  most  abject  court  to  Louis  Napoleon,  and  not  with- 
out success.  He  (Clarendon)  said  nothing  could  be  worse 


1857.]  LORD  JOHN  IN  OPPOSITION.  349 

than  the  conduct  of  the  French  Government  about  the  affair 
of  the  Principalities,  which  was  of  vital  importance  to  Aus- 
tria, who  threatened  (though  she  would  not  keep  her  resolu- 
tion) to  make  it  a  casus  belli  if  it  is  insisted  on.  He  said 
Austria  had  behaved  very  well  about  the  amnesty  in  Italy, 
and  was  going  to  do  the  same  thing  in  Hungary.  We  were 
interrupted  as  usual  in  our  conversation,  and  I  had  not  time 
to  ask  him  about  many  things  I  wanted  to  hear  of.  I  told 
him  I  thought  the  China  case  was  a  very  bad  one. 

John  Russell  seems  to  me  to  be  drifting  into  hostility  to 
the  Government  more  and  more.  He  made  a  strong,  but 
very  just,  speech  on  Naples  the  first  night,  which  irritated 
Clarendon  very  much.  A  few  nights  ago  he  said  something 
in  the  House  about  China,  and  backed  up  the  Government 
against  Roebuck,  at  which  Clarendon  expressed  great  satis- 
faction, and  evinced  a  disposition  to  seize  that  pretext  to 
put  himself  on  good  terms  with  Lord  John,  but  Lord  John 
showed  no  readiness  to  meet  the  overture,  and  when  the 
Duke  of  Bedford  wrote  to  him  what  Clarendon  had  said,  he 
replied  that  Clarendon  owed  him  nothing,  for  he  had  said 
what  he  thought  right  and  not  what  he  thought  would  be 
agreeable  to  him,  and  that  it  was  very  probable  he  should 
say  something  he  would  not  at  all  like  before  long. 

Yesterday  morning  the  Judicial  Committee  finished  the 
case  of  Liddell  and  Westerton,  after  eight  days  of  elaborate 
argument,  and  a  powerful  case  was  made  in  appeal  against 
Lushington's  judgment,  which  I  expect  to  see  reversed,  and 
I  hope  it  will,  for  I  detest  the  proceedings  of  the  people  who 
back  up  Mr.  Westerton,  who  would  drag  down  the  Church 
to  a  puritanical  level,  and  strip  it  of  its  splendor. 

February  \§th. — Yesterday  morning,  at  half-past  twelve 
o'clock,  my  orother-in-law  Lord  Ellesmere,  expired  at  Bridirc- 
water  House,  after  an  illness  of  three  months.  He  was  sur- 
rounded by  all  his  family,  and  died  most  peacefully,  and 
without  any  suffering,  and  in  possession  of  his  mental  powers 
till  within  a  few  hours  of  his  death.  Few  men  have  quitted  this 
world  more  beloved,  respected,  and  lamented  than  this  excel- 
lent person.  He  had  just  completed  the  fifty-seventh  year  of 
his  age,  so  might  naturally  have  been  expected  to  live  many 
years,  and  till  he  was  taken  ill,  little  more  than  three  months 
ago,  he  appeared  to  be  in  his  usual  state  of  health  and  likely  to 
have  a  long  and  enjoyable  existence  before  him.  It  is  no  ex- 
aggeration to  say  that  he  was  most  estimable  in  every  relation 


REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

of  life,  and  as  such  he  enjoyed  universal  respect  and  regard. 
He  never  at  any  time  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  politics, 
for  which  he  had  neither  ambition  nor  the  necessary  qualifi- 
cations, but  in  such  part  as  be  was  occasionally  called  upon 
to  take,  he  acted  with  propriety  and  general  approbation. 
But  he  had  no  taste  for  the  turmoil  of  political  life,  and  his 
temper  was  too  serene  and  his  love  of  repose  too  great  to 
allow  him  to  plunge  deeply  in  political  warfare.  His  abili- 
ties were  not  of  a  very  high  order,  but  he  had  a  good  under- 
standing, a  cultivated  mind,  and  an  inquisitive  disposition, 
and,  though  not  profound  in  any  branch  of  literature  or 
science,  he  loved  to  wander  over  the  vast  fields  of  knowledge, 
so  that  he  was  stored  with  much  superficial  information  on 
a  great  variety  of  subjects.  His  taste  was  good  both  in  lit- 
erature and  art ;  he  was  an  elegant  poet,  and  a  fair  writer  of 
his  own  tongue  ;  he  was  naturally  kind-hearted  and  charita- 
ble, more  particularly  to  meritorious  artists  who  stood  in 
need  of  assistance,  by  whom  his  loss  will  be  severely  felt.  All 
his  tastes  and  pursuits  were  of  the  most  refined  character, 
and  he  delighted  in  the  society  of  all  who  were  remarkable 
for  ability  in  any  walk  of  life,  and  from  whom  he  could  de- 
rive information  of  any  description.  In  political  opinions 
he  was  the  very  type  and  model  of  a  Liberal  Conservative, 
and  the  statesman  to  whom  he  gave  all  his  allegiance,  to- 
gether with  a  boundless  admiration,  was  the  Duke  of  Wel- 
lington. But  he  was  always  much  more  of  a  patriot  than  a 
political  partisan,  and  he  was  oftener  to  be  found  giving  an 
independent  support  to  different  Governments  than  fighting 
in  the  ranks  of  Opposition.  He  will,  I  have  no  doubt,  bo 
regarded  as  a  loss  to  the  country,  even  a  greater  loss  than  if 
he  had  been  more  actively  and  conspicuously  engaged  in 
politics,  for  he  stood  nearly  alone  in  the  station  he  occupied, 
with  vast  wealth,  unblemished  character,  esteemed  by  people 
of  all  parties,  without  an  enemy  in  the  world,  and  having  no 
personal  objects  to  pursue  ;  and,  though  never  thrusting 
himself  forward,  alike  fitted  for  either  active  or  contempla- 
tive life,  he  was  at  all  times  ready  to  exert  his  best  energies 
in  the  public  service  or  to  promote  the  benefit  and  happiness 
of  his  fellow-creatures.  He  was  sincerely  religious,  without 
intolerance  and  austerity,  or  the  slightest  particle  of  osten- 
tatious or  spiritual  pride.  It  was  not,  however,  in  the  an- 
nals of  political  history  or  in  the  modest  and  unambitious 
incidents  of  his  public  career  that  his  best  panegyric  is  to  be 


1857.]  CHARACTER  OF   LORD  ELLESMERE.  351 

found,  but  in  the  more  placid  walk  of  private  life,  in  the 
strict  and  conscientious  discharge  of  his  domestic  and  social 
duties,  which  was  at  the  same  time  congenial  to  his  sense 
of  moral  obligation,  and  to  the  benevolent  impulses  of  hia 
heart. 

Lord  Francis  Leveson  Gower,  upon  the  death  of  his 
father,  the  late  Duke  of  Sutherland,  succeeded  to  the  im- 
mense fortune  entailed  upon  him  by  his  great-uncle,  the 
Duke  of  Bridgewater,  in  the  shape  of  the  Bridgewater  Canal, 
and  found  himself  the  possessor  of  vast  wealth,  and  sur- 
rounded by  a  population  sunk  in  ignorance  and  vice.  From 
the  first  moment  of  his  succession  he  considered  himself  in 
the  light  of  a  trustee  for  working  out  the  mcral  and  spiritual 
improvement  of  the  people  who  were  in  a  great  measure 
committed  to  his  charge.  He  accepted  the  obligation  in  a 
spirit  of  cheerfulness  and  resolution,  and  the  due  discharge 
of  it  continued  to  be  the  principal  object  of  his  interest  and 
care  for  the  remainder  of  his  life.  He  employed  his  wealth 
liberally  in  promoting  the  material  comfort  and  raising  the 
moral  condition  of  those  by  whose  labor  that  wealth  was 
produced.  Churches,  schools,  and  reading-rooms  rose  around 
Worsley  Hall.  His  benevolent  efforts  were  crowned  with 
success,  and  he  reaped  his  reward  in  the  blessings  of  the  sur- 
rounding multitudes  and  in  the  contemplation  of  their  en- 
joyment of  all  the  good  which  his  active  bounty  had  bestowed 
upon  them.  Such  qualities  as  were  here  displayed,  and  a 
life  thus  devoted  to  works  of  duty  and  beneficence,  made 
Lord  Ellesmere  an  object  of  general  veneration  and  attach- 
ment ;  but  those  alone  who  belonged  to  his  family,  or  who 
had  familiar  access  to  the  sanctuary  of  his  domestic  life, 
could  appreciate  fully  the  excellence  and  the  charm  of  his 
character,  and  comprehend  the  immensity  of  the  loss  which 
those  who  were  nearest  and  dearest  to  him  have  sustained  by 
his  death.  He  regarded  with  indifference  the  ordinary  ob- 
jects of  worldly  ambition  ;  he  lived  in  and  for  his  family,  and 
he  was  their  joy,  their  delight,  and  their  pride,  fulfilling  in  the 
most  exemplary  manner  all  the  duties  of  his  station,  political, 
social,  literary,  and  artistic  ;  unsurpassed  as  a  husband,  father, 
brother,  or  friend.  He  cultivated  unremittingly  the  society  of 
the  best  and  wisest  of  his  fellow-creatures,  and  it  may  be  as  tru- 
ly said  of  him  as  it  was  of  certain  sages  of  antiquity,  that  "  his 
excellent  understanding  was  adorned  by  study,  .  .  .  and  his 
days  were  spent  in  the  pursuit  of  truth  and  the  practice  of 


352  REIGX  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

virtue."  The  length  of  these  precious  days  was  not  permitted 
by  the  Divine  Will  to  be  extended  to  the  ordinary  duration 
of  human  life.  In  the  three  last  months,  while  death  was 
gradually  but  surely,  and  with  his  full  consciousness,  ad- 
vancing, his  courage  was  never  shaken  and  the  serenity  of 
his  temper  was  never  disturbed  ;  he  always  seemed  to  have 
more  consideration  for  others  than  himself  ;  and  he  met 
his  approaching  end  with  the  firmness  of  a  philosopher  and 
the  resignation  of  a  Christian.  To  witness  such  an  end  free 
from  bodily  pain,  with  the  mental  faculties  remaining  un- 
clouded till  the  last,  full  of  peace  and  charity  and  love,  was 
the  best  consolation  that  was  possible  to  the  family  which 
surrounded  his  deathbed  ;  to  them  he  has  left  a  memory 
which  will  be  long  reverenced  by  all  who  honor  virtue  and 
patriotism,  and  which  they  will  cherish  with  never-ending 
sentiments  of  duty  and  affection.  He  has  left  them  an  ex- 
ample how  to  live  and  how  to  die,  and  the  world  in  which, 
he  had  no  enemy  will  ungrudgingly  acknowledge 

That  to  the  realms  of  bliss  was  ne'er  conveyed 
A  purer  spirit  or  more  welcome  shade. 

February  27 tk. — The  political  war  is  raging  furiously, 
and  personal  animosities  are  becoming  bitterer  than  ever. 
Confusion,  disorder,  and  doubt  rage  in  both  the  groat  camps. 
Derby  made  a  grand  onslaught  in  the  beginning  of  last 
week  on  the  China  question,  and  there  was  (an  unusual 
thing  in  the  Lords)  an  adjourned  debate.  Granville  was 
very  apprehensive  of  being  beaten,  but  Bessborough,  his  able 
whipper-in,  made  such  exertions  that  they  ended  by  getting 
a  very  good  majority.  All  the  speaking  was  on  the  side 
of  the  Opposition,  but  it  is  quite  curious  how  afraid  people 
are  of  seriously  shaking  the  Government.  The  day  the  de- 
bate in  the  Lords  ended,  that  in  the  Commons  began  on 
the  same  question,  duce  Cobden.1  The  great  event  of  the 
first  night  was  John  Russell's  speech  and  powerful  attack 
on  the  Government.  It  was  one  of  his  very  best  efforts 
and  extremely  successful  with  the  House,  but  it  was  ex- 
ceedingly bitter  and  displayed  without  stint  or  reason  his 

1  [A  motion  was  made  by  Mr.  Cobden  condemning  the  violent  measures  re- 
sorted to  by  the  British  authorities  in  the  Canton  river  in  consequence  of  the 
seizure  of  the  lorcha  "  Arrow  "  by  the  Chinese  when  she  had  hoisted  the  British 
flajj.  The  debate  was  carried  on  with  great  acrimony,  and  ended  by  the  adoption 
of  Mr.  Cobden' s  motion  by  2C3  to  247,  a  majority  of  16  against  the  Govern- 
ment.] 


1857.]  LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL  VENTS  HIS  SPLEEN.  353 

hostile  animus.  It  did  all  the  mischief  he  wished  to  do,  and 
everybody  admits  that  if  a  division  had  then  taken  place 
Government  would  have  been  beaten  by  a  great  majority  ;  but 
they  have  since  adjourned  twice,  and  the  debate  stands  over 
till  Monday,  and  the  aspect  of  affairs  appears  to  be  very 
much  altered.  Whether  it  be  that  the  effect  of  Lord  John's 
speech  has  evaporated,  that  a  rally  has  taken  place  among 
the  Liberals,  or  that  the  aversion"  of  the  stiff  Tories  to  the 
union  between  Gladstone  and  their  leaders,  the  approaching 
consummation  of  which  seems  not  to  be  denied,  the  general 
opinion  has  veered  round,  and  now  it  is  expected  that  Govern- 
ment will  have  a  majority.  Here  again,  as  in  the  Lords, 
the  speaking  was  all  with  the  Opposition.  Palmerston's 
speech  is  looked  for  with  interest  and  curiosity.  The  re- 
markable incidents  connected  with  these  transactions  have 
been  the  Parliamentary  conduct  of  Gladstone  and  John 
Kussell  and  their  respective  positions.  Gladstone  seems  to 
have  been  so  inflamed  by  spite  and  ill-humor  that  all  pru- 
dence and  discretion  forsook  him  ;  he  appears  ready  to  say 
and  do  anything  and  to  act  with  everybody  if  he  can  only 
contribute  to  upset  the  Government,  though  it  is  not  easy  to 
discover  the  cause  of  his  bitterness,  or  what  scheme  of  future 
conduct  he  has  devised  for  himself.  Lord  John  came  over 
in  a  state  of  ill-humor  which  at  first  he  appears  to  have 
kept  under  to  a  certain  degree,  and  to  have  wished  to  have 
the  appearance  of  acting  with  perfect  independence,  but  still 
fairly  and  impartially  speaking  out  what  he  thought  the 
truth  without  caring  whom  he  offended  or  whom  he  pleased 
by  so  doing.  Thus  he  shocked  Clarendon  by  what  he  said 
on  the  affair  of  Naples,  and  then  pleased  him  very  much  by 
his  next  speech  on  foreign  affairs.  Then  on  the  Budget  he 
came  to  the  aid  of  Lewis  with  great  effect  and  bowled  over 
Gladstone  and  Disraeli,  yet  even  then  evincing  a  certain 
spirit  of  hostility  about  the  tea  duties ;  but  on  the  China 
question  he  gave  way  to  all  the  bitter  feeling  that  is  in  him, 
and  cast  all  moderation  to  the  winds.  It  is  impossible  to 
conjecture  what  he  promises  to  himself,  and  what  purpose 
he  has  in  view  by  this  conduct,  for  it  is  quite  extraordinary 
to  what  absolute  nothingness  his  political  power  has  fallen. 
Here  is  a  man  who  has  been  leader  with  occasional  intervals 
of  Whig  Governments  and  of  the  Whig  party  since  1834, 
and  with  great  and  admitted  abilities,  and  yet  he  is  so  en- 
tirely without  following  in  the  House  of  Commons  that  three 


354  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

insignificant  votes  are  the  most  he  can  command.  His 
speech  the  other  night  was  very  well  received  because  it  was 
a  very  good  one,  and  because  he  spoke  the  opinions  of  the 
greater  number  of  his  hearers. 

There  is,  in  fact,  a  strong  feeling,  both  in  Parliament 
and  the  country,  against  all  that  has  been  done  at  Canton, 
and  this  is  the  more  remarkable  because  the  press  has  upon 
the  whole,  taken  the  opposite  side.  I  never  could  under- 
stand why  Palmerston  and  Clarendon  were  in  such  a  hurry 
to  identify  themselves  with  Bowring's  proceedings,  and  to 
send  out  without  delay  a  full  approbation  of  all  he  had  done, 
till  Granville  told  me  that  both  of  them  had  been  under  the 
extraordinary  delusion  that  the  Canton  affair  had  been  very 
well  done  and  would  be  received  with  great  applause  and  sat- 
isfaction here  ;  in  point  of  fact,  that  it  was  a  great  hit,  from 
which  the  Government  would  derive  considerable  advantage, 
he  (Granville)  himself  showing  his  good  sense  by  taking  ex- 
actly the  opposite  view.  He  tells  me  that  George  Lewis  does 
so  likewise,  and  I  dare  say,  if  the  truth  were  known,  that 
the  majority  of  the  Cabinet  coincide  with  them.  It  is  re- 
markable that  the  defence  of  the  Government  in  the  Lords 
should  have  fallen  on  a  man  who  was  speaking  all  the  time 
against  his  own  opinion,  and  I  should  think  Labouchere, 
who  took  up  the  defence  in  the  House  of  Commons,  was  the 
most  unlikely  man  in  the  world  to  approve  of  such  proceed- 
ings. Political  necessities  which  compel  men  to  act  thus  in- 
sincerely, and  to  strive  to  make  the  worse  appear  the  better 
cause,  with  the  full  consciousness  that  they  are  fighting 
against  truth,  appear  to  me  frightfully  demoralizing,  a  sad 
searing  of  the  political  conscience,  the  spectacle  of  which  is 
enough  to  scare  honorable  minds  from  entering  into  an  arena 
where  the  contest  is  to  be  carried  on  in  such  a  manner. 

If  the  Government  should  be  beaten  on  the  pending 
question,  they  will  dissolve,  at  least  if  the  state  of  their 
financial  affairs  will  allow  them  ;  but  at  all  events  they  will 
not  resign  without  an  appeal  to  the  country,  and  this  appeal 
they  will  make  not  on  this  or  that  question,  but  on  the 
great  one  of  all,  whether  the  country  desires  that  Palmerston 
should  continue  to  be  its  minister,  and  on  this  it  is  impossible 
to  doubt  what  will  be  the  reply.  His  popularity  is  a  fact 
beyond  all  doubt  or  cavil,  and  it  is  the  more  decisive,  because 
not  only  is  there  no  rival  popularity,  but  every  one  of  the 
other  public  men  who  have  been,  are,  or  might  be  his  rivals 


1857.]  LORD   PALMERSTON'S  POPULARITY.  355 

are  absolutely  unpopular.  Nobody  cares  any  longer  for 
John  Russell ;  everybody  detests  Gladstone  ;  Disraeli  has  no 
influence  in  the  country,  and  a  very  doubtful  position  with 
his  own  party.  He  and  Derby  have  made  up  their  minds  to 
coalesce  with  Gladstone  on  the  first  good  opportunity,  but  it 
seems  not  unlikely  that  they  will  make  such  a  split  among 
their  own  followers  by  so  doing  as  to  lose  more  than  they 
will  gain  by  the  junction.  Palmerston's  popularity  does  not 
extend  to  his  colleagues,  for  not  one  of  whom  does  anybody 
care  a  straw.  It  is  purely  personal,  and  I  do  not  think  he 
would  strengthen  himself  by  any  other  alliance  he  could 
form.  This  fact  of  his  popularity  just  at  the  end  of  his 
strange  and  chequered  career  is  most  remarkable  and  not  a 
little  unaccountable  ;  but  innumerable  circumstances  prove 
this  to  be  the  undoubted  truth,  and  that  it  is  manifested  more 
decidedly  out  of  the  House  than  in  it,  for  in  the  House  of 
Commons  it  does  not  amount  to  a  certainty  of  his  having 
always  a  majority.  It  is  curious  that  a  session  which  not 
long  ago  looked  like  being  a  very  quiet  one,  in  which  there 
would  be  ample  leisure  for  consideration  of  legal  and  other 
practical  reforms,  should  in  the  first  weeks  be  a  scene  of 
tremendous  conflict,  in  which  the  very  existence  of  the 
Government  is  trembling  in  the  balance. 

March  2d. — Derby  has  announced  to  his  assembled  party 
that  he  is  ready  to  join  with  Gladstone,  though  he  has  not 
done  so  yet,  and  that  as  they  are  a  minority  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  they  ought  to  form  any  junction  that  would 
make  them  strong  enough  to  oust  the  present  Government 
and  form  a  Conservative  one.  He  finds  it,  however,  a  diffi- 
cult matter  to  reconcile  them  all  to  any  alliance  with  the 
detested  Gladstone.  Great  exertions  have  been  made  to 
secure  a  majority  to  the  Government,  and  John  Russell's 
friends  (the  Duke  of  Bedford  especially)  are  bestirring  them- 
selves to  take  away  some  of  the  ocfium  that  attaches  to 
Lord  John  by  securing  his  two  or  three  followers  for  the 
division. 

March  3d. — Nothing  can  equal  the  excitement  and  curi- 
osity here  about  the  division.  All  sorts  of  efforts  have  been 
made  all  ways  to  influence  votes.  George  Byng  and  others 
who  meant  to  vote  with  John  Russell  have  been  obliged  to 
promise  to  vote  with  the  Government.  Palmerston  has  had 
a  meeting  and  harangued  them  cheerily,  but  in  spite  of 
everything  Hayter  does  not  think  he  will  have  a  majority, 


356  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

but  everybody  expects  it  to  be  so  near  that  there  are  as  many 
opinions  as  men.  Much  is  expected  to  depend  on  Palmcr- 
ston's  speech,  and  unluckily  for  him  he  is  ill  with  both 
gout  and  cold.  If  they  are  beaten  they  will  dissolve  as 
speedily  as  possibly. 

March  4:th. — A  majority  of  16  against  the  Government, 
more  than  any  of  them  expected.  A  magnificent  speech  of 
Gladstone  ;  Palmerston's  speech  is  said  to  have  been  very  dull 
in  the  first  part,  and  very  bow-wow  in  the  second  ;  not  very 
judicious,  on  the  whole  bad,  and  it  certainly  failed  to  decide 
any  doubtful  votes  in  his  favor.  I  rejoice  that  the  House 
of  Commons  has  condemned  this  iniquitous  case  for  the 
honor  of  the  country.  I  do  not  believe  it  will  make  any 
difference  as  to  the  Government.  When  Palmerston  appeals 
to  the  country  it  will  not  be  on  the  merits  of  the  Canton  case, 
but  on  his  own  political  existence,  whether  they  will  have 
him  for  Minister  or  no.  It  is  not,  however,  yet  by  any  means 
clear  what  the  real  opinion  of  the  country  is  upon  the  ques- 
tion itself,  and  whether  they  will  be  for  the  right  or  for  the 
expedient,  or  that  which  the  Government  thinks  to  be  the 
expedient. 

Hatchford,  March  Wth. — The  intention  of  Government 
to  dissolve  Parliament  was  announced  on  Friday  last,  and  as 
far  as  one  can  judge  at  present,  Palmerston  seems  likely  to 
have  it  all  his  own  way.  The  press  generally  espouses  his 
cause,  and  the  "  Times "  particularly  takes  up  the  cudgels 
for  him  vehemently,  and  cries  out  "  Coalition,"  and  abuses 
the  majority  and  all  who  voted  in  it.  At  present,  public 
opinion  seems  to  be  running  in  his  favor,  and  there  is  every 
appearance  of  his  having  a  triumphant  election.  But  the  cry 
of  "  coalition  and  faction  "  is  perfectly  absurd,  and  nothing 
more  than  the  mere  jargon  which  all  parties  employ  as  their 
battle  cry.  There  has  been  no  coalition  whatever,  and  that 
those  who  clamor  against  it  very  well  know.  The  only  coali- 
tion of  which  there  has  been  any  question  has  been  one  be- 
tween Gladstone  (with  or  without  the  other  Peelites)  and 
Disraeli  and  Derby,  but  that  has  hitherto  been  in  posse  rather 
than  in  esse,  and  it  would  have  been  much  more  plausible  to 
raise  the  cry  on  the  Budget  than  on  the  Canton  question. 
Nobody  can  read  the  list  of  the  division  without  seeing  that 
the  majority  comprised  the  names  of  people  who  have  never 
dreamt  of  any  coalition  with  anybody,  and  who  voted  entirely 
with  reference  to  the  merits  of  the  particular  case,  and  though 


1857.]  DISSOLUTION  OF  PARLIAMENT.  357 

some  (including  Disraeli  and  Gladstone)  wished  to  damage 
the  Government,  many  others  were  either  friendly  to  them 
generally,  or  at  least  neutral.  To  say  that  the  majority  was 
made  up  of  a  factious  coalition  of  men  who  sought  to  turn 
the  Government  out  and  to  take  their  places,  is  a  wilful  and 
deliberate  lie,  but  it  suits  the  Government  to  raise  the  cry, 
and  they  find  plenty  of  people  to  re-echo  and  to  believe  ft. 
As  to  the  cpiestion  itself,  I  am  sure  that  some  of  the  Cabinet, 
and  probably  more  than  I  know  of,  were  in  their  hearts  and 
consciences  as  much  against  the  question  as  any  of  their 
opponents.  Palmerston's  popularity,  and  the  manner  in  which 
he  is  encouraged  and  supported  by  the  country,  and  the  sym- 
pathy he  finds  are  really  most  extraordinary"  It  provokes 
me,  because  I  think  his  great  success  unmerited,  but  I  have 
no  wish  to  see  him  defeated  at  the  election,  because  I  see 
no  prospect  of  any  better  Government  being  formed.  The 
pretension  of  the  Government  and  of  their  noisy  supporters 
to  find  fault  with  the  House  of  Commons  for  expressing  its 
independent  opinion  upon  the  conduct  of  the  officials  in 
China  is  most  preposterous  and  arrogant.  Everybodv  admits 
that  the  Government  was  not  morally  responsible  for  what 
was  done,  but  because  they  chose,  without  any  necessity,  to 
approve  those  acts  and  to  accept  the  political  responsibility 
of  them,  it  is  pretended  that  the  House  of  Commons  ought 
not  to  have  taken  the  liberty  to  express  any  adver?e  opinion 
on  the  matter,  and  that  it  was  factious  to  do  so.  The  scrape, 
if  it  was  one,  the  Government  got  themselves  into  by  their 
precipitate  approval  of  Bowring,  and  there  was  notning  in 
the  resolution  and  the  vote  which  ought  to  have  been 
considered  as  implying  any  general  want  of  confidence  on 
the  part  of  the  House  of  Commons,  more  particularly  when 
the  Government  has  ju.«t  before  carried  their  Budget  by 
lanre  majorities,  and  had  not  met  with  any  difficulty  or 
rebuff  on  any  point.  If,  indeed,  matters  are  come  to  such  a 
pa«,  and  such  divinity  hedges  in  the  Palmerston  Govern- 
ment that  the  House  of  Commons  is  to  be  precluded  from 
censoring  any  transaction,  wherever  and  by  whomsoever 
done,  which  the  Government  thinks  fit  to  sanction  and 
approve  of,  and  if  the  fact  of  many  men  of  very  different 
opinions  and  opposite  parties  concurring  in  such  a  vote  is  to 
expose  the  majority  by  which  the  vote  is  carried  to  a  charge 
of  faction,  coalition,  and  all  sorts  of  base  motives,  then 
indeed,  instead  of  asking  the  Duke  of  Wellingtons's  celebrated 


358  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

question,  "  How  is  the  King's  Government  to  be  carried  on  ?  " 
it  will  be  time  to  ask  whether  the  Queen's  Government  is  to 
be  considered  despotic  and  infallible,  and  the  functions  of 
the  House  of  Commons  reduced  to  the  very  humble  ones  of 
registering  their  acts  and  re-echoing  their  approbation. 

It  seems  to  be  entirely  forgotten  that  in  times  when  the 
Royal  and  ministerial  authority  were  much  stronger  than 
they  are  supposed  to  be  now,  and  before  the  Reform  Bill  had 
effected  a  sort  of  revolution  in  favor  of  the  democratic 
principle,  all  governments,  however  powerful  or  popular,  sus- 
tained occasional  defeats  and  were  obliged  to  submit  to  them, 
it  being  of  course  perfectly  understood  that  defeats  which 
conveyed  want  of  confidence  and  the  withdrawal  of  the 
general  support  of  the  House  of  Commons  were  to  be  deemed 
fatal  and  conclusive.  Every  case  of  this  kind  must  be  deter- 
mined according  to  the  especial  circumstances  of  it,  but  it  is 
a  mere  pretence  to  treat  the  Canton  question  as  one  of  this 
description,  and  the  truth  is  that  it  is  a  dodge  on  their  part, 
and  a  pretext  for  going  to  the  country  and  obtaining  a 
majority,  as  they  think  they  have  an  opportunity  of  doing, 
on  false  pretences  and  by  means  of  a  vast  deal  of  humbug. 
The  worst  is,  that  after  the  immediate  purpose  has  been 
answered,  there  is  certain  to  be  some  dangerous  reaction, 
and  as  the  cry  of  "Palmerston"  will  be  the  only  one  got 
up  for  the  occasion,  and  everybody  will  be  acceptable  who 
will  declare  for  him,  whatever  crotchets  or  cries  he  may 
join  to  his  partisanship,  we  shall  probably  have  a  House  of 
Commons  full  of  all  sorts  of  mischievous  people  stirring 
every  variety  of  mischievous  question. 

March  14:th. — I  returned  yesterday  from  Hatchford  and 
find  the  current  still  running  strong,  but  some  think  a 
reaction  in  favor  of  John  Russell  has  already  begun.  He 
stands  for  the  City  and  is  in  very  good  spirits,  though  his 
chances  of  success  do  not  look  bright ;  but  he  is  a  gallant 
little  fellow,  likes  to  face  danger,  and  comes  out  well  in 
times  of  difficulty. 

March  24/A. — The  dissolution  took  place  on  Saturday,  and 
all  the  world  is  busy  about  the  elections ;  many  places  are 
without  candidates,  or  with  very  bad  ones,  and  unable  to  find 
good  ones.  The  dinner  at  the  Mansion  House  the  other  day 
to  the  Ministers  was  a  sort  of  triumph  to  Palmerston,  who 
was  rapturously  received  and  cheered.  He  made  a  very  bad 
speech,  but  which  did  very  well  for  such  an  audience.  It  was 


185Y.]  THE  LIDDELL  v.   WESTEBTOX  CASE.  359 

full  of  claptraps  and  reiterations  of  the  exploded  charges  of 
coalition,  etc.,  which  he  is  not  ashamed  to  harp  upon,  and 
in  his  address  to  Tiverton  he  talks  of  the  "  combination  only 
formed  last  session"  to  turn  him  out.  I  find  myself,  malyre 
moi,  thrown  back  into  my  old  state  of  antagonism  toward 
Palmerston,  and  what  is  very  paradoxical,  I  am  so  without 
any  hostility  to  his  Government  or  any  desire  for  its  being 
overthrown,  for  I  cannot  descry  any  chance  of  a  better,  or, 
indeed,  any  possibility  of  forming  another  able  to  carry  on 
affairs  at  all ;  but  I  am  inexpressibly  disgusted  at  the  egre- 
gious folly  of  the  country  at  his  being  made  such  an  idol  in 
this  ridiculous  way,  and  at  the  false  and  hypocritical  pre- 
tences upon  which  this  dissolution  has  been  founded,  and 
the  enormous  and  shameful  lying  with  which  the  country  is 
deluged.  I  long  to  write,  print,  and  publish  the  truth,  and 
to  expose  this  miserable  delusion ;  but  I  repress  the  desire, 
because  I  cannot  do  so  without  exciting  bitter  personal  ani- 
mosities, probably  quarrels,  and  I  can  see  no  reasonable  hope 
of  producing  any  effects  which  would  sufficiently  repay  me 
for  such  consequences. 

The  day  before  yesterday  Pemberton  Leigh  gave  judg- 
ment in  the  Privy  Council  in  the  case  of  Liddell  and  West- 
erton  ;  the  Judicial  Committee  reversed  in  great  measure 
the  judgments  in  the  Courts  below  of  Dr.  Lushington  and 
Sir  John  Dodson,  but  not  entirely.  It  was  a  very  able  judg- 
ment, and  prepared  with  great  care  and  research,  and  so 
moderately  and  fairly  framed  that  it  was  accepted  unani- 
mously by  the  Committee,  and  even  by  the  Bishops  of  Can- 
terbury and  London,  both  Low  Churchmen.  It  was  drawn 
up  by  Pemberton  Leigh  himself,  and  its  publication  will 
give  the  world  in  general  some  idea  of  his  great  ability,  with 
the  extent  of  which  few  are  acquainted.  It  is  a  very  sin- 
gular thing  that  in  such  times  as  these,  and  when  there  is 
such  a  dearth  of  able  men  and  so  great  a  demand  for  them, 
that  he  should  voluntarily  condemn  himself  to  a  state  of 
comparative  obscurity,  and  refuse  to  take  the  station  in  pub- 
lic life  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  any  other  man  so 
well  qualified  to  fill. 

March  28th. — At  Al thorp  the  last  two  days.  Palmer- 
ston's  address  to  Tiverton,  following  his  speech  at  the  Man- 
sion House,  has  excited  great  indignation  in  all  who  are  not 
thorough  Palmerstonians.  Both  were  full  of  deception  and 
falsehood.  John  Russell  is  particularly  incensed,  and  said 


360  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

these  two  productions  were  unworthy  of  a  gentleman,  and 
so  they  were.  Malmesbury  has  addresssed  to  Palmerston  a 
letter  in  the  newspapers  on  the  subject,  which  though  not 
well  written  is  true,  and  fully  justified  by  what  Palmerston 
said  ;  but  all  this  signifies  very  little,  the  current  is  too  strong 
to  be  opposed,  and  it  is  provoking  to  see  the  Conservatives 
endeavoring  to  bolster  up  their  pretensions  by  saying  they 
would  have  supported  Palmerston  on  the  China  question,  if 
they  had  been  in  Parliament,  or  promising  to  support  him 
if  they  are  elected.  Yesterday,  which  was  the  first  day  of 
returns,  does  not  give  much  difference  ;  to-day  is  the  polling 
for  the  City,  and  nobody  has  an  idea  how  the  election  will 
go,  whether  Lord  John  will  come  in,  and  if  he  does  which  of 
the  four  will  go  to  the  wall.  He  was  enthusiastically  received 
yesterday,  and  the  show  of  hands  was  unanimous  in  his 
favor,  but  this  proves  very  little,  and  his  organization  is 
miserably  defective  ;  had  it  been  better  and  begun  earlier,  it 
is  probable  that  his  success  would  have  been  certain ;  he  is 
the  favorite  as  it  is.  Palmerston's  speech  at  Tiverton  yester- 
day was  less  objectionable  than  his  address  and  speech  at 
the  Mansion  House,  and  he  left  himself  entirely  unfettered 
on  the  subject  of  Eeform,  and  rightly.  The  Parliament 
promises  to  be  a  Radical  one,  and  I  fully  expect  that  the  re- 
sult of  all  this  great  commotion  will  be  to  give  a  stimulus  to 
organize  Reform  ;  nor  will  it  surprise  me  if  Palmerston  should 
find  it  conducive  to  his  interest  as  minister  to  appear  in  the 
character  of  a  Reformer,  if  he  were  to  fling  overboard  all 
his  old  opinions,  and  to  pay  this  price  for  a  renewed  lease 
of  his  own  power.  Wilkes'used  to  say  he  had  never  been 
a  Wilkite,  but  Palmerston  has  never  been  anything  but  a 
Palmerston ian,  and  I  firmly  believe  that  at  seventy-three 
years  of  age  his  single  thought  is  how  to  secure  for  himself 
power  for  his  life,  and  that  he  will  not  scruple  to  accept 
measures  which,  so  far  as  he  thinks  about  it,  he  believes  to 
be  constitutionally  dangerous  and  mischievous  if  by  so  doing 
he  can  maintain  himself  on  the  Treasury  Bench. 

March  29th. — Great  excitement  yesterday  in  the  town, 
particularly  at  Brooks's.  The  most  interesting  event  was  the 
City  election,  and  the  return,  which  under  the  circumstances 
may  be  called  triumphant,  of  John  Russell,  which  was  made 
more  agreeable  to  himself  and  his  friends  by  the  defeat  of 
Raikes  Currie,  who  came  from  Northampton  on  purpose  to 
turn  him  out.  Up  to  the  last  hour  John  Russell  continued 


1857.]  RESULTS   OF  THE   ELECTION.  361 

to  lead  at  the  head  of  the  poll,  after  which  he  fell  off  and 
only  ended  third,  but  still  he  had  7,000  votes  after  having 
been  assured  by  his  old  adherents  (J.  Abel  Smith  in  par- 
ticular) that  his  success  was  hopeless,  that  he  would  be  beaten 
"disgracefully,"  and  probably  would  have  hardjy  any  votes 
at  all. 

After  this  the  most  interesting  events  were  the  defeats  of 
the  Manchester  men,  and  generally,  though  not  universally, 
of  the  voters  for  Cobden's  motion,  Bright  and  Milner  Gibson, 
Cobden,  Kicardo,  Layard,  all  defeated.  It  seems  that  Man- 
chester and  the  other  great  towns  had  got  tired  of  their 
leaders,  who  had  made  themselves  unpopular  by  their  oppo- 
sition to  the  war.  I  am  sorry  for  the  loss  of  Bright  and 
Cobden,  because  such  able  men  ought  not  to  be  ousted  and 
replaced  by  mediocrities. 

Palmerston's  speech  at  Tiverton  was  in  the  same  style, 
but  far  less  offensive  and  objectionable  than  his  address  and 
his  Mansion  House  harrangue.  The  most  remarkable  part  of 
it  was  the  total  silence  which  he  observed  as  to  his  intention 
upon  reforms  and  domestic  questions  generally,  or  rather  his 
positive  refusal  to  say  a  word  on  the  subject  or  to  pledge 
himself  in  any  way  ;  he  evidently  means  to  meet  his  Par- 
liament free  to  take  any  course  his  interests  may  dictate. 
There  was  one  remarkable  speech  yesterday,  considering  what 
the  man  is  who  uttered  it.  Vernon  Smith  at  Northampton 
spoke  as  follows  :  "Mr.  Disraeli  said  Lord  Palmerston  was 
the  Tory  chief  of  a  Radical  Cabinet.  I  do  not  admit  the 
description  as  regards  Lord  Palmerston,  but  I  accept  the 
designation  as  to  the  Cabinet  of  which  I  am  a  member.  A 
great  statesman  once  said  that  parties  were  like  fishes  (it  was 
snakes,  I  believe),  and  their  heads  were  propelled  by  their 
tails,  and  it  will  very  likely  be  found  that  the  head  of  the 
Government  will  in  like  manner  be  propelled  by  his  tail." 
The  words  are  not  exact,  but  the  meaning  is,  and  it  must  be 
owned  a  remarkable  declaration  for  a  Cabinet  Minister  to 
make  as  to  his  chief,  and  such  a  chief.  I  believe  that  it  will 
turn  out  to  be  the  truth.  The  returns  so  far  as  they  have 
gone  are  frightful,  and  a  deluge  of  Radicalism  and  violence 
will  burst  out  in  the  House  of  Commons.  There  will  be  a 
Radical  majority  prepared  to  support  Lord  Palmerston  and 
to  keep  him  in  power,  but  on  the  condition  of  his  doing 
their  bidding,  and  consenting  to  their  demands,  nor  will  he 
be  able  to  help  himself.  He  will  no  doubt  try  to  do  as  little 

16 


362  REIGN   OF   QUEEN    VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

as  possible,  but  there  will  be  no  strong  Conservative  party  to 
which  he  can  appeal  from  and  against  his  own  Kadical  sup- 
porters ;  the  Conservatives  will  be  too  weak  to  help  him,  and 
probably  will  not  be  inclined  to  help  him  out  of  his  difficulty 
if  they  could.  At  his  age  his  only  object  will  be  to  grasp 
power  while  he  lives.  Apres  moi  le  deluge  will  be  his  motto, 
and  my  expectation  is  that  he  will  never  consent  to  sacrifice 
power  from  scruples  or  upon  principles,  and  will  consent  to 
anything  that  may  be  necessary  rather  than  allow  himself 
to  be  outbid  and  to  see  power  torn  from  his  hands.  The 
prospect  seqms  to  me  tremendous.  The  cry  of  Palmerston, 
and  nothing  but  Palmerston,  has  done  very  well  to  go  to  the 
hustings  on,  but  having  accomplished  its  purpose,  other  cries 
much  more  serious  will  soon  take  its  place,  and  we  shall  see, 
as  the  Prince  said,  Constitutional  Government  on  its  trial 
with  a  vengeance. 

March  31s/. — The  elections  continue  to  be  unfavorable 
to  the  Conservatives,  but  the  people  at  Brooks's,  and  the 
Government  generally,  are  too  sanguine  when  they  call  every- 
thing gain  to  them  where  a  Conservative  is  replaced  by  a 
Liberal,  for  in  many  cases  the  so-called  Liberal  is  a  vio- 
lent Kadical,  very  likely  to  give  much  more  trouble  to  the 
Government  than  the  Conservative  who  was  turned  out. 
The  gains  to  Government  up  to  this  time  (and  the  borough 
elections  are  all  over)  are  calculated  at  20,  making  a  differ- 
ence of  40  votes  ;  but  the  Conservatives  do  not  admit  this, 
and  will  make  other  calculations  with  different  results. 

There  is  no  denying  the  fact,  however,  that  a  strong 
sense  has  been  evinced  of  partiality  for  Palmerston  and  re- 
sentment against  the  China  vote.  The  news  of  the  Emperor 
of  China  having  ordered  Yeo  to  make  peace  on  any  terms 
comes  very  opportunely,  but  nothing  can  be  so  absurd  as 
the  pretence  that  by  so  doing  the  Emperor  himself  con- 
demns his  Viceroy  and  justifies  our  conduct  at  Canton.  It 
only  proves  that  His  Majesty  is  .very  much  alarmed,  and 
wishes  to  heal  the  breach  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  on  any 
terms  he  can.  I  am  bound  to  say  that  many  people,  not  ex- 
travagant either,  maintain  that  this  promises  to  be  a  very 
good  Parliament,  and  by  no  means  so  dangerous  as  my  fears 
have  pictured  it  to  myself  ;  still  I  cannot  look  upon  it  as  a 
safe  and  innocent  Parliament.  CardwelPs  defeat  at  Oxford 
proves  how  low  the  Peelites  are.  Frederick  Peel's  loss  of 
his  seat  is  a  great  inconvenience  to  the  Government,  and 


1857.]  DEATH  OF  LADY  KEITH.  363 

one  does  not  see  how  it  is  to  be  repaired,  for  it  is  almost  im- 
possible in  these  days  to  treat  any  place  (if  one  can  be 
found)  as  a  nomination  borough,  turn  the  sitting  member 
out,  ~ud  put  him  in  instead.  The  serious  part  of  it  is  that 
he  has  to  move  the  Army  Estimates,  and  nobody  else  can  do 
it  now. 

Old  Lady  Keith  is  dead,  at  some  prodigious  age.  She 
was  the  "Queeny"  of  Dr.  Johnson,  Mrs.  Male's  daughter, 
and  was  the  last  surviving  link  between  those  times  and  our 
own,  and  probably  the  only  person  surviving  who  could  re- 
member Johnson  himself  and  his  remarkable  contempora- 
ries, or  who  had  lived  in  intimacy  with  them. 


CHAPTER    XIV.     . 

Results  of  the  Elections— Defeat  of  Cobden  and  Bright— The  War  with  China— Death  of 
La<)v  Ashburton— Lord  I'almerston's  Success — The  Handel  Concerts — M.  Fould  in 
London— The  Que*-n  and  Lord  Palmerston — The  Indian  Mutiny— The  Prince  Consort 
—Death  of  General  Aneon— The  State  of  lndi:i— Koyal  Guests — The  Government  of 
India— Temper  of  the  House  of  Commons— Debates  on  India— Koyal  Visits— The 
Divorce  Bill — The  Divorce  Bill  in  the  House  of  Lords— Close  of  the  Session— A  Duke- 
d'>m  offered  to  Lord  Lansdowne— Death  of  Mr.  Croker—  History  of  the  Life  Peerages 
—  The  Indian  Mutiny  and  the  Eu.-&ian  War— The  Struggle  in  Irdla— Reinforcement* 
for  India— The  Queen's  Attention  to  Public  Business — Attacks  on  Lord  tanning— Big 
Ships  and  Big  Bells— Lord  Canning  defended— Courteous  Behav ior  of  Foreign  Nations 


pany  and  the  tioverni 
The"  Bank  Charter  Act. 

April  ±th,  1857.— The  elections  are  drawing  to  a  close. 
It  is  strange  that  what  ought  to  be  a  matter  of  fact  is  made 
matter  of  opinion,  for  while  the  Whigs  of  Brooks's  and  the 
Liberals  generally  claim  an  immense  gain,  the  Conservatives 
and  the  Carl  ton*  Club  and  their  organs  only  admit  an  in- 
considerable loss.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that  a 
great  many  Conservatives  have  lost  their  seats,  and  a  great 
many  Radicals  and  Palmerston ians  have  been  elected.  At 
Brooks's  they  insist  that  it  will  be  a  very  good  Parliament, 
and  they  are  throwing  their  caps  up  at  the  Government 
successes  ;  but  it  seems  to  me  that  they  are  reckoning  some- 
what rashly,  and  counting  as  gains  to  the  Government  many 
men  who  will  be  found  more  troublesome  and  unmanageable 
than  the  moderate  men  over  whose  defeats  they  are  exulting. 


364  EEIGX  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

But  as  to  gains  and  losses,  and  all  calculations,  I  agree  with 
the  late  Speaker,  Lord  Eversley,  who  said  to  me  the  other 
day  that  nothing  could  be  so  fallacious  as  all  such  calcu- 
lations, and  that  it  is  impossible  to  know  the  result  till  Par- 
liament meets,  and  it  is  seen  how  the  new  members  group 
themselves.  The  most  striking  and  remarkable  feature  of 
this  election  is  the  complete  rout  of  the  Peelites  and  of  the 
Manchester  men,  the  Old  Leaguers.  For  a  long  time  past 
it  has  been  absurd  to  talk  of  the  Peelites  as  a  Party.  There 
were  not  a  dozen  men  in  the  House  of  Commons  who  could 
by  any  possibility  be  so  designated,  and  in  fact  only  a  few 
formerly  members  of  Sir  Eobert  Peel's  Government  or  of 
Lord  Aberdeen's,  who  still  kept  together,  and  were  called 
Peelites,  because  they  would  not  be  either  Whigs  or  To- 
ries or  Eadicals.  Now  the  designation  must  fall  to  the 
ground.  Half  these  men.  have  lost  their  seats ;  of  the 
rest,  some  repudiate  the  association  and  announce  their 
independence  ;  some  join,  or  ready  to  join,  Derby  and 
the  Tories ;  others  openly  declare  their  adhesion  to  Palrn- 
erston  ;  and  thus  in  one  way  or  another  there  are  no  Pee- 
lites left. 

The  fate  of  Bright,  Cobden,  and  Co.  exhibits  a  curious 
example  of  the  fleeting  and  worthless  nature  of  popular  fa- 
vor. They  who  were  once  the  idols  of  millions,  and  not 
without  cause,  have  not  only  lost  all  their  popularity,  but 
are  objects  of  execration,  and  can  nowhere  find  a  parlia- 
mentary resting  place.  No  constituency  will  hear  of  them. 
The  great  towns  of  Lancashire  prefer  any  mediocrities  to 
Bright  and  Cobden.  It  seems  that  they  had  already  ceased 
to  be  popular,  when  they  made  themselves  enormously  un- 
popular, and  excited  great  resentment,  by  their  opposition 
to  the  Russian  War,  the  rage  for  which  was  not  less  intense 
in  Manchester  and  all  the  manufacturing  district  than  in 
the  rest  of  the  kingdom.  This  great  crime,  as  it  appeared 
in  the  eyes  of  their  constituents,  was  never  pardoned,  and 
their  punishment  was  probably  determined  while  the  war 
was  still  going  on.  As  the  favor  of  Cobden  fell,  BO  that  of 
Palmerston  rose,  and  his  visit  to  Manchester  a  few  months 
ago  raised  the  favor  to  a  pitch  of  enthusiasm.  When  Cob- 
den therefore  originated  the  China  motion,  he  no  doubt 
gave  great  offence,  and  he  sealed  his  own  condemnation. 
Bright  has  been  long  abroad,  and  has  done  nothing  lately 
that  any  one  could  take  umbrage  at,  but  his  opposition  to 


1857.]  THE  WAR  WITH  CHIXA.  305 

the  war  has  not  been  forgotten  or  forgiven,  and  when  Cob- 
den  appeared  at  Manchester  as  his  representative,  and  made 
a  very  able  speech  in  his  behalf,  it  is  highly  probable  that 
his  advocacy  was  in  itself  fatal  to  his  re-election.  It  seems 
quite  clear  that  another  man,  Sir  Elkanah  Armytage,  lost 
his  election  at  Salford  solely  because  he  was  strongly  sup- 
ported and  recommended  by  Cobden. 

May  1st. — Parliament  met  yesterday,  the  last  (Irish) 
election  having  ended  only  a  few  days  before.  Denison's 
election  as  Speaker  went  off  very  quietly.  The  prevailing 
opinion  now  seems  to  be  that  this  will  prove  a  good  Parlia- 
ment, on  the  whole  safe  and  moderate,  and  an  improvement 
on  the  last.  All  the  news  we  get  from  China,  or  in  refer- 
ence to  Chinese  affairs,  only  proves  the  more  strongly  how 
foolish  and  mischievous  the  conduct  of  Bo  wring  was,  and 
what  a  sound  and  correct  judgment  the  vote  of  the  House 
of  Commons  expressed  upon  it.  It  is  impossible  to  con- 
jecture what  the  result  of  the  war  now  begun  will  be,  but 
is  quite  certain  that  we  shall  have  to  wade  to  our  ends 
through  all  sorts  of  horrors  and  atrocities,  which  it  does  not 
become  us  to  inflict,  though  the  Chinese  are  a  savage,  stu- 
pid, and  uninteresting  people,  who  in  some  degree  deserve 
the  sufferings  that  will  be  inflicted  on  them,  though  perhaps 
not  at  our  hands. 

George  Anson  *  writes  to  me  from  India  that  there  is  a 
strange  feeling  of  discontent  pervading  the  Indian  Army 
from  religious  causes,  and  a  suspicion  that  we  are  going  to 
employ  our  irresistible  power  in  forcing  Christianity  upon 
them.  It  is  not  true,  but  the  natives  will  never  be  quite 
convinced  that  it  is  not,  as  long  as  Exeter  Hall  and  the  mis- 
sionaries are  permitted  to  have  carte  blanche  and  work  their 
will  as  they  please  in  those  regions. 

May  IQth. — I  passed  the  last  week  at  Wynnstay  for 
Chester  races  ;  a  very  fine  place.  The  events  that  have 
occurred  in  the  course  of  the  last  ten  days  are  the  opening 
of  the  Manchester  Exhibition,  very  successfully  ;  the  first 
proceedings  of  the  new  Parliament,  which  promise  a  quiet 
session  and  a  peaceful  reign  to  Palmerston,  who  has  put  the 
House  in  good  humor  by  promising  a  Reform  Bill  next 
year  ;  the  death  of  the  Duchess  of  Glostcr,  and,  what  inter- 

1  [General  Anson  was  at  this  time  Commandcr-in-Chief  in  India.  He  died 
there  shortly  after  the  outbreak  of  the  great  militiry  revolt,  of  which  the  letter 
mentioned  in  the  text  was  the  first  premonitory  indication.] 


366  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

csts  the  world  still  more,  the  death  of  Lady  Ash  burton.1 
Milnes  has  written  a  short,  but  very  fair  and  appropriate 
notice  of  her  for  the  "Times"  newspaper,  which  of  course 
was  intended  as  a  eulogy,  and  not  as  a  character,  with  the 
bad  as  well  as  the  good  that  could  be  said  of  her.  Lady 
Ashburton  was  perhaps,  on  the  whole,  the  most  conspicuous 
woman  in  the  society  of  the  present  day.  She  was  un- 
doubtedly very  intelligent,  with  much  quickness  and  vivacity 
in  conversation,  and  by  dint  of  a  good  deal  of  desultory 
reading  and  social  intercourse  with  men  more  or  less  dis- 
tinguished, she  had  improved  her  mind,  and  made  herself  a 
very  agreeable  woman,  and  had  acquired  no  small  reputa- 
tion for  ability  and  wit.  It  is  never  difficult  for  a  woman  in 
a  great- position  and  with  some  talent  for  conversation  to 
attract  a  large  society  around  her,  and  to  have  a  number  of 
admirers  and  devoted  lidbitufa.  Lady  Ashburton  laid  herself 
out  for  this,  and  while  she  exercised  hospitality  on  a  great 
scale;  she  was  more  of  a  preciouse  than  any  woman  I  have 
known.  She  was,  or  affected  to  be,  extremely  intimate  with 
many  men  whose  literary  celebrity  or  talents  constituted 
their  only  attraction,  and  while  they  were  gratified  by  the 
attentions  of  the  great  lady,  her  vanity  was  flattered  by  the 
homage  of  such  men,  of  whom  Carlyle  was  the  principal.  It 
is  only  justice  to  her  to  say  that  she  treated  her  literary 
friends  with  constant  kindness  and  the  most  unselfish  atten- 
tions. They,  their  wives  and  children  (when  they  had  any), 
were  received  at  her  house  in  the  country,  and  entertained 
there  for  weeks  without  any  airs  of  patronage,  and  with  a 
spirit  of  genuine  benevolence  as  well  as  hospitality.  She 
was  in  her  youth  tall  and  commanding  in  person,  but 
without  any  pretension  to  good  looks  ;  still  she  was  not 
altogether  destitute  of  sentiment  and  coquetry,  or  incapable 
of  both  feeling  and  inspiring  a  certain  amount  of  passion. 
The  only  man  with  whom  she  was  ever  what  could  be  called 
in  love  was  Clarendon,  and  that  feeling  was  never  entirely 
extinct,  and  the  recollection  of  it  kept  up  a  sort  of  unde- 
fined relation  between  them  to  the  end  of  her  life.  Two 

1  [Harriet  Mary,  eldest  daughter  of  the  sixth  Earl  of  Sandwich,  was  married 
in  1823  to  William  Bin-rham  Baring,  afterward  second  Baron  Ashburton.  One 
son,  the  only  issue  of  this  marriage,  died  in  infancy.  Lady  Ashburton  was  dis- 
tinguished for  her  wit,  her  social  qualities,  and  her  nospitality,  which  made  Bath 
House  and  the  Grange  the  centres  of  a  brilliant  literary  society,  well  known  by 
the  records  of  It  in  the  Lite  of  Mr.  Carlyle  and  the  Autobiography  of  Sir  Henry 
Taylor.] 


1357.]  DEATH  OF  LADY  ASHBURTOX.  357 

men  were  certainly  in  love  with  her,  both  distinguished  in 
different  ways.  One  was  John  Mill,  who  was  sentimentally 
attached  to  her,  and  for  a  long  time  was  devoted  to  her 
society.  8he  was  pleased  and  flattered  by  his  devotion,  but 
as  she  did  not  in  the  slightest  degree  return  his  passion, 
though  she  admired  his  abilities,  he  at  last  came  to  resent 
her  indifference,  and  ended  by  estranging  himself  from  her 
entirely,  and  proved  the  strength  of  his  feeling  by  his  ob- 
stinate refusal  to  continue  even  his  acquaintance  with  her. 
Her  other  admirer  was  Charles  Buller,  with  whom  she  was 
extremely  intimate,  but  without  ever  reciprocating  his  love. 
Curiously  enough,  they  were  very  like  each  other  in  person, 
as  well  as  in  their  mental  accomplishments.  They  had  both 
the  same  spirits  and  cleverness  in  conversation,  and  the  same 
quickness  and  drollery  in  repartee.  I  remember  Allen  well 
describing  them,  when  he  said  that  their  talk  was  like  that 
in  the  polite  conversation  between  Never  Out  and  Miss 
Notable.  Her  faults  appeared  to  be  caprice  and  a  disposition 
to  quarrels  and  tracasseries  about  nothing,  which,  however 
common  among  ordinary  women,  were  unworthy  of  her 
superior  understanding.  But  during  her  last  illness  all  that 
\va<  bad  and  hard  in  her  nature  seemed  to  be  improved  and 
softened,  and  she  became  full  of  charity,  good-will,  and  the 
milk  of  human  kindness.  Her  brother  and  her  sister-in-law, 
who,  forgetting  former  estrangements,  hastened  to  her  sick- 
bed, were  received  by  her  with  overflowing  tenderness,  and 
all  selfish  and  unamiable  feelings  seemed  to  be  entirely 
subdued  within  her.  Had  she  recovered  she  would  probably 
have  lived  a  better  and  a  happier  woman,  and  as  it  is  she 
has  died  in  charity  with  all  the  world,  and  has  left  behind 
her  corresponding  sentiments  of  affection  and  regret  for  her 
memory.  I  was  once  very  intimate  with  her,  but  for  a 
long  time  past  our  intimacy  had  dwindled  into  ordinary  ac- 
quaintance. 

June  3d. — There  is  really  nothing  to  write  about,  but  it 
is  evident  that  the  session  is  going  to  pass  a  Way  in  the  most 
quiet  and  uneventful  manner.  Never  had  Minister  such  a 
peaceful  and  undisturbed  reign  as  Palmerston's.  There  is 
something  almost  alarming  in  his  prodigious  felicity  and 
success.  Everything  prospers  with  him.  In  the  House  of 
Commons  there  is  scarcely  a  semblance  of  opposition  to  any- 
thing he  proposes ;  a  speech  or  two  here  and  there  from 
Roebuck,  or  some  stray  Radical,  against  some  part  of  the 


368  REIGN   OF   QUEEX   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

Princess  Royal's  dowry,  but  hardly  any  attempt  at  divisions  ; 
and  when  there  hare  been  any,  the  minorities  have  been  so 
ridiculously  small  as  to  show  the  hopelessness  of  opposition. 
The  only  men  who  might  be  formidable  or  troublesome 
seem  to  have  adopted  the  prudent  course  of  not  kicking 
against  the  pricks.  John  Russell  evinces  no  hostility,  and 
accepts  Hay  ter's  letters.  Gladstone  hardly  ever  goes  near  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  never  opens  his  lips.  There  seems 
to  be  a  disposition  in  both  Houses  to  work  and  bring  legisla- 
tive reforms  to  a  conclusion.  The  House  of  Lords  has  been 
very  busy  with  the  Divorce  Bill,  and  there  has  been  a  good 
deal  of  vigorous  debating,  particularly  among  Lyndhurst,  the 
Bishops  of  Oxford  and  London,  and  Campbell  and  Wensley- 
dale,  who  hate  each  other,  and  have  interchanged  blows. 

June  20th. — All  this  past  week  the  world  has  been  occu- 
pied with  the  Handel  Concerts  at  the  Crystal  Palace,  which 
went  off  with  the  greatest  success  and  eclat.  I  went  to  the 
first  ("Messiah"),  and  the  last  ("Israel  in  Egypt");  they 
were  amazingly  grand,  and  the  beauty  of  the  locale,  with 
the  vast  crowds  assembled  in  it,  made  an  imposing  spectacle. 
The  arrangements  were  perfect,  and  nothing  could  be  easier 
than  the  access  and  egress,  or  more  comfortable  than  the 
accommodation.  But  the  wonderful  assembly  of  2,000  vocal 
and  500  instrumental  performers  did  not  produce  musical 
effect  so  agreeable  and  so  perfect  as  the  smaller  number  in 
the  smaller  space  of  Exeter  Hall.  The  volume  of  sound  was 
dispersed  and  lost  in  the  prodigious  space,  and  fine  as  it  un- 
doubtedly was,  I  much  prefer  the  concerts  of  the  Harmonic 
Society. 

Fould 1  came  over  from  Paris  the  other  day  for  the  pur- 
pose of  going  to  see  the  Manchester  Exhibition.  He  was 
received  with  great  distinction.  The  Queen  invited  him  to 
Windsor  for  Ascot,  and  Granville  gave  him  a  breakfast  here 
to  meet  the  financial  notabilities  whom  he  wanted  to  talk  to. 
We  had  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  and  an  ex-Chan- 
cellor (C.  Wood),  the  Governor  of  the  bank,  and  the  ex-Gov- 
ernor of  the  Bank,  cum  multis  aliis.  He  said  that  their 
financial  affairs  in  France  were  in  a  very  health}7  state,  which 
is  contrary  to  the  general  impression  here. 

1  [M.  Achille  Fould,  who  had  made  a  lanre  fortune  as  a  banker  in  Paris,  was 
one  of  the  ablest  and  most  honorable  of  the  Ministers  of  Napoleon  III.  He  was 
much  attached  to  this  country,  where  he  had  many  friends,  and  he  encouraged 
the  Emperor  in  that  Free  Trade  policy  which  led  to  the  Commercial  Treaty  of 
1860,  and  strengthened  the  ties  between  England  and  France.] 


1857.]  THE  QUEEN  AND  LORD  PALMERSTON.  369 

I  met  Clarendon  in  the  Park  a  day  or  two  ago,  and  had 
some  talk  with  him  in  the  friendly  and  intimate  tone  of 
former  times,  which  rejoiced  my  heart,  because  it  proved  that 
though  circumstances  and  accidental  habits  had  impeded  our 
intercourse,  there  exist  still  the  same  feelings  of  regard 
toward  me  in  his  mind,  and  if  our  intercourse  was  re- 
stored again,  he  would  probably  fall  into  the  same  habit  of 
confidence  and  communication  which  formerly  existed,  but 
which  has  lately  been  completely  interrupted.  He  talked 
of  Palmerston,  his  position  and  his  health,  and  his  rapports 
with  the  Queen,  who  is  now  entirely  reconciled  to  him.  She 
treats  him  with  unreserved  confidence,  and  he  treats  her 
with  a  deference  and  attention  which  have  produced  a  very 
favorable  change  in  her  sentiments  toward  him.  Clarendon 
told  me  that  Palmerston  had  lately  been  ailing  in  a  way 
to  cause  some  uneasiness.  He  had  had  a  bad  leg  with  a 
sore  that  it  had  been  found  difficult  to  heal,  but  he  appears 
to  have  got  over  it.  This  might  have  been  very  serious. 
Clarendon  talked  one  day  to  the  Queen  about  Palmerston's 
health,  concerning  which  she  expressed  her  anxiety,  when 
Clarendon  said  she  might  indeed  be  anxious,  for  it  was  of 
the  greatest  importance  to  her,  and  if  anything  happened  to 
him  he  did  not  know  where  she  could  look  for  a  successor  to 
to  him,  that  she  had  often  expressed  her  great  desire  to  have 
a  strong  Government,  and  that  she  had  now  got  one,  Palmer- 
ston being  a  really  strong  Minister.  She  admitted  the  truth 
of  it.  Clarendon  said  he  was  always  very  earnest  with  her 
to  bestow  her  whole  confidence  on  Palmerston,  and  not  even 
to  talk  to  others  on  any  subjects  which  properly  belonged 
to  him,  and  he  had  more  than  once  (when  according  to  ner 
custom,  she  began  to  talk  to  him  on  certain  things)  said  to 
her,  "  Madam,  that  concerns  Lord  Palmerston,  and  I  think 
your  Majesty  had  better  reserve  it  for  your  communications 
with  him."  He  referred  to  the  wonderful  change  in  his  own 
relations  with  Palmerston,  that  seven  or  eight  years  ago 
Palmerston  was  full  of  hatred  and  suspicion  of  him,  and  now 
they  were  the  best  of  friends,  with  mutual  confidence  and 
good  will,  and  lately  when  he  was  talking  to  Palmerston  of 
the  satisfactory  state  of  his  relations  with  the  Queen  and  of 
the  utility  it  was  to  his  Government  that  it  should  be  so,  Palm- 
erston said,  "And  it  is  likewise  a  very  good  thing  that  she 
has  such  boundless  confidence  in  her  Secretary  for  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, when  after  all  there  is  nothing  she  cares  about  so  much." 


370  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

June  28/7i. — I  went  last  Saturday  week  to  Strawberry 
Hill.1  A  large  party  of  people,  the  Persignys,  the  Speaker 
and  Lady  Charlotte,  etc.  ;  it  is  an  enjoyable  villa,  with  its 
vast  expanse  of  grass,  profusion  of  flowers,  and  fine  trees 
affording  ample  shade.  Horace  Walpole's  ridiculous  house 
is  unaltered,  but  furbished  up  and  made  comfortable.  I 
regret  to  hear  that  Denison  does  not  make  a  very  good 
Speaker,  and  that  the  Government  think  they  made  a  mis- 
take in  putting  him  into  the  Chair.  It  was  Palmerston's 
doing,  who  would  hear  of  nobody  else.  There  are  several 
men  among  the  Opposition  who  would  probably  have  been 
fitter,  but  with  the  great  majority  the  Government  have  they 
were  in  a  manner  compelled  to  take  a  man  from  their  own 
party.  Denison  says  it  is  owing  to  the  laxity  of  Palmerston 
himself  if  things  do  not  go  on  so  well  as  they  might  in  the 
House  of  Commons. 

At  Hatchford  the  past  week,  and  when  I  got  to  town  I 
was  apprised  of  the  disastrous  news  from  India,8  the  most 
serious  occurrence  that  has  ever  been  in  that  quarter,  not 
only  from  the  magnitude  of  the  events  themselves  as  the 
telegraph  conveys  them,  but  because  it  is  quite  impossible 
to  estimate  the  gravity  of  the  case,  nor  what  the  extent  of  it 
may  be.  Till  we  receive  the  details  it  is  idle  to  speculate 
upon  it. 

The  Queen  has  made  Prince  Albert  "Prince  Consort" 
by  a  patent  ordered  in  Council,  but  as  this  act  confers  on 
him  neither  title,  dignity,  nor  privileges,  I  cannot  see  the 
use  of  it.  He  was  already  as  high  in  England  as  he  can  be, 
assuming  the  Crown  Matrimonial  to  be  out  of  the  question, 
and  it  will  give  him  no  higher  rank  abroad,  where  our  acts 
have  no  validity. 

July  15th. — For  the  last  three  weeks  or  more  all  public 
interest  and  curiosity  have  been  absorbed  ia  the  affairs  of 
India  and  the  great  Mutiny  that  has  broken  out  there,  and 
which  has  now  assumed  such  an  alarming  character.  I  had 
intended  to  take  some  notice  of  this,  and  of  other  matters 

1  [Strawberry  Hill  was  the  residence  of  the  Countess  of  Waldeorave,  to  whom 
it  had  passed  on  the  death  of  her  second  hu>band,  the  Earl  ot  Waldegrave.  It 
wa-  then,  and  continued  to  he  until  her  death  in  1879,  the  most  hospitable  villa 
in  the  neighborhood,  and  the  constant  resort  of  all  that  was  distinguished  in 
politics  and  in  letters.] 

a  [The  Indian  mutiny  broke  out  at  Meerut  on  Sunday,  10th  May,  but  the  de- 
tails were  not  known  in  England  till  nearly  six  weeks  later.  General  Anson 
died  at  Kurnaul  on  the  27th  May.] 


1857.]  THE  MUTINY  IN  INDIA.  37! 

which  time  and  the  hour  have  brought  forth  ;  but,  accord- 
ing to  my  bad  custom,  I  kept  putting  it  off,  till  at  last  all 
other  things  were  driven  out  of  my  mind  by  the  news  which 
so  unexpectedly  reached  us  on  Saturday  last  of  the  death  of 
George  Anson  from  a  sudden  attack  of  cholera.  lie  was  the 
oldest  and  most  intimate  friend  I  had,  and  almost  the  last 
surviving  associate  of  my  youth.  I  reserve  for  another  mo- 
ment to  say  a  word  or  two  of  a  man  who,  without  great 
abilities  or  a  great  career,  was  too  conspicuous  a  member  of 
society  to  be  passed  over  without  some  notice. 

The  alarm  created  here  by  the  Indian  news  is  very  great, 
and  Ellenborough  (reckoned  a  great  authority  on  Indian 
matters)  does  his  best  to  increase  it.  The  serious  part  of  it 
is  that  no  one  can  tell  or  venture  to  predict  what  the  extent 
of  the  calamity  may  be,  and  what  proportions  the  mischief 
may  possibly  assume.  It  is  certain  that  hitherto  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  East  India  Company  have  been  in  what  is 
called  a  fool's  paradise  on  the  subject.  They  have  been  so 
long  accustomed  to  consider  our  Empire  there  as  established 
on  so  solid  a  foundation,  and  so  entirely  out  of  the  reach  of 
danger,  that  they  never  have  paid  any  attention  to  those  who 
hinted  at  possible  perils,  and  I  don't  think  anybody  ever 
foresaw  anything  like  what  has  occurred,  and  they  were 
disinclined  to  adopt  any  of  the  precautionary  recommenda- 
tions which  would  have  been  attended  with  expense,  and  the 
Press,  and  the  public  who  are  always  led  by  the  Press,  took 
the  same  easy  view  of  the  subject.  While  the  Kussian  War 
was  going  on  a  clamor  was  raised  against  Government  for 
not  calling  away  all  the  British  troops  in  India  and  sending 
them  to  the  Crimea,  and  those  who  went  mad  about  the 
Crimean  War  would  willing  having  left  India  without  a 
single  European  regiment,  and  have  entrusted  all  our  in- 
terests to  the  fidelity  and  attachment  of  the  Native  army. 
Though  our  Government  was  willing  enough  to  enter  into 
anything  that  the  passion  of  the  multitude  suggested,  they 
were  not  so  insane  as  all  that ;  but  as  it  is.  we  may  consider 
it  most  providential  that  the  mutiny  did  not  show  itself  dur- 
ing the  Russian,  or  indeed  during  the  Persian  war.  If  it  had 
happened  while  we  were  still  fighting  in  the  Crimea,  we 
could  not  have  sent  out  the  force  that  would  have  been  in- 
dispensable to  save  India.  At  the  present  moment  the  in- 
terest of  the  public  js  not  greater  than  its  apprehensions  and 
alarm.  Rumors  of  every  sort  are  rife,  generally  of  the  most 


372  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

disastrous  kind,  and  though  the  mails  only  come  at  a  fort- 
night's interval,  and  it  is  physically  impossible  that  any  in- 
telligence should  reach  us  during  those  intervals,  the  public 
curiosity  is  fed  and  excited  by  continual  rumors,  which  gen- 
erally circulate  stories  of  fresh  disasters  and  dangers.  There 
is  a  disposition  in  some  quarters  to  make  if  possible  poor  An- 
son  the  scapegoat,  and,  now  that  he  is  dead  and  cannot  de- 
fend himself,  to  attribute  to  him  and  to  his  misconduct  or 
laches  the  misfortunes  that  have  befallen  us.  I  know  not 
what  he  may  have  written  home  to  the  civil  and  military 
authorities  ;  but,  if  I  may  judge  by  the  tenor  of  his  corre- 
spondence with  me,  I  should  infer  that  he  has  warned  the 
Government  against  leaving  India  without  adequate  protec- 
tion, and  constantly  urged  the  expediency  of  sending  out 
fresh  troops.  I  have  long  expected  that  the  day  would  come 
when  we  should  find  reason  for  regretting  our  expansive 
policy  and  our  going  on  with  continual  conquests  and  an- 
nexations, 

We  are  overrun  with  Royalties  present  and  prospective. 
Besides  our  Princess  Royal's  bridegroom,  there  are  here  the 
King  of  the  Belgians'  son  and  daughter,  Prince  Napoleon, 
the  Queen  of  the  Netherlands,  and  the  Montpensiers  as 
Spanish  Princes,  in  which  capacity  Persigny  has  had  to  pay 
his  court  to  them,  and  they  have  had  to  receive  the  Ambas- 
sador of  Louis  Napoleon. 

July  I9th. — Although  it  is  impossible  that  any  fresh  ac- 
counts should  have  come  from  India,  reports  are  rife  of  fresh 
insurrections  and  of  all  sorts  of  evils.  Amid  all  the  bad  news 
from  India  the  good  fortune  is  that  so  many  of  the  Native 
troops,  and  not  only  the  military,  but  the  whole  population 
of  the  Punjaub,  have  shown  so  much  fidelity  and  attachment 
to  the  British  Government.  It  is  the  strongest  testimony  to 
the  wisdom  and  justice  of  our  rule,  and  of  the  capacity  of 
the  natives  to  appreciate  the  benefits  they  derive  from  it, 
for  beyond  all  question  the  introduction  of  European  civiliza- 
tion into  the  East,  and  the  substitution  of  such  a  government 
as  that  of  England  for  the  cruel,  rapacious,  and  capricious 
dominion  of  Oriental  chiefs  and  dynasties,  is  the  greatest 
boon  that  the  people  could  have  had  conferred  upon  them. 
Our  administration  may  not  have  been  faultless,  and  in  some 
instances  it  may  have  been  oppressive,  and  it  may  have  often 
offended  against  the  habits  and  prejudices  of  the  natives,  but 
it  is  certainly  very  superior  in  every  respect,  and  infinitely 


1857.]  TEMPER  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS.  373 

more  beneficent  than  any  rule,  either  of  Hindoos  or  Ma- 
hometans, that  has  ever  been  known  in  India.  However, 
people  much  more  civilized  and  more  sagacious  than  the 
Indians  do  not  always  know  what  is  best  for  them,  or  most 
likely  to  promote  their  happiness,  so  it  will  not  be  surprising 
if  these  disorders  should  continue  to  increase,  supposing  the 
means  of  immediately  and  effectually  suppressing  them 
should  be  found  wanting. 

For  the  last  week  the  House  of  Commons  has  presented  a 
more  animated  appearance  than  during  the  preceding  months 
of  this  dull  and  passive  session.  Gladstone  has  reappeared 
and  proved  that  bis  oratorical  powers  have  not  been  rusted 
by  his  retirement,  and  John  Russell  has  come  forth  showing 
his  teeth,  but  not  yet  attempting  to  bite  the  Government. 
Palmerston,  evidently  nettled  by  these  two,  as  well  as  by 
Roebuck  and  Disraeli,  has  spoken  with  considerable  asperity, 
and  with  an  insolent  air  of  superiority  and  defiance,  which 
has  hitherto  not  been  usual  to  him,  and  which  has  given  no 
little  offence-.  There  are  evident  symptoms  of  an  approach- 
ing cessation  of  that  humble  and  deferential  submission  to 
his  will  which  has  hitherto  distinguished  his  servile  majority, 
and  though  it  is  not  clear  in  what  way  they  will  assert  their 
independence,  those  who  watch  the  symptoms  think  that  he 
will  not  find  the  same  passive  disposition  in  the  next  session, 
and  if  anything  should  go  seriously  wrong  there  would  be 
open  and  general  rebellion.  Up  to  the  present  time,  how- 
ever, there  is  nothing  to  be  seen  but  a  certain  amount  of 
restlessness  and  a  disposition  to  find  fault,  and  the  Govern- 
ment seem  still  to  command  the  same  enormous  majorities, 
and  Palmerston  to  be  as  powerful  as  ever,  if  he  is  not  quite 
so  popular.  A  violent  effort  is  made  by  a  number  of  Liber- 
als in  the  House  of  Commons  to  renew  the  contest  with  the 
House  of  Lords  for  the  admission  of  the  Jews  (the  newspa- 
pers contain  all  the  details  of  this  attempt),  which  cannot 
be  pursued  without  mischievous  results,  and  will  fail  in  its 
object. 

August  2(1. — The  Civil  War  in  India,  for  such  it  may  be 
called,  supersedes  every  other  object  of  interest,  and  the  suc- 
cessive mails  are  looked  for  with  the  utmost  impatience.  The 
Government,  though  anxious  and  nervous,  are  not  disheart- 
ened, and  as  far  as  we  can  judge  the  authorities  in  India  have 
not  been  deficient  in  the  emergency.  Canning  writes  in  good 
spirits,  and  all  accounts  agree  in  reporting  that  he  has  done 


374  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

his  work  hitherto  very  well.  The  discussions  in  Parliament 
have  been  on  the  whole  creditable.  Disraeli  came  down  to 
the  House  of  Commons  with  a  long  set  oration,  in  which  he 
entered  at  great  length  into  the  causes  of  the  present  confu- 
sion, and  the  misgovernment  and  bad  policy  which  had  en- 
gendered it,  and  although  his  speech  was  able,  and  probably 
contained  a  great  deal  that  was  true,  it  was  deemed  (as  it 
was)  mischievous  and  ill-timed,  and  very  ill.  received  by  the 
House.  He  was  rebuked  with  some  asperity  by  Tom  Baring, 
his  own  political  adherent,  and  by  Lord  John  Russell,  who 
declared  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  House  to  give  every  support 
to  the  Government  in  such  a  crisis.  In  the  House  of  Lords 
Ellenborough  was  as  mischievous  and  ill-disposed  as  Disraeli 
in  the  Commons,  and  was  no  better  received.  Granville  ad- 
ministered to  him  a  severe  lecture,  by  no  means  ill  done,  and 
the  House  of  Lords  went  with  Granville. 

Last  week  was  passed  at  Goodwood,  with  fine  weather, 
and  the  usual  fete  with  the  unusual  accompaniment  of  for- 
eign Royalties.  First  the  Comte  de  Paris  for  a  night,  and 
then  the  Queen  of  the  Netherlands  for  two.  The  young 
French  Prince  is  good-humored  and  unpretending,  the  Queen 
is  very  gay,  natural,  and  pleasing.  I  renewed  an  acquain- 
tance I  had  made  with  her  at  Ems  many  years  ago.  It  is  a 
new  feature  in  the  present  day  the  flitting  about  of  Royal 
personages.  Besides  these  I  have  named,  the  Prince  Napo- 
leon has  been  finishing  a  tour  through  England  and  part  of 
Ireland  by  a  visit  to  Osborne,  and  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
are  coming  to  Osborne  for  a  week.  Prince  Albert  has  been 
to  Brussels  for  the  marriage  of  the  Princess  Charlotte,  where 
he  seems  to  have  made  his  first  experiment  of  the  effect  to  be 
obtained  from  his  newly-acquired  title  of  "  Prince  Consort 
of  England,"  as  I  see  that  he  signed  the  marriage  contract 
immediately  after  the  Queen  Marie  Amelie,  and  before  an 
Austrian  Archduke  who  was  present. 

August  12th. — I  was  at  Stoke  on  Saturday  and  Sunday, 
and  went  over  to  see  Bulstrode  ;  surprised  to  find  the  place 
less  delabre,  and  more  capable  of  being  restored  than  I  ex- 
pected. I  passed  the  first  fifteen  years  of  my  life  there,  and 
don't  know  whether  the  place  or  myself  is  the  most  changed. 
To  feed  our  curiosity  during  the  intervals  between  the  Indian 
mails,  the  newspapers,  the  "  Times  "  especially,  collect  all  the 
letters  they  can  obtain,  and  publish  them  day  by  day.  We 
have  had  a  success  in  China,  but  I  always  tremble  for  the 


1857.]  THE  DIVORCE  BILL.  875 

consequences  of  onr  successes  there,  lest  we  should  be  se- 
duced or  compelled  into  making  permanent  settlements  and 
further  extensions  of  our  Empire  in  the  East.  Parliament 
is  approaching  its  close,  and  the  Government  ends  the  session 
with  unimpaired  strength,  but  depending  entirely  on  Palmer- 
ston's  life,  for  there  is  nobody  else  capable  of  leading  the 
House  of  Commons.  There  are  growing  symptoms  of  inde- 
pendence on  the  part  of  the  House  in  the  shape  of  adverse 
votes  every  now  and  then,  principally  on  matters  of  estimates. 

August  20/A. — I  have  read  over  the  few  preceding  pages, 
and  am  disgusted  to  find  how  barren  they  are  of  interest  and 
how  little  worth  preserving.  They  show  how  entirely  my 
social  relations  have  ceased  with  all  those  friends  and  ac- 
quaintances from  whom  I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  drawing 
the  information  which  the  earlier  parts  of  this  journal  con- 
tain, and  consequently  my  total  ignorance  of  all  political 
subjects.  There  was  a  time  when  I  should  have  had  a  great 
deal  to  say  upon  passing  events  of  interest  or  importance, 
but  all  that  is  gone  by. 

The  visit  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  at  Osborne  seems  to 
have  been  spent  in  discussing  the  affairs  of  the  Principalities 
and  patching  up  the  quarrels  of  the  Ambassadors  at  Constan- 
tinople. As  far  as  outward  appearances  go  we  do  not  ap- 
pear to  have  played  a  very  brilliant  part,  and  the  Opposition 
papers  think  they  have  got  a  good  case  on  which  to  twit 
Palmerston,  but  as  I  do  not  know  what  has  really  taken 
place,  I  abstain  from  expressing  any  opinion  upon  the  con- 
duct of  our  Government. 

The  session  of  Parliament  has  been  prolonged  beyond  all 
expectation  by  the  vehement  and  acrimonious  debates  upon 
the  Divorce  Bill  in  the  House  of  Commons,  which  has  been 
very  ably  and  vigorously  fought  by  Bethcll  on  one  side  cum 
quibusdam  oftig,  and  Gladstone,  Walpole,  and  Heathcote  on 
the  other.  The  Opposition  hoped  by  constant  obstructions 
to  wear  out  the  patience  of  Palmerston  and  to  get  the  Bill 
put  off  till  next  session.  Palmerston,  however,  was  firmly 
resolved  not  to  submit  to  this,  and  when  they  found  that  he 
was  so  determined,  they  contented  themselves  with  insisting 
upon  certain  amendments,  which  Palmerston  thought  it 
prudent  to  consent  to,  and  the  spirit  of  compromise  and  con- 
cession which  the  Government  have  lately  evinced  has  softened 
in  some  degree  the  asperity  of  the  debates,  and  at  last  enabled 
the  Government  to  carry  the  Bill.  Bethell,  who  has  fonght 


376  REIGN  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

the  battle  with  great  ability,  is  not  a  little  disgusted  at  the 
concessions  to  which  he  has  been  forced  to  consent,  and  has 
done  so  with  a  solemn  protest  and  warning  with  regard  to 
the  exemption  clause  for  the  clergy,  which  the  Government 
have  very  reluctantly  consented  to,  but  on  which  Granville 
assures  me  they  had  no  option,  and  that  if  they  had  refused 
to  give  way  they  would  have  infallibly  been  beaten  upon  it. 
I  dined  at  Richmond  with  Lord  Lansdowne  yesterday,  to 
meet  the  Duchess  of  Orleans  and  the  Comte  de  Paris.  1  had 
never  seen  her  before.  She  is  plain,  but  pleasing,  and  with 
very  good  manners. 

August  2l$t. — The  Divorce  Bill  having  passed  the  House 
of  Commons,  went  up  to  the  House  of  Lords  yesterday,  when 
Lord  Redesdale  attempted  to  strangle  it  by  a  dodge,  which 
he  was  obliged  to  give  up  in  consequence  of  the  vigorous 
attacks  made  upon  him  by  the  Ministerial  side,  who  were 
supported  even  by  St.  Leonards,  and  particularly  by  an  in- 
dignant and  effective  speech  made  by  Lord  Lansdowne, 
who,  in  spite  of  weakness  and  gout,  from  which  he  was 
actually  suffering,  spoke  with  extraordinary  spirit.  If  Redes- 
dale  had  persisted,  and  gone  to  a  division,  the  Government 
would  probably  have  boon  beaten,  and  the  labor  of  half  the 
session  would  have  been  thrown  away.  As  it  is,  there  is  to 
be  a  fight  on  Monday  next,  the  result  of  which  depends  on 
which  side  can  get  the  greatest  number  to  come  up  from  the 
country  to  vote. 

September  6th. — Went  to  Worsley  on  Thursday  last,  in 
order  to  go  from  thence  to  see  the  Manchester  Exhibition, 
which  is  very  pretty,  but  appears  diminutive  after  the  Lon- 
don and  Sydenham  Exhibitions.  Its  principal  attraction  is 
in  the  excellent  collection  of  pictures  ;  it  will  be  a  failure  in 
a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  but  there  are  plenty  of  rich  people 
in  Manchester  able  and  willing  to  bear  the  expenses.  The 
session  closed  very  quietly,  though  not  without  some  grum- 
bling. Some  complained  that  Parliament  should  not  con- 
tinue to  sit  while  the  Indian  troubles  are  going  on  with 
undiminished  force,  others  that  the  Queen  should  go  to 
Scotland ;  but  the  Government  have  brought  their  labors 
to  a  close  very  prosperously,  and  Palmerston  continues  as 
powerful  and  as  secure  as  ever.  There  is  no  longer  the 
same  enthusiasm  there  was  for  him,  but  there  is  a  universal 
impression  that  he  is  indispensable,  and  on  the  whole  a 
feeling  of  satisfaction  and  confidence  in  his  administration. 


1857.]  DEATH  OF  MR.   CROKER.  377 

Even  I  myself  am  compelled  in  candor  to  acknowledge  that 
he  does  at  least  as  well  as  anybody  else  would  be  likely  to  do, 
and  no  complaints  can  justly  be  made  against  the  Govern- 
ment of  any  supineness  in  sending  out  adequate  reinforce- 
ments to  India.  Lewis  told  me,  just  as  Parliament  was 
prorogued,  that  they  were  thoroughly  impressed  with  the 
gravity  of  the  case,  and  conscious  of  the  danger,  and  that 
they  were  going  to  send  out  every  man  they  could  muster 
here  or  in  the  Colonies,  and  they  have  already  despatched 
troops  in  great  numbers  with  remarkable  celerity. 

They  have  made  some  Peers,  of  whom  the  most  con- 
spicuous is  Macaulay,  and  I  have  not  seen  or  heard  any 
complaints  of  his  elevation.  Lord  Lansdowne  has  declined 
the  offered  Dukedom,  which  I  rather  regret,  for  such  a 
public  recognition  of  his  character  and  services  during  a 
long  life  would  have  been  graceful  and  becoming,  and  the 
report  of  it  elicited  from  all  quarters  expressions  of  satisfac- 
tion at  such  an  honor  having  been  so  worthily  conferred. 

While  Macaulay  is  thus  ascending  to  the  House  of  Peers, 
his  old  enemy  and  rival  Croker  has  descended  to  the  grave, 
very  noiselessly  and  almost  without  observation,  for  he  had 
been  for  some  time  so  withdrawn  from  the  world  that  he 
was  nearly  forgotten.  He  had  lived  to  see  all  his  predictions 
of  ruin  and  disaster  to  the  country  completely  falsified.  He 
continued  till  the  last  year  or  two  to  exhale  his  bitterness  and 
spite  in  the  columns  of  the  "  Quarterly  Review,"  but  at  last 
the  Editor  (who  had  long  been  sick  of  his  contributions) 
contrived  to  get  rid  of  him.  I  never  lived  in  any  intimacy 
with  him,  and  seldom  met  him  in  society,  but  he  certainly 
occupied  a  high  place  among  the  second-rate  men  of  his 
time  ;  he  had  very  considerable  talents,  great  industry,  with 
much  information  and  a  retentive  memory.  He  spoke  in 
Parliament  with  considerable  force,  and  in  society  his  long 
acquaintance  with  the  world  and  with  public  affairs,  and  his 
stores  of  general  knowledge  made  him  entertaining,  though 
he  was  too  overbearing  to  be  agreeable.  He  was  particularly 
disliked  by  Macaulay,  who  never  lo?t  an  opportunity  of  vent- 
ing his  antipathy  by  attacks  upon  him. 

Holwood,  September  Wth.— I  came  here  on  Tuesday  on 
a  visit  to  the  Chancellor.1  This  beautiful  place  formerly 
belonged  to  Mr.  Pitt,  and  abounds  in  local  recollections  of 

» [Lord  Cran worth  at  this  time  occupied  Holwood  as  a  summer  residence.] 


378  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

the  great  Minister  in  the  shape  of  "Pitt's  Oak,"  "Pitt's 
Well,"  &c.  It  is  close  to  Hayes,  where  his  father,  the  great 
Lord  Chatham,  lived  and  died.  Nobody  is  here  but  Pem- 
berton  Leigh. 

I  asked  the  Chancellor  what  was  the  real  history  of  the 
Life  Peerage  last  year,  and  he  told  me  that  it  originated  in 
his  finding  great  inconvenience  from  himself  and  Lord  St. 
Leonards  frequently  sitting  together  in  the  House  of  Lords 
without  any  third,  and  as  St.  Leonards  invariably  opposed 
his  view  of  every  case  great  injustice  was  often  done  to 
suitors,  and  he  urged  on  Palmerston  the  expediency  of  giving 
them  some  assistance.  Palmerston  said  it  would  be  a  good 
opportunity  for  making  some  Life  Peers.  Wensleydale  was 
willing  to  retire  from  the  Bench  and  to  accept  a  Life  Peer- 
age, so  it  was  determined  to  create  him  a  Peer  for  life  only, 
and  they  did  this  without  the  slightest  idea  that  any  objec- 
tion would  be  made  in  any  quarter.  He  owned  that  he  re- 
gretted this  design  had  not  been  abandoned  at  once  when 
the  storm  of  opposition  began.  I  told  him  that  I  had  no 
doubt  there  would  have  been  no  opposition  if  he  had  im- 
parted the  intentions  of  Government  to  some  of  the  Law 
Lords,  and  obtained  their  acquiescence,  for  Lyndhurst 
would  certainly  not  have  objected,  having  himself  told  me 
that  he  meant  to  comply  with  Parke's  request  to  him  to  in- 
troduce him  to  the  House  of  Lords.  The  Chancellor  said 
this  was  very  likely  true,  but  that  he  had  never  liked  the  at- 
tempt to  force  it  through  the  House  of  Lords.  He  thought 
the  opposition  had  originated  with  Campbell,  who  had  proba- 
bly forgotten  that  he  had  recorded  his  own  opinion,  in  his 
"Lives  of  the  Chancellors,"  that  Life  Peerages  would  be  ad- 
visable in  certain  cases. 

September  22d. — I  am  just  returned  from  Doncaster, 
Bretby,  and  Wilby.  The  Indian  mail  arrived  on  Monday 
last,  just  as  I  was  starting  for  Doncaster.  The  news  it 
brought  at  first  appeared  rather  good,  but  when  it  all  came 
out  it  seemed  so  checkered  with  good  and  evil  that  it  pro- 
duced great  despondency.  Still  it  is  a  curious  circumstance 
(which  I  have  heard  no  one  else  remark)  that,  with  all  the 
deep  interest  universally  felt  on  account  of  this  Sepoy  war, 
not  only  as  it  regards  our  national  interests,  but  out  of  feel- 
ing and  sympathy  for  the  vast  numbers  of  our  countrymen 
and  women  exposed  to  its  horrors  and  dangers,  it  does  not 
produce  the  same  degree  of  enthusiasm  as  the  Crimean  War 


1857.]  VISIT  TO  SCOTLAND.  379 

did,  in  which  we  had  no  real  interest  concerned,  and  which 
was  only  a  gigantic  folly  on  our  part.  People  are  very  anx- 
ious about  this  war,  and  earnestly  desire  that  the  mutiny  may 
be  put  down  and  punished,  but  they  regard  the  war  itself 
with  aversion  and  horror,  whereas  they  positively  took  pleas- 
ure in  the  war  against  Russia,  and  were  ready  to  spend  their 
last  guinea  in  carrying  it  on.  A  subscription  has  been  set 
on  foot,  but  although  there  never  was  an  occasion  on  which 
it  might  have  been  expected  that  vast  sums  would  be  sub- 
scribed, the  contributions  have  been  comparatively  small  in 
amount,  and  it  seems  probable  that  a  much  less  sum  will  be 
produced  for  the  relief  of  the  Indian  sufferers  than  the  Pa- 
triotic Fund  or  any  of  the  various  subscriptions  made  for 
purposes  connected  with  the  Crimean  War.  I  was  so  struck 
with  the  backwardness  of  the  Government  in  rewarding  Gen- 
eral Havelock  for  his  brilliant  exploits,  that  I  wrote  to  George 
Lewis  and  urged  him  to  press  his  colleagues  to  confer  some 
honor  upon  him  and  promote  him. 

I  am  on  the  point  of  starting  for  Balmoral,  summoned 
for  a  Council  to  order  a  day  of  humiliation. 

Gordon  Castle,  September  27th. — I  left  town  on  Tuesday 
afternoon,  and  slept  that  night  at  York,  on  Wednesday  at 
Perth,  and  on  Thursday  posted  to  Balmoral,  where  I  arrived 
between  two  and  three  o'clock.  Granville,  Panmure,  and 
Ben  Stanley  formed  the  Council.  Granville  told  me  the 
Queen  wished  that  the  day  appointed  should  be  a  Sunday, 
but  Palmerston  said  it  must  be  on  a  weekday,  and  very  re- 
luctantly she  gave  way.  What  made  the  whole  thing  more 
ridiculous  was,  that  she  gave  a  ball  (to  the  gillies  and  ten- 
ants) the  night  before  this  Council.  The  outside  of  the  new 
house  at  Balmoral,  in  the  Scotch  and  French  style,  is  pretty 
enough,  but  the  inside  has  but  few  rooms,  and  those  very 
small  not  uncomfortable,  and  very  simply  decorated  ;  the 
place  and  environs  are  pretty.  In  the  afternoon  I  drove 
over  to  Invercauld  with  Phipps.  On  Friday  morning 
came  on  here,  by  post,  by  rail,  and  by  mail.  Without 
any  beauty,  this  is  rather  a  fine  place,  and  the  house  very 
comfortable. 

September  28th. — Went  to  Elgin  to  see  the  fine  old  ruin 
of  the  Cathedral,  which  is  very  grand,  and  must  have  been 
magnificent.  It  was  built  in  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  burnt  down,  and  rebuilt  in  the  fourteenth.  I  see 
they  have  done  all  I  wanted  to  have  done  for  General  Have- 


380  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

lock.  He  has  got  a  good  service  pension,  is  made  Major- 
General  and  K.  C.  B. 

Dunrobin  Castle,  October  2d. — I  came  here  from  Gordon 
Castle  on  Wednesday,  by  sea  from  Burghead  to  the  Little 
Ferry,  a  very  tiresome  way  of  travelling,  the  delays  being 
detestable.  Have  long  been  most  desirous  of  seeing  this 
place,  which  has  quite  equalled  my  expectations,  for  it  is  a 
most  princely  possession,  and  the  Castle  exceedingly  beauti. 
ful  and  moreover  very  comfortable.  I  start  for  London  to- 
morrow morning  with  a  long  journey  before  me. 

The  Indian  news  of  this  week  as  bad  and  promises  as  ill 
as  well  can  be,  and  I  expect  worse  each  mail  that  comes.  We 
are  justly  punished  for  our  ambition  and  encroaching  spirit, 
but  it  must  be  owned  we  struggle  gallantly  for  what  we  have 
perhaps  unjustly  acquired.  Europe  behaves  well  to  us,  for 
though  we  have  made  ourselves  universally  odious  by  our 
insolence  and  our  domination,  and  our  long  habit  of  bullying 
all  the  world,  nobody  triumphs  over  us  in  the  hour  of  our 
distress,  and  even  Kussia,  who  has  no  cause  to  feel  anything 
but  ill  will  toward  us,  evinces  her  regret  and  sympathy  in 
courteous  terms.  Whatever  the  result  of  this  contest  may 
be,  it  will  certainly  absorb  all  our  efforts  and  occupy  our  full 
strength  and  power,  so  that  we  shall  not  be  able  to  take  any 
active  or  influential  part  in  European  affairs  for  some  time 
to  come.  The  rest  of  the  Great  Powers  will  have  it  in  their 
power  to  settle  everything  as  seems  meet  to  them,  without 
troubling  themselves  about  us  and  our  opinions.  For  the 
present  we  are  reduced  to  the  condition  of  an  insignificant 
Power.  It  is  certain  that  if  this  mutiny  had  taken  place 
two  years  earlier,  we  could  not  have  engaged  at  all  in  the 
Russian  War. 

London,  October  6th. — I  left  Dunrobin  after  breakfast 
on  Saturday  morning,  3d  inst.,  and  arrived  in  London  on 
Monday  (yesterday)  at  11  A.  M.  My  journey  was  after  this 
wise  :  We  (i.  e.,  Mr.  Marshall  of  the  Life  Guards,  an  aide-de- 
camp of  Lord  Carlisle's,  who  travelled  from  Dunrobin  with 
me)  got  into  the  mail  at  Golspie  and  took  our  places  to  In- 
verness. At  Tain,  the  first  stage,  we  walked  on,  leaving  the 
coach  to  overtake  us.  After  walking  three  miles,  and  no 
coach  coming,  we  got  alarmed,  and,  on  enquiry  of  the  first 
man  we  fell  in  with,  found  we  had  come  the  wrong  way,  and 
that  the  mail  had  gone  on.  We  started  on  our  return  to 
Tain,  and  falling  in  with  a  good  Samaritan  in  the  shape  of 


1857.]  REINFORCEMENTS  FOR   INDIA.  381 

a  banker  in  that  place,  who  was  driving  in  the  opposite  di- 
rection, he  took  us  up  in  his  gig,  and  drove  us  back  to  the 
inn,  where  we  took  post,  and  followed  the  mail  to  Inverness, 
where  we  arrived  an  hour  after  it.  There  we  slept,  and  at 
five  minutes  before  five  on  Sunday  morning  we  were  in  the 
mail  again,  and  arrived  at  Perth  at  six  o'clock,  making  117 
miles  in  thirteen  hours.  In  twenty  minutes  more  we  were 
in  the  mail  train,  and  reached  Euston  Square  safe  and  sound 
at  eleven  o'clock,  doing  the  distance  between  Perth  and  Lon- 
don in  seventeen  and  a  half  hours.  I  have  seen  a  vast  deal 
of  very  beautiful  scenery  of  all  sorts,  but  the  most  beautiful 
of  all  (and  I  never  saw  anything  more  lovely  anywhere)  is 
the  road  from  Blair  Athol  to  Dunkeld,  which  includes  the 
pass  of  Killiecrankie. 

I  fell  in  with  Granville  and  Clarendon  at  Watford,  and 
got  into  their  carriage.  Of  course  my  first  enquiries  were 
about  India,  when  they  told  me  that  the  general  impression 
was  not  quite  so  unfavorable  as  that  produced  by  the  first 
telegraphic  intelligence.  Clarendon  said  that  if  it  was  pos- 
sible for  Havelock  to  maintain  himself  a  short  time  longer, 
and  that  reinforcements  arrived  in  time  to  save  the  belea- 
guered places,  the  tide  would  turn  and  Delhi  would  fall ; 
but,  if  he  should  be  crushed,  Agra,  Lucknow,  and  other 
threatened  places  would  fall,  with  renewals  of  the  Cawnpore 
horrors,  and  in  that  case  the  unlimited  spread  of  the  mutiny 
would  be  irrepressible,  Madras  and  Bombay  would  revolt,  all 
the  scattered  powers  would  rise  up  everywhere,  and  all  would 
be  lost.  We  both  agreed  that  the  next  would  probably 
be  decisive  accounts  for  weal  or  for  woe.  I  told  Granville 
afterward  that  I  was  glad  to  see  they  had  called  out  more 
militia,  but  regretted  they  had  not  done  more,  when  he  ?aid 
that  he  was  inclined  to  take  the  same  view,  from  which  it 
was  evident  to  me  that  there  has  been  difference  of  opinion 
in  the  Cabinet  as  to  the  extent  to  which  the  calling  out  of 
the  militia  should  be  carried.  I  urged  him  to  press  on  his 
colleagues  a  more  extensive  measure.  It  is  evident  that 
public  opinion  will  back  them  up  in  gathering  together  as 
great  a  force  as  possible  in  this  emergency,  regardless  of 
expense,  and  at  all  events  the  course  of  this  Government  is 
not  embarrassed  and  annoyed  as  that  of  another  Government 
was  three  years  ago  in  reference  to  the  Crimean  War.  As  a 
very  true  article  in  a  very  sensible  paper  set  forth,  the 
difference  between  then  and  now  is,  that  the  Government  of 


382  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

Palmerston  has  fair  play,  while  that  of  Lord  Aberdeen  never 
lui'l  it.  The  Press,  and  public  opinion  goaded  and  inflamed 
by  the  Press,  treated  the  latter  with  the  most  flagrant  in- 
justice, while  Palmerston  and  the  whole  Government,  out  of 
regard  for  him,  are  treated  with  every  sort  of  consideration 
and  confidence. 

London,  October  19th. — I  spent  last  week  at  Newmarket ; 
the  details  of  the  last  Indian  news  which  arrived  there  put 
people  in  better  spirits,  but  they  were  too  much  occupied 
with  the  business  of  the  place  to  think  much  about  India. 
Returned  to  town  on  Friday,  and  went  to  The  Grove  yester- 
day ;  had  some  talk  with  Clarendon,  who  said  Palmerston 
was  very  off-hand  in  his  views  of  Indian  affairs,  and  had 
jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Company  must  be  extin- 
guished. At  the  Cabinet  on  Friday  last  he  said,  "  They 
need  not  meet  again  for  some  time,  but  they  must  begin  to 
think  of  how  to  deal  with  India  when  the  revolt  was  put 
down.  Of  course  everybody  must  see  that  the  India  Com- 
pany must  be  got  rid  of,  and  Vernon  Smith  would  draw 
up  a  scheme  in  reference  thereto."  This  brief  announce- 
ment did  not  meet  with  any  response,  and  there  was  no 
disposition  to  come  to  such  rapid  and  peremptory  conclu- 
sions, but  it  seemed  not  worth  while  to  raise  any  discussion 
about  it  then. 

Clarendon  then  talked  of  the  Court,  and  confirmed  what 
I  had  heard  before,  going  into  more  detail.  He  said  that 
the  manner  in  which  the  Queen  in  her  own  name,  but  with 
the  assistance  of  the  Prince,  exercised  her  functions,  was 
exceedingly  good,  and  well  became  her  position  and  was 
eminently  useful.  She  held  each  Minister  to  the  discharge 
of  his  duty  and  his  responsibility  to  her,  and  constantly 
desired  to  be  furnished  with  accurate  and  detailed  informa- 
tion about  all  important  matters,  keeping  a  record  of  all 
the  reports  that  were  made  to  her,  and  constantly  recurring 
to  them,  e.g.  she  would  desire  to  know  what  the  state  of  the 
Navy  was,  and  what  ships  were  in  readiness  for  active  service, 
and  generally  the  state  of  each,  ordering  returns  to  be  sub- 
mitted to  her  from  all  the  arsenals  and  dockyards,  and  again 
weeks  or  months  afterward  referring  to  these  returns,  and 
desiring  to  have  everything  relating  to  them  explained  and 
accounted  for,  and  so  throughout  every  department.  In 
this  practice  Clarendon  told  me  he  had  encouraged  her 
strenuously.  This  is  what  none  of  her  predecessors  ever 


1857.]  ATTACKS  ON  LORD  CANNING.  383 

did,  and  it  is  in  fact  the  act  of  Prince  Albert,  who  is  to 
all  intents  and  purposes  King,  only  acting  entirely  in  her 
name.  All  his  views  and  notions  are  those  of  a  Constitu- 
tional Sovereign,  and  he  fulfils  the  duties  of  one,  and  at  the 
same  time  makes  the  Crown  an  entity,  and  discharges  the 
functions  which  properly  belong  to  the  Sovereign.  I  told 
Clarendon  that  I  had  been  told  the  Prince  had  upon  many 
occasions  rendered  the  most  important  services  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  had  repeatedly  prevented  their  getting  into 
scrapes  of  various  sorts.  He  said  it  was  perfectly  true,  and 
that  he  had  written  some  of  the  ablest  papers  lie  had  ever 
read. 

Clarendon  said  he  had  recently  been  very  much  pleased 
with  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  who  had  shown  a  great  deal  of 
sense  and  discretion,  and  a  very  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
details  of  his  office,  and  that  he  was  a  much  better  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  than  Hardinge.  He  had  been  lately  sum- 
moned to  the  Cabinet  on  many  occasions,  and  had  given 
great  satisfaction  there.  Clarendon  talked  of  Venion  Smith, 
of  whom  he  has  no  elevated  opinion,  but  still  thinks  him 
not  without  merit,  and  that  at  this  moment  it  would  not 
be  easy  to  replace  him  by  some  one  clearly  better  fitted. 
He  takes  pains,  is  rather  clever,  and  did  better  in  the 
House  of  Commons  than  anybody  gave  him  credit  for  last 
session  ;  he  makes  himself  well  informed  upon  everything 
about  his  office,  and  is  never  at  a  loss  to  answer  any 
questions  that  are  put  to  him,  and  to  answer  them  satis- 
factorily. 

November  2d. — Gout  in  my  hand  has  prevented  my  writ- 
ing anything,  and  adding  some  trifling  particulars  to  what  I 
have  written  above.  In  the  meantime  has  arrived  the  news 
of  the  capture  of  Delhi,  but  though  we  have  received  it  now 
a  week  ago  we  are  still  unacquainted  with  the  particular-. 
All  the  advantages  of  the  electric  telegraph  are  dearly  paid 
for  by  the  agonies  of  suspense  which  are  caused  by  the  long 
intervals  between  the  arrival  of  general  facts  and  of  tlioir 
particular  details.  It  still  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the 
results  of  this  success  turn  out  on  the  whole  to  be  as  advan- 
tageous as  it  appears  to  be  brilliant.  The  Press  goes  on  at- 
tacking Canning  with  great  asperity  and  injustice,  and  nobody 
here  defends  him.  Though  I  am  not  a  very  intimate  or  par- 
ticular friend  of  his,  I  think  him  so  unfairly  and  ungener- 
ously treated  that  I  mean  to  make  an  effort  to  get  him  such 


384  REIGN   OF   QUEEX    VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

redress  as  the  case  admits  of,  and  the  only  thing  which  oc- 
curs to  me  is  that  Palmerston,  as  head  of  the  Government, 
should  take  the  opportunity  of  the  Lord  Mayor's  dinner  to 
vindicate  him,  and  assume  the  responsibility  of  his  acts.  His 
"  Clemency  "  proclamation,  as  it  is  stupidly  and  falsely  called, 
was,  I  believe,  not  only  proper  and  expedient,  but  necessary, 
and  I  expect  he  will  be  able  to  vindicate  himself  completely 
from  all  the  charges  which  the  newspapers  have  brought 
against  him,  but  in  the  meantime  they  will  have  done  him 
all  the  mischief  they  can.  Among  other  things  Clarendon 
told  me  at  The  Grove,  he  said,  in  reference  to  Canning's  war 
against  the  press,  that  the  license  of  the  Indian  press  was 
intolerable,  not  of  the  native  press  only,  but  the  English  in 
Bengal.  Certain  papers  are  conducted  there  by  low,  dis- 
atfected  people,  who  publish  the  most  gross,  false,  and  malig- 
nant attacks  on  the  Government,  which  are  translated  into 
the  native  languages,  and  read  extensively  in  the  native  regi- 
ments, and  among  the  natives  generally,  and  that  to  put 
down  this  pest  was  an  absolute  necessity. 

November  4th. — I  have  been  speaking  to  Granville  about 
Canning,  and  urged  him  to  move  Palmerston  to  stand  forth 
in  his  defence  at  the  Lord  Mayor's  dinner  on  the  9th.  This 
morning  he  received  a  very  strong  and  pressing  letter  from 
Clanricarde,  in  the  same  sense  in  which  I  had  been  urging 
him.  and  a  very  good  letter,  and  this  he  is  going  to  send  to 
Palmerston.  Clanricarde  is  struck,  as  I  am,  with  the  fact 
that  nobody  and  no  newspaper  has  eaid  a  word  in  Canning's 
favor,  and  he  sees  as  I  have  done  all  the  damage  which  has 
already  been  done  to  him  by  the  long  and  uncontradicted 
course  of  abuse  and  reproach  with  which  the  press  has 
teemed. 

Hatchforcl,  November  8th. — Granville  made  a  speech  in 
defence  of  Canning,  at  a  dinner  given  at  the  Mansion  House 
to  the  Duke  of  Cambridge.  He  writes  me  word  it  was 
"rather  uphill  work,"  and  I  was  told  it  was  not  very  well 
received,  but  nevertheless  it  produced  an  effect,  and  it  acted 
as  a  check  upon  the  "Times,"  which  without  retracting 
(which  it  never  does)  has  considerably  mitigated  its  violence. 
It  was  the  first  word  that  has  been  said  for  Canning  in  pub- 
lic, and  it  has  evidently  been  of  great  use  to'him. 

The  most  interesting  event  during  the  last  few  days  is 
the  failure  of  the  attempted  launch  of  the  big  ship  (now  called 
"  Leviathan  "),  and  it  is  not  a  little  remarkable  that  all  the 


1857.]  PALME HSTOX'S  SPEECH  AT  THE  MANSION  HOUSE.      385 

great  experiments  recently  made  have  proved  failures.  Be- 
sides this  one  of  the  ship,  there  was  a  few  weeks  ago  the 
cracking  of  the  bell  (Big  Ben)  for  the  Houses  of  Parliament, 
and  not  long  before  that  the  failure  of  the  submarine  tele- 
graph in  the  attempt  to  lay  it  down  in  the  sea.  The  bell 
will  probably  be  replaced  without  much  difficulty,  but  it  is 
at  present  doubtful  whether  it  will  be  found  possible  to  launch 
the  ship  at  all,  and  whether  the  telegraphic  cable  can  ever 
be  completed. 

November  10th.—  Palmerston  pronounced  a  glowing  eu- 
logium  on  Canning  last  night  at  the  Lord  Mayor's  dinner, 
which  will  infallibly  stop  the  current  of  abuse  against  him. 
It  has  already  turned  the  "  Times."  He  seems 'to  have  been 
induced  to  do  this  by  the  great  pressure  brought  to  bear  on 
him,  for  otherwise  he  had  no  desire  to  stand  forth  and  oppose 
public  opinion  and  the  press ;  but  Clarendon,  Lansdowne, 
and  others  all  urged  him  strenuously  to  support  Canning, 
and  he  did  it  handsomely  enough.  His  speech  in  other  re- 
spects was  an  injudicious  one,  full  of  jactance  and  bow-wow, 
but  well  enough  calculated  to  draw  cheers  from  a  miscel- 
laneous audience. 

November  llth. — I  was  told  yesterday  that  Palmerston's 
swaggering  speech  would  produce  a  bad  effect  in  France,  and 
those  whom  I  have  spoken  to  agree  in  thinking  it  very  ill- 
timed  and  in  very  bad  taste.  It  is  the  more  objectionable 
because  he  might  have  said  something  very  different  that 
would  have  been  very  becoming  and  true.  He  might  have 
observed  upon  the  remarkable  good  taste  and  forbearance 
which  had  been  so  conspicuous  in  all  foreign  nations  toward 
us,  even  those  who  may  be  supposed  to  be  least  friendly  to 
us,  or  those  whom  we  have  most  outraged  by  our  violent  and 
insulting  language  or  conduct.  It  is  at  once  creditable 
to  other  countries  and  honorable  to  us  that  no  disposition 
has  been  shown  in  any  quarter  to  act  differently  toward  us, 
or  to  avail  themselves  of  what  they  may  suppose  to  be  our 
weakness  and  difficulty  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  same  con- 
sideration and  deference  has  been  shown  to  us  as  if  there 
had  been  no  Indian  outbreak  to  absorb  our  resources.  Our 
position  in  Europe  is  not  only  as  high  as  ever,  but  no  one 
shows  any  disposition  to  degrade  or  diminish  it;  and  while 
this  is  a  gratifying  homage  to  us  and  a  flattering  recognition 
ol  our  power,  it  is,  or  at  least  ought  to  be,  calculated  to 
inspire  us  with  amicable  sentiments,  and  to  be  an  inducement 
17 


386  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

to  us. to  depart  from  the  insolent  and  offensive  tone  which 
has  so  long  prevailed  here,  and  which  has  made  England 
universally  an  object  of  aversion.  It  was  of  course  impos- 
sible that  some  expressions  should  not  be  given  here  and 
there  and  now  and  then  to  such  feelings,  but  on  the  whole 
we  have  no  reason  to  complain,  but  much  the  contrary  ;  not 
even  in  Russia,  whose  power  and  pride  we  have  so  deeply 
wounded,  and  whom  we  have  so  outraged  by  every  topic  and 
expression  of  insult  and  injury  which  the  bitterest  hatred 
could  suggest,  has  there  been  anything  like  asperity,  or  any 
rejoicing  over  our  misfortunes. 

Froynal,  November  14th. — The  news  of  the  capture  of 
Delhi  and  th*e  relief  of  Lucknow  excited  a  transport  of  delight 
and  triumph,  and  everybody  jumped  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  Indian  contest  was  virtually  at  an  end.  Granville  told 
me  he  thought  there  would  be  no  more  fighting,  and  that 
the  work  was  done.  I  was  not  so  sanguine,  and  though  I 
thought  the  result  of  the  contest  was  now  secure,  I  thought 
we  should  still  have  a  great  deal  on  our  hands  and  much 
more  fighting  to  hear  of  before  the  curtain  could  drop.  But 
I  was  not  prepared  to  hear  the  dismal  news  which  arrived 
to-day,  and  which  has  so  cruelly  damped  the  public  joy  and 
exultation.  It  appears  that  Havelock  is  in  great  danger  and 
the  long  suffering  garrison  of  Lucknow  not  yet  out  of  their 
peril,  for  the  victory  of  Havelock  had  not  been  complete,  the 
natives  were  gathering  round  the  small  British  force  in  vast 
numbers,  and  unless  considerable  reinforcements  could  be 
speedily  brought  up,  the  condition  of  the  British,  both 
military  and  civilians,  of  men,  women,  and  children,  would 
soon  again  be  one  of  excessive  danger. 

The  Grove,  November  15th. — I  talked  with  Clarendon  about 
the  Government  letter  to  the  Bank  *  and  the  state  of  financial 
affairs.  It  is  evident  that  Clarendon  knows  very  little  about 
these  questions,  and  takes  very  little  part  in  them,  but  he 

1  [On  the  12th  of  November  a  letter  was  addressed  to  the  Governors  of  the 
Bank  of  England  by  Lord  Palmerston  and  Sir  George  Cornewall  Lewis,  the 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  empowering  the  Bank  to  exceed  the  limits  pre- 
scribed by  the  Bank  Act  of  1844  (if  necessary)  to  meet  the  demands  for  discount 
and  advances  on  approved  security.  This  measure  was  rendered  necessary  by 
the  extensive  failures  which  had  recently  taken  place,  and  the  severe  pressure 
on  the  money  market.  On  the  4th  November  discount  had  advanced  to  9  per 
cent.  The  issue  Department  made  over  to  the  Banking  Department  two  mill- 
ions in  excess  of  the  statutable  amount,  of  which  about  one  million  was  ml- 
vanced  to  the  public.  On  the  1st  December  the  whole  amount  was  repaid. 
Parliament  was  summoned  to  pass  a  Bill  of  Indemnity,  and  public  confidence 
was  restored.] 


1857.]  SUSPENSION  OF  THE    BANK  ACT.  387 

told  me  one  curious  fact.  A  letter  which  appeared  about  a 
week  ago,  addressed  by  the  Emperor  of  the  French  to  his 
Finance  Minister,  made  a  great  sensation  here.  In  it  the 
Emperor  deprecated  all  empirical  measnres  for  the  purpose 
of  meeting  the  prevailing  difficulties,  financial  and  commer- 
cial, at  Paris.  About  a  week  before  this  Clarendon  received 
a  letter  from  Cowley,  who  said  that  he  had  been  conversing 
with  the  Emperor  and  with  Walewski  on  these  matters,  and 
Walewski  had  begged  him  (by  the  desire  of  the  Emperor)  to 
write  to  Clarendon  and  request  the  advice  of  the  English 
Government  as  to  the  course  he  should  adopt.  Clarendon 
said  that  George  Lewis  was  out  of  town,  but  as  there  could 
be  no  delay,  he  sent  his  private  secretary  to  the  Governor 
and  Deputy  Governor  of  the  Bank,  and  requested  their  ad- 
vice and  opinion.  They  said  it  was  so  important  they  would 
go  down  to  the  Foreign  Office,  which  they  did,  when  they 
told  Clarendon  that  their  advice  was  that  the  Emperor 
should  insist  on  the  Bank  of  France  following  as  nearly  as 
possible  the  example  of  the  Bank  of  England,  to  keep  their 
rates  of  discount  high,  and  to  avoid  all  rash  experiments  of 
any  kind.  He  wrote  to  Cowley  accordinglv,  who  communi- 
cated the  answer,  and  judging  from  the  dates  it  would  ap- 
pear that  the  Emperor's  letter  was  the  consequence  of  the 
advice  so  tendered.  But  Clarendon  seemed  to  think  that 
the  appearance  of  the  Government  letter  was  rather  awk- 
ward, and  would  appear  to  the  French  Government  very  in- 
consistent with  our  communication  to  them.  However,  it 
will  probably  be  easy  to  afford  satisfactory  explanations  on 
this  head.  The  measure  itself  here  has  apparently  had  the 
desired  success,  and  they  hope  the  panic  and  distress  will 
gradually  subside,  without  any  more  mischief  happening. 
Lewis  thinks  that  the  best  mode  of  dealing  with  Peel's  Act 
will  be  to  retain  it,  but  to  give  a  power  to  the  Queen  in 
Council  to  relax  it  in  the  same  manner  as  has  been  now  twice 
done  by  the  interposition  of  Government,  whenever  an  urgent 
necessity  should  arise,  and  I  suppose  this  is  the  course  that 
will  be  adopted,  though  not  without  a  great  deal  of  discus- 
sion and  diversity  of  opinion.  I  have  hitherto  said  nothing 
about  the  very  curious  and  important  state  of  affairs  in 
America  and  in  this  country,  because  I  am  too  ignorant  of 
financial  questions  to  talk  about  them,  and  I  have  not  been 
apprised  of  any  facts  beyond  what  all  the  world  knows  that 
it  was  worth  while  to  record,  but  this  anecdote  of  the  French 


388  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

Government  and  our  own  appears  sufficiently  curious  to  have 
a  place  in  this  book. 

November  \lth. — A  council  was  held  yesterday  at  Wind- 
sor to  summon  Parliament,  where  I  found  the  ministers 
much  dejected  at  the  news  from  India.  There  was  a  letter 
from  Colin  Campbell,  expressing  great  alarm  at  the  position 
of  Outram  and  Havelock,  whom  he  thought  to  be  in  a  great 
scrape,  though  without  any  fault  of  theirs,  and  there  was 
also  a  report  from  Sir  John  Lawrence  that  affairs  were  in  a 
ticklish  state  in  the  Purijaub,  and  expressing  a  great  anxiety 
for  reinforcements,  which  he  had  very  little  prospect  of 
getting ;  in  short  the  apparently  bright  sky  in  which  we 
were  rejoicing  only  a  few  days  ago  seems  to  be  obscured  by 
black  clouds,  and  the  great  result  to  be  as  uncertain  as  ever. 

I  met  Clarendon  at  dinner  this  evening,  when  he  told  me 
that  affairs  were  in  a  bad  state  in  the  City,  and  that  Lewis 
had  received  very  unsatisfactory  accounts,  so  that  it  is  not 
clear  that  the  Government  letter  is  producing  the  good  which 
at  first  seemed  to  be  following  from  it.  There  is  a  good  deal 
of  uneasiness  in  the  financial  and  commercial  world  and  no 
confidence.  The  very  prudence  of  the  trading  community 
in  arresting  the  course  of  production  is  becoming  a  source 
of  distress,  for  already  vast  numbers  of  people  are  out  of 
employment,  or  working  short  time  with  reduced  wages. 
The  prices  of  everything  are  falling,  consumption  will  be 
diminished,  and  the  revenue  must  be  diminished  likewise, 
while  our  expenses  cannot  but  be  increased  by  the  war. 
A  general  cry  is  getting  up  for  making  India  pay  for  the 
expense  of  this  Indian  war,  which,  even  supposing  it  to  be 
just  and  reasonable,  will  make  the  ultimate  settlement  of  the 
Indian  question  more  difficult,  and  a  measure  little  calcu- 
lated to  reconcile  the  native  population  to  our  rule.  Then, 
as  if  we  had  not  embarrassments  enough  on  our  hands, 
America  is  going  to  add  to  them,  for  President  Buchanan, 
who  hates  England  with  a  mortal  antipathy,  threatens  to 
repudiate  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,  upon  the  pretence  that 
we  have  not  abided  by  its  conditions,  and  if  he  proposes  to 
the  Senate  to  declare  it  null  and  void,  the  Senate  will  do  so 
at  his  bidding.  This  would  be  a  flagrant  violation  of  good 
faith,  and  of  the  obligations  by  which  all  civilized  nations 
consider  themselves  bound.  If  this  event  happens,  it  will 
place  us  in  a  very  perplexing  dilemma,  especially  after 
Palmerston's  absurd  bravado  and  confident  boastings  of  our 


1857.]  LORD  PALMERSTON'S  HEALTH.  339 

power,  for  we  are  not  in  a  condition  to  enable  us  to  take  a 
high  line  corresponding  with  that  lofty  language,  and  we  shall 
have  to  eat  humble  pie  and  submit  to  the  affront.  Hitherto 
all  other  nations  and  governments  have  behaved  to  us  as  well 
and  as  respectfully  as  we  could  desire,  and  far  more  than  we 
deserve ;  but  if  America  bullies  us  in  one  instance,  and  we 
are  found  pocketing  the  affront,  it  is  by  no  means  improba- 
ble that  other  governments  will  begin  to  take  advantage  of 
our  weakness,  and  adopt  toward  us  a  conduct  injurious  to 
our  interests  or  a  tone  galling  to  our  pride.1 

November  "15th. — Last  week  I  went  to  Ampthill  from 
Wednesday  till  Saturday ;  on  Saturday  to  The  Grove,  with 
the  Duke  of  Bedford,  the  Lewises,  Charles  Villiers,  and  Ben 
Stanley.  The  Duke  of  Bedford  told  me  he  was  very  uneasy 
about  his  brother  John,  who  seemed  in  an  irritable  frame  of 
mind,  and  disposed  to  wage  war  against  the  Government 
when  Parliament  meets.8  He  told  Sir  George  Grey  the  other 
day  that  they  would  not  find  him  friendly.  Clarendon  told 
me  of  a  conversation  he  had  recently  had  with  the  Queen 
a  proposof  Palmerston's  health,  concerning  which  Her  Maj- 
esty was  very  uneasy,  and  what  could  be  done  in  the  not  im- 
possible contingency  of  his  breaking  down.  It  is  a  curious 
change  from  what  we  saw  a  few  years  ago,  that  she  is 
become  almost  affectionately  anxious  about  the  health  of 
Palmerston,  whose  death  might  then  have  been  an  event  to 
be  hailed  with  satisfaction.  Clarendon  said  she  might  well 
be  solicitous  about  it,  for  if  anything  happened  to  Palmer- 
ston she  would  be  placed  in  the  greatest  difficulty.  She  said 
that  in  such  a  case  she  should  look  to  him,  and  expect  him 
to  replace  Palmerston,  on  which  Clarendon  said  he  was  glad 
she  had  broached  the  subject,  as  it  gave  him  an  opportunity 
of  saying  what  he  was  very  anxious  to  impress  upon  her 
mind,  and  that  was  the  absolute  impossibility  of  his  under- 
taking such  an  office,  against  which  he  enumerated  various 
objections.  He  told  her  that  Derby  could  not  form  a 
Government,  and  if  she  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  Palmer- 

1  [These  apprehensions  were  unfounded.  Mr.  Buchanan  did  not  «vk  to 
abrogate  the  Clsyton-Bulwer  Treaty  with  reference  to  tin-  eventual  construction 
of  a  pa-sage  through  the  Isthmus  of  Central  America,  and  the  neutml  charm -ter 
of  that  undertaking,  which  is  now  said  to  be  in  progress  by  the  Canal  of  Panama, 
has  remained  unchanged  to  the  present  time.] 

1  [Lord  John  Russell  had  taken  office  in  Lord  Palmerston's  first  Administra- 
tion as  Colonial  Secretary,  but  he  resigned  on  June  13, 1855,  and  remained  out 
of  office.] 


390  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

ston,  nothing  remained  for  her  to  do  but  to  send  for  John 
Russell  and  put  him  at  the  head  of  the  Government.  She 
expressed  her  great  repugnance  to  this,  and  especially  to 
make  him  Prime  Minister.  Clarendon  then  entreated  her 
to  conquer  her  repugnance,  and  to  be  persuaded  that  it 
would  never  do  to  offer  him  anything  else,  which  he  neither 
would  nor  could  accept ;  that  the  necessity  was  to  have  a 
man  who  could  lead  the  House  of  Commons,  and  there  was 
no  other  but  him  ;  that  Lord  John  had  consented  to  take  a 
subordinate  office  under  Lord  Aberdeen,  who  was  his  senior 
in  age,  and  occupied  a  high  position,  but  he  would  never 
consent  to  take  office  under  him  (Clarendon),  and  the  pro- 
posal he  would  consider  as  an  insult.  For  every  reason, 
therefore,  he  urged  her,  if  driven  to  apply  to  him  at  all,  to 
do  it  handsomely,  to  place  the  whole  thing  in  his  hands,  and 
to  give  him  her  full  confidence  and  support.  He  appears  to 
have  convinced  her  that  this  is  the  proper  course,  and  he 
gave  me  to  understand  that  if  Lord  John  acts  with  prudence 
and  moderation  all  the  present  Government  would  accept  him 
for  their  head,  and  Clarendon  is  so  anxious  that  this  should 
be  the  turn  affairs  should  take,  that  he  urged  me  to  talk  to  the 
Duke  of  Bedford  about  it,  and  to  get  him  to  exert  all  his  in- 
fluence with  Lord  John  to  conduct  himself  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  shall  conduce  to  his  restoration  to  office  at  a  future 
time.  I  had  only  time  to  exchange  a  few  words  with  the 
Duke  before  we  parted  the  next  morning,  and  we  agreed  that 
I  should  write  him  a  letter  on  the  subject  which  he  may 
show  to  Lord  John  if  he  sees  fit  to  do  so.  1  went  to  Wrotham 
on  Monday,  and  yesterday  penned  an  epistle  to  be  shown  to 
Lord  John,  in  which  I  set  forth  his  position,  and  dilated  on 
the  great  importance  to  himself  and  to  the  country  of  his 
conducting  himself  with  patience  and  forbearance,  and  of 
his  abstaining  from  any  such  vexatious  opposition  to  the 
Government  as  might  render  his  future  union  with  them  im- 
possible. It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  my  remonstrance 
(which  I  tried  to  couch  in  terms  that  would  not  be  disagree- 
able to  Lord  John)  will  produce  any  effect.1 

1  [These  speculations  are  curious,  but  happily  the  apprehensions  caused  by 
the  supposed  state  of  Lord  Palincreton's  health  were  unfounded,  tor  with  the 
Bhort  interval  of  the  second  Derby  Government  in  1858  and  1859,  he  continued 
to  hold  office  and  to  discharge  the  duties  of  Prime  Minister  with  his  accustomed 
vipor  and  success  until  his  death  in  October,  1865,  when  he  was  succeeded  by 
Lord  Russell.  At  this  particular  moment  (1857)  the  latent  danger  of  the  Gov- 
ernment lay,  not  in  the  failing  health  of  Lord  Palmerston,  but  in  an  unforseen 


1857.]  EXAGGERATED   REPORTS   FROM   INDIA.  391 

Hitchinbrook,  November  28th. — I  came  here  to-day  from 
Riddleswortb,  where  I  have  now  been  for  the  first  time  for 
twenty  years.  I  received  there  two  letters  from  the  Duke  of 
Bedford,  the  first  telling  me  he  should  show,  and  the  second 
that  he  had  shown,  my  letter  to  Lord  John.  He  received  it 
graciously,  saying  he  agreed  with  almost  all  I  said,  but  that 
it  was  easier  'to  give  than  it  was  to  take  such  advice,  and 
that  he  had  been  blamed  by  certain  persons  for  not  having 
given  more  opposition  to  the  Government  last  year  on  some 
questions  than  he  had  done,  especially  to  the  Persian  War ; 
but  I  rather  infer  on  the  whole  that  my  letter  made  some 
impression  on  him,  though  it  remains  to  be  seen  how  much. 

The  last  news  from  India  is  as  good  as  could  be  expected, 
and  the  current  there  has  evidently  turned.  I  met  Martin 
Smith  (Indian  Director)  at  Kiddlesworth,  and  had  much 
talk  with  him  about  Indian  affairs.  It  is  clear  that  the  Com- 
pany do  not  mean  to  submit  to  be  summarily  extinguished 
without  a  struggle.  He  told  me  that  with  regard  to  the 
great  subject,  the  sending  out  troops  by  sailing  vessels  in- 
stead of  by  steamers,  which  is  made  matter  of  bitter  reproach 
against  the  Directors,  the  fault  lay  entirely  with  the  Govern- 
ment. The  Directors  wanted  to  send  10,000  men  across 
Egypt,  and  the  Government  would  not  do  it.  They  pro- 
posed it  formally  to  the  Board  of  Control,  who  referred  it  to 
the  Foreign  Office,  and  Clarendon  said  it  could  not  be  done 
on  account  of  certain  political  considerations  which  rendered 
it  inexpedient,  so  that  if  the  Directors  could  have  had  their 
own  way  the  thing  would  have  been  done.  There  may  have 
been  good  grounds  for  the  refusal  of  the  Government,  but  in 
this  instance  the  double  Government  was  productive  only  of 
a  sacrifice  of  Indian  to  Imperial  interests,  and  it  will  not  be 
easy  to  draw  from  this  transaction  any  argument  in  favor  of 
abolishing  the  East  India  Company  and  the  Leadenhall 
Street  Administration. 

London,  December  2d. — Yesterday  morning  Lord  Sydney 
received  a  letter  from  Lady  Canning,  who  said  that  although 
undoubtedly  many  horrible  things  had  happened  in  India, 
the  exaggeration  of  them  had  been  very  great,  and  that  she 
had  read  for  the  first  time  in  the  English  newspapers  stories 
of  atrocities  of  which  she  had  never  heard  at  Calcutta,  and 

occurrence  which  caused  the  unexpected  defeat  of  Lord  Paltnereton's  Ministry 
within  four  months  of  this  date,  and  the  accession  of  Lord  Derby  and  his  friends 
to  office.] 


392  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XTV. 

that  statements  made  in  India  had  turned  out  to  be  pure  in- 
ventions and  falsehoods.  Yet  our  papers  publish  everything 
that  is  sent  to  them  without  earing  whether  it  may  be  true 
or  false,  and  the  credulous  public  swallow  it  all  without  the 
slightest  hesitation  and  doubt.  Shaftesbury  too,  who  is  a 
prodigious  authority  with  the  public,  and  who  has  all  the 
religious  and  pseudo-religious  people  at  his  back,  does  his 
utmost  to  make  the  case  out  to  be  as  bad  as  possible  and  to 
excite  the  rage  and  indignation  of  the  masses  to  the  highest 
pitch.  He  is  not  satisfied  with  the  revolting  details  with 
which  the  Press  has  been  teeming,  but  complains  that  more 
of  them  have  not  been  detailed  and  described,  and  that  the 
particulars  of  mutilation  and  violation  have  not  been  more 
copiously  and  circumstantially  given  to  the  world.  I  have 
never  been  able  to  comprehend  what  his  motives  are  for  talk- 
ing in  this  strange  and  extravagant  strain,  but  it  is  no  doubt 
something  connected  with  the  grand  plan  of  Christianizing 
India,  in  the  furtherance  of  which  the  High  Church  and  the 
Low  Church  appear  to  be  bidding  against  each  other ;  and 
as  their  united  force  will  in  all  probability  be  irresistible,  so 
they  will  succeed  in  making  any  Government  in  India  im- 
possible. 

B showed  me  the  Draft  of  the  Queen's  Speech  this 

evening  after  dinner.  Cobbett  in  his  Grammar  produces 
examples  of  bad  English  taken  from  Kings'  Speeches,  which 
he  says  might  be  expected  to  be  the  best  written,  but  gener- 
ally are  the  worst  written  documents  in  the  world.  It  would 
be  difficult  to  produce  any  former  Speech  more  deplorably 
composed  than  this  one.  Long  sentences,  full  of  confusion, 
and  of  which  the  meaning  is  not  always  clear,  and  some 
faults  of  grammar  for  which  a  schoolboy  would  be  whipped. 

B was  so  struck  by  one  I  pointed  out  that  he  said  he 

would  beg  Palmerston  to  alter  it.  If  this  Speech  escapes 
severe  criticism  and  ridicule  I  shall  be  much  surprised,  as  I 
am  already  that  George  Lewis,  who  has  so  lately  been  a  liter- 
ary critic,  and  is  a  correct  writer  himself,  should  have  al- 
lowed it  to  pass  in  its  present  shape,  and  indeed  the  sentence 
he  himself  put  in  about  his  own  business  is  as  bad  as  any 
other  part  of  it. 

I  have  no  idea  what  they  mean  to  propose  about  the  Bank 
Charter  Act,  but  if  it  be  what  Lewis  told  me  some  time  ago, 
to  give  the  Queen  the  power  of  suspending  the  Act  by  Order 
in  Council,  I  much  doubt  if  they  will  carry  such  a  proposal, 


1857.]  OPENING  OF  TEE  SESSION.  393 

and  it  appears  to  me  on  reflection  thoroughly  unconstitu- 
tional, and  as  such  I  expect  it  will  be  vehemently  attacked 
by  all  the  opponents  and  the  quasi-opponents  of  Government, 
and  indeed  by  all  except  those  who  are  prepared  to  follow 
Palmerston  with  blind  submission,  and  to  vote  for  anything 
rather  than  allow  him  to  be  put  in  jeopardy.  John  Russell, 
for  instance,  would  hardly  be  able  to  resist  the  temptation  of 
falling  foul  of  such  a  proposal,  though  he  would  approve  of 
their  having  followed  a  precedent  which  he  had  himself  set 
in  a  case  somewhat  similar,  though  in  some  respects  less 
urgent. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

Opening  of  the  Session — Prevailing  Distress — Lord  John  reconciled — Ministerial  Specula- 
tions— Contemplated  Transfer  of  India  to  the  Crown — Military  Position  in  India — Con- 
versation with. Mr.  Disraeli — BUI  for  the  Dissolution  of  the  East  India  Company — Diffi- 
culties of  Parliamentary  Reform — The  Relief  of  Lucknow — Lord  Nonnanby's  *•  Year  of 
Revolution  " — Brougham's  Jealousy  of  Lord  Cockburn — Refutation  of  Lord  Norman- 
by's  Book — The  Crown  Jewels  of  Hanover — Labor  in  the  French  Colonies — The  Death 
of  General  Havelock — Gloomy  Prospects  in  India — Inadequate  Measures  for  the  Relief 
of  India— Lord  John  Russell  hostile  to  Government— Death  of  the  Duke  of  Devonshire 
— Mr.  Disraeli  suggests  a  Fusion  of  Parties — Marriage  of  the  Princess  Royal — Weakness 
of  the  Government— Excitement  in  France  asrainst  this  Country— Petition  of  the  East 
India  Company — Drowsiness  of  Ministers — Decline  of  Lord  Pafmerston's  Popularity — 
Effect  of  the  Orsini  Attempt  on  the  Emperor  Napoleon — Opposition  to  the  Conspiracy 
Bill — Review  of  the  Crisis — Lord  Derby  sent  for  by  the  Queen— Refusal  of  the  Peel- 
ites — The  Catastrophe  unexpected — The  Defeat  might  have  been  avoided — Misman- 
agement of  the  Affair— Ministers  determined  to  resign. 

London,  December  Uh,  1857. — Parliament  opened  yester- 
day, very  quietly,  and  at  present  a  quiet  session  seems  prob- 
able, but  such  appearances  are  often  fallacious.  The  most 
alarming  consideration  is  the  probability  of  a  very  hard  and 
hungry  winter  for  the  working  classes,  vast  numbers  of  people 
being  already  out  of  employment.  I  met  Sir  James  Shuttle- 
worth  yesterday,  who  knows  a  great  deal  about  Lancashire, 
where  he  lives,  and  he  told  me  that  though  the  distress 
was  considerable  and  threatening  to  increase,  the  conduct 
of  the  people  was  admirable.  There  was  no  disaffection  or 
bad  feeling  toward  the  upper  classes  and  employers ;  they 
semed  to  have  greatly  improved  in  good  sense  and  reflection, 
and  were  satisfied  of  the  sympathy  felt  for  them,  and  the 
disposition  entertained  by  the  rich  to  do  all  in  their  power 
to  alleviate  the  distress  of  the  poor.  And  he  stated  (what 
seemed  to  me  a  curious  fact)  that  they  preferred  that  the 


394  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

time  of  working  should  be  shortened,  or  even  mills  closed, 
rather  than  a  general  reduction  in  the  rate  of  wages.  This 
moral  condition  of  the  laboring  classes  is  a  most  satisfactory 
sign  of  the  times. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  has  just  been  here,  and  tells  me 
Lord  John  is  in  a  better  frame  of  mind,  and  has  already  done 
two  sensible  things.  He  has  given  notice  to  some  of  his 
supporters  that  he  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  organi- 
sation of  any  party,  and  he  has  responded  to  an  invitation  of 
Vernon  Smith's  by  a  promise  to  impart  to  him  his  opinion 
and  advice  upon  Indian  affairs,  and  the  best  mode  of  pro- 
viding for  the  future  government  of  that  country. 

December  6th. — John  Russell  has  begun  well  in  the  House 
of  Commons  and  si  sic  omnia  he  will  put  himself  in  a  good 
position,  but  it  is  impossible  to  rely  upon  him.  At  present 
his  disposition  to  the  Government  appears  friendly.  I  had 
a  conversation  about  him  and  his  future  relations  with 

the  Government  last  night  with  B .  I  infer  from  what 

dropped  from  him  that  he  thinks  the  probability  of  Palm- 
erston's  breaking  down  is  not  a  remote  and  unlikely  one.  I 
do  not  think  he  considers  him  broken  in  health,  but  that  he 
thinks  the  strength  of  his  intellect  is  impaired,  and  that  he 
begins  to  show  signs  of  decay  to  those  who  have  the  means  of 
observing  them.  He  particularly  noticed  the  failure  of  his 
memory,  and  he  said,  what  I  have  no  doubt  is  true,  that  he 
will  never  be  himself  conscious,  still  less  acknowledge,  that 
his  faculties  are  less  vigorous  and  active  than  they  were. 
What  the  nature  and  amount  of  the  decay  in  him  is  I  know 
not,  and  they  will  not  say,  but  from  the  uneasy  feeling,  and 
these  speculations  as  to  future  contingencies  among  his  col- 
leagues, I  am  sure  they  are  prepared  for  something.  B 

said  if  the  case  occurred  there  were  only  two  men  who  could 
be  Minister,  Derby  or  Clarendon,  and  he  fancies  that  John 
Russell  might  be  induced  to  take  office  under  Clarendon,  and 
he  does  not  believe  that  Clarendon  really  means  what  he  says 
when  he  expresses  his  extreme  reluctance  to  take  the  post, 
or  that  he  would  not  in  reality  prefer  it  even  to  the  Foreign 
Office.  Ho  treats  his  scruples  as  a  sort  of  nolo  episcopari,  in 
which  I  think  he  is  partially,  but  not  entirely,  right.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  in  the  present  state  of  affairs  it  is  much 
to  be  desired  that  Palmerston  should  be  able  to  go  on.  I 
was  amused  by  a  trifling  incident,  so  very  Palmerstouian, 
told  me  the  other  day.  I  have  already  alluded  to  the  bad 


1857.]  CONTEMPLATED  TRANSFER  OF  INDIA.  395 

writing  in  the  Queen's  Speech,  and  it  seems  one  phrase  was 
criticised  and  altered  in  the  Cabinet,  but  when  he  got  back 
to  his  office  he  altered  the  alteration,  and  made  it  as  it  was 
before.  I  am  not  sure  that  the  alteration  was  not  the  one 

suggested  by  B upon  the  strength  of  my  criticism,  and 

that  Palmerston  decli  ned  to  alter  the  passage. 

December  1th. — I  called  on  Lord  Grey  in  the  morning  and 
dined  with  Lyndhurst  in  the  evening,  and  had  much  talk  with 
both  of  them  about  the  pending  questions,  Reform,  India, 
Bank  Act.  Lord  Grey  is  bringing  out  a  book  upon  Reform. 
Lyndhurst  is  decidedly  against  any  strong  and  subversive 
measure  about  India,  and  is  for  improving  and  not  upsetting 
the  present  system.  Public  opinion,  led  by  the  Press,  has 
hitherto  leant  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Company  and  the 
Directorial  Government ;  but  as  time  advances  and  the  ex- 
treme difficulty  of  concocting  another  system  becomes  appar- 
ent, people  begin  to  dread  the  idea  of  destroying  an  ancient 
system  without  any  certainty  of  a  better  one  replacing  it, 
and  I  think  there  is  a  general  feeling  of  alarm  at  the  notion 
of  the  Indian  Empire  being  placed  under  the  direction  of 
such  a  man  as  Vernon  Smith  ;  more,  indeed,  than  is  quite 
just  and  called  for,  as  his  talents,  though  of  a  second-rate 
calibre,  are  not  so  low  as  is  supposed,  and  he  is  not  the 
cipher  in  his  office  he  is  thought  to  be,  but  is  well  enough 
acquainted  with  all  its  details,  and  always  able  to  explain 
everything  to  the  Cabinet  clearly  and  correctly.  But  these 
merits,  which  are  those  of  a  diligent  clerk,  are  far  from 
being  sufficient  to  qualify  him  for  having  the  direction  of  an 
office  which  circumstances  have  rendered  by  far  the  most 
important  and  difficult  in  the  whole  Government  Till  re- 
cently the  Board  of  Control  has  been  looked  upon  as  a  very 
subordinate  department,  and  one  of  mere  routine,  which 
anybody  might  fill.  I  remember  when  John  Russell  offered 
it  to  Graham  some  years  ago,  lie  treated  the  proposal  as  an 
insult. 

December  8th. — I  went  to  the  House  of  Lords  last  night 
and  heard  for  the  first  time  Ellenborough  speak — an  admi- 
rable style  of  speaking.  It  was  a  good  night  for  Canning. 
The  "Times"  has  turned  right  round  and  defends  him, 
finding  the  Government  are  in  earnest  in  doing  so.  The 
account  of  Lucknow  just  come  by  telegram  is  very  alarm- 
ing, and  keeps  one  in  a  state  of  nervous  excitement,  difficult 
to  describe. 


396  REIGN   OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

London,  December  17th. — Though  the  last  advices  from 
India  were  satisfactory  as  far  as  they  went,  it  is  generally 
understood  that  the  next  mail  must  bring  the  account  of  a 
bloody  battle  at  or  near  Lucknow,  in  which,  though  no  one 
doubts  that  the  British  will  be  victorious,  it  is  certain  that 
there  will  be  great  loss  of  life.  Sanguine  people  and  the 
Press  with  hardly  any  exception,  imagine  that  this  antici- 
pated victory  will  terminate  the  contest  and  leave  only  some 
straggling  conflicts  to  go  on  for  a  short  time  longer,  ending 
by  a  speedy  suppression  of  the  rebellion.  In  this  expectation 
I  do  not  share,  but,  on  the  contrary,  believe  it  will  be  a  pro- 
tracted affair,  not  indeed  doubtful  in  its  ultimate  result,  but 
which  will  cost  us  much  time  and  money  and  many  men,  for 
all  who  know  anything  of  the  matter  tell  us  that  the  wear 
and  tear  in  India  is  euormous,  and  that  a  continual  stream 
of  reinforcements  must  be  poured  into  the  country  to  keep 
the  army  in  a  state  of  efficiency.  Captain  Lowe,  lately  aide- 
de-camp  to  poor  George  Anson,  and  who  was  in  the  storm 
of  Delhi,  an  intelligent  officer,  confirms  all  these  notions, 
and  he  says  that  nothing  can  be  more  inexpedient  than  the 
scheme  propounded  here  with  great  confidence,  of  forming 
the  native  force,  on  which  we  are  hereafter  to  rely,  of  Sikhs 
instead  of  Hindoos.  He  says  that  inasmuch  as  they  are  very 
brave  and  excellent  soldiers,  it  would  only  be  to  place  our- 
selves in  a  state  of  far  greater  danger  and  uncertainty,  for 
though  the  Sikhs  have  proved  very  faithful  to  us,  and  ren- 
dered excellent  service,  it  is  impossible  to  predict  how  long 
this  humor  may  last,  and  whether  circumstances  may  not 
arise  to  induce  them  to  throw  off  our  yoke  and  assert  their 
own  independence.  It  is  marvellous  and  providential  that 
on  this  occasion  the  Sikhs  were  disposed  to  side  with  us  in- 
stead of  against  us,  for  if  they  had  taken  the  latter  course,  it 
would  have  been  all  up  and  nothing  could  have  saved  us. 
Apropos  of  this  consideration  he  told  me  a  curious  anecdote. 
A  Sikh  was  talking  to  a  British  officer  in  a  very  friendly  way, 
and  he  said,  "  Don't  you  think  it  very  strange  that  we,  who 
were  so  recently  fighting  against  you,  should  be  now  fighting 
with  you  ?  And  should  you  be  very  much  surprised  if  a 
year  or  two  hence  you  should  see  us  fighting  against  you 
again  ?  " 

Disraeli  called  on  me  a  day  or  two  ago,  when  we  had  a 
political  chat.  He  talked  with  much  contempt  of  the  present 
Government,  except  of  George  Lewis,  of  whom  he  spoke  in 


1857.]  CONVERSATION  WITH  GEORGE  LEWIS.  397 

the  highest  terms.  He  said  Palmerstou's  popularity  was  of 
a  negative  character,  and,  rather  more  from  the  unpopularity 
of  every  other  public  man  than  from  any  peculiar  attach- 
ment to  him  ;  he  talked  bitterly  of  Derby's  having  declined 
to  take  the  Government  in  1855,  which  he  seemed  to  con- 
sider as  an  irreparable  blow  to  his  party.  He  is  evidently 
not  without  hopes  that  the  Government  mav  find  themselves 
in  some  inextricable  difficulty  about  their  Reform  Bill,  and 
thinks  they  will  be  incapable  of  concocting  an  India  Bill 
which  will  go  down  with  the  country.  He  does  not  appear 
to  have  made  up  his  mind  what  course  to  take  on  the  Indian 
question,  and  it  is  evident  that  at  present  the  Tory  party 
have  decided  on  nothing.  The  Cabinet  has  committed  the 
scheme  of  Reform  to  a  select  number  of  its  members,  as  was 
done  in  1830,  but  what  they  are  doing  about  India  I  do  not 
know.  There  is  certainly  a  difference  of  opinion  amongst 
them,  as  there  no  doubt  is  about  Reform,  but  as  little  doubt 
that  they  are  all  agreed  upon  not  letting  their  conflicting 
opinions  break  up  the  Government. 

December  2lst. — I  called  on  George  Le\vis  the  day  before 
yesterday  and  had  a  long  talk  with  him.  He  told  me  that 
Palmerston  had  given  notice  to  the  Chairs  that  the  Govern- 
ment had  come  to  the  resolution  of  bringing  in  a  Bill  to  put 
an  end  to  their  dominion,  and  that  the  plan  was  to  have  an 
Indian  Secretary  of  State  with  a  Council,  and  the  Council  to 
have  the  distribution  of  the  patronage.  I  was  surprised  to 
hear  him  say  that  he  saw  no  difficulty  in  the  settlement  of 
the  Indian  question,  either  in  passing  it  through  Parliament 
or  in  producing  a  good  measure  which  would  work  better 
than  the  present  system,  and  he  said  he  wished  the  other 
great  question  they  had  upon  their  hands,  that  of  Reform, 
was  as  easy,  but  that  the  more  they  went  into  it,  the  more 
difficult  it  appeared.  I  need  not  enter  into  the  details 
which  we  discussed,  as  the  Bill  is  not  yet  settled,  and  in  a 
few  weeks  more  it  will  come  forth.  He  said  that  the  great 
misfortune  was  their  having  thrown  out  Locke  King's  motion 
this  year,  for  if  they  had  done  what  they  had  originally 
intended  with  regard  to  it,  they  should  in  all  probability 
have  laid  the  question  at  rest  for  ten  years  longer  at  least, 
and  he  then  told  me  a  curious  anecdote  on  this  matter, 
giving  an  example  of  strange  levity  and  incapacity  on  the  part 
of  the  Government.  When  Locke  King  brought  forward 
his  motion,  it  was  considered  in  the  Cabinet,  and  they  came 


398  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

to  a  unanimous  resolution  to  let  his  bill  be  read  a  second 
time,  but  to  oppose  the  amount  of  his  franchise  in  Committee 
and  raise  it  from  IQL  to  201. ,  which  they  had  no  doubt  they 
should  carry.  On  the  very  night  on  which  the  question  was 
to  be  moved  Lewis  went  down  to  the  House  of  Commons 
with  this  understanding,  never  dreaming  that  any  alteration 
was  contemplated,  when  George  Grey  said  to  him,  "  You 
know  Palmerston  is  going  to  oppose  Locke  King's  motion  " 
(for  leave  to  bring  in  his  Bill).  Lewis  expressed  his  sur- 
prise, and  asked  what  had  happened  to  set  aside  the  unani- 
mous agreement  come  to  in  the  Cabinet.  Grey  said  there 
had  been  a  dinner  at  Charles  Wood's,  at  which  certain 
Ministers  were  present  (whom  he  named,  but  I  forget  if 
Palmerston  was  one),  when  the  question  had  been  discussed, 
and  the  result  had  been  to  make  a  change  in  their  opinions, 
and  Palmerston  had  agreed  that  Locke  King  should  be 
opposed  in  limine.  This  Lewis  told  me  he  regarded  as  a 
fatal  error,  to  which  they  owed  the  dilemma  in  which  they 
found  themselves  placed.  But  what  struck  me  most  was  the 
mode  of  doing  business  of  such  importance,  and  that  there 
should  not  be  found  a  single  individual  to  protest  against 
it,  and  to  resign  his  office  rather  than  to  submit  to  be  so 
dragged  through  the  mire  ;  but  the  present  doctrine  seems 
to  be  that  Palmerston's  Government  must  be  held  together  at 
any  price,  and  this  is  the  more  curious  when  it  is  obvious  to 
me  that  his  colleagues,  while  conscious  of  the  difficulty  of 
doing  without  him,  have  an  exceedingly  mean  opinion  of  his 
intrinsic  value.  I  told  Lewis  all  that  Disraeli  had  said  to 
me  about  him  as  well  as  about  Palmerston,  when  he  ex- 
pressed his  surprise  at  the  manner  in  which  Disraeli  had 
spoken  of  Mm,  for  which  he  was  not  at  all  prepared,  but  said 
he  estimated  Palmerston  at  his  real  worth.  He  told  me  of 
Harrowby's  resignation  on  account  of  his  health,  and  that 
his  place  had  been  offered  to  Clanricarde,  and  wanted  to 
know  if  I  thought  Clanricarde  would  be  objected  to.1  We 
talked  of  the  stories  which  John  Russell  had  heard  of,  about 
our  being  on  bad  terms  with  France,  and  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  out  of  humor  with  us,  and  of  Palmerston's  medi- 
tating hostile  designs  against  Russia,  all  of  which  he  said 
were  pure  fabrications,  as  we  were  on  the  best  terms  with 

1  [The  Earl  of  Harrowby  held  the  office  of  Lord  Privy  Seal.  lie  was  suc- 
ceeded by  the  Marquis  of  Clanricarde,  which  proved  a  very  unpopular  appoint- 
ment.] 


1857.]  LORD  NORMAXBY'3  BOOK.  399 

France,  and  Palmerston  entertained  no  hostile  designs  against 
Russia  or  any  other  Power.  We  both  agreed  that  our  hands 
were  too  full  to  think  of  any  fresh  quarrels  or  aggressions, 
and  I  found  him  of  the  same  opinion  as  myself  about  our 
arbitrary  and  dictatorial  system,  and  of  the  mischief  it  had 
done,  and  as  much  with  reference  to  the  slave  trade  as  any 
other  question. 

I  told  him  of  the  slave  case  just  decided  in  the  Judicial 
Committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  of  the  sum  of  money  it 
would  cost  our  Government,  to  say  nothing  of  the  mortifica- 
tion. He  said  no  doubt  Palmerston  would  proclaim  it  to  be 
a  wrong  decision,  and  would  defend  the  Foreign  Office  and 
all  the  agents  who  had  been  concerned  in  the  outrage.1 

Hatchford,  December  26th.  — Christmas  Day,  usually  com- 
ing in  frost  and  snow,  was  yesterday  like  a  fine  day  in  May, 
the  glorious  weather  being  in  unison  with  the  general  glad- 
ness at  the  good  news  from  India  and  the  tidings  that  Luck- 
now,  with  its  wounded  and  its  long  suffering  band  of  women 
and  children,  bad  been  relieved  at  last,  and  for  good  and  all. 
This  news  arrived  on  Christmas  Eve,  to  make  the  day  iteelf 
as  merry  as  it  is  proverbially  said  to  be. 

Brougham  has  taken  Normanby's  book,  "  A  Year  of  Revo- 
lution," under  his  protection,  for  what  reason  nobody  can 
divine.  He  wrote  to  Mrs.  Austin,  begging  she  would  exert 
her  influence  with  her  nephew  Reeve  to  get  it  noticed  favora- 
bly in  the  "  Edinburgh  Review,"  that  it  was  a  good  book,  had 
the  merit  of  being  true,  and  that  it  was  much  approved  by 
Louis  Napoleon,  who  had  encouraged  its  being  translated.  I 
had  imagined  Brougham  was  improved,  but  it  is  evident  from 
his  conduct  on  this  occasion  that  he  is  the  same  man  he  ever 
was.  The  book  contains  page  after  page  of  matter  the  most 
offensive  to  Guizot  and  to  Louis  Philippe  and  his  family, 
with  which  everybody  is  revolted,  and  its  malice  is  not 
redeemed  by  literary  merit  or  attractiveness  in  any  shape. 

1  [This  refers  to  the  case  of  the  "  Newport."  a  vessel  which  had  been  con- 
demned by  the  Vice- Admiralty  Court  at  St.  Helena  for  alleged  trading  in  slaves, 
together  with  penalties  to  the  amount  .of  13,000?.  on  the  shippers  and  owners  of 
the  cargo.  The  Lords  ot  the  Judicial  Committee  reversed  this  sentence  with 
costs  and  damages,  and  declared  that  the  owners  of  the  ship  most  look  to  the 
Government  for  their  indemnity.  They  added  that  "  merchants  who,  having 
engaged  only  in  a  lawful  adventure,  have  been  subjected  to  an  unjust  and  ilk-gal 
sentence,  are  entitled  to  be  indemnified  against  it.-*  conseauences.  and  against 
the  costs  which  they  have  incurred  in  obtaining  its  reversal,  in  relieving  them- 
selves from  the  heavy  pecuniary  loss  which  it  inflicted,  and  from  the  deep  stain 
which  it  cast  upon  their  characters,  and  that  the  national  honor  must  be  vindi- 
cated at  the  national  expense."] 


400  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CIIAP.  XV. 

That  Brougham  should  take  up  such  a  production  is  as 
unaccountable  as  it  is  indecent,  for  he  affected  to  be  ex- 
ceedingly attached  to  the  Orleans  royalties,  to  be  on  very 
intimate  terms  with  the  King,  and  he  treated  Guizot  with  a 
familiarity  quite  at  variance  with  good  taste  and  propriety, 
and  which  had  excited  the  astonishment,  with  no  small 
disgust,  of  Guizot  himself.  It  might  have  been  expected  that 
he  would  have  resented  such  a  production  as  Normanby's, 
instead  of  patronizing  it.  He  told  Mrs.  Austin  he  could  not 
himself  speak  to  Reeve  about  it,  since  he  had  made  the 
"Edinburgh  Review"  the  vehicle  of  a  personal  attack  upon 
himself.  What  he  alluded  to  was,  that  when  Lord  Cock- 
burn's  life  was  published  an  article  (anonymous  of  course) 
appeared  in  the  "  Law  Magazine  "  in  which  Lord  Cockburn 
was  very  ill-used,  and  another  in  reply  to  this,  and  in  vindi- 
cation of  Lord  Cockburn,  but  without  a  word  against  Brough- 
am, appeared  in  the  "Edinburgh."  This  was  what  he  called 
a  personal  attack  upon  himself.  He  was  the  author  of  the 
paper  in  the  "  Law  Magazine."  but  the  writer  in  the  "Edin- 
burgh "  had  no  right  to  assume  this,  or  to  know  anything 
about  it,  though  as  a  matter  of  fact  he  did  know,  or  at  least 
had  good  reason  to  suspect,  that  it  was  penned  by  Brougham. 
It  had  already  been  settled  that  the  "Edinburgh  Review" 
should  take  no  notice  whatever  of  "The  Year  of  Revolu- 
tion," and  Mrs.  Austin  having  sent  Brougham's  letter  to 
Reeve,  Reeve  answered  it  himself,  utterly  denying  that  he 
had  made  or  intended  to  make  any  attack  upon  him,  and 
telling  him  in  plain  terms  what  the  general  opinion  is  of 
Normanby's  book. 

Meanwhile  Guizot  writes  to  Reeve  that  the  book  is  full  of 
lies,  and  not  worth  notice ;  that  he  will  take  none  of  what 
concerns  himself  alone,  but  cannot  leave  uncontradicted 
such  parts  of  it  as  relate  to  the  King,  and  give  utterly  false 
statements  of  the  relations  between  the  King  and  himself. 
He  then  refers  to  various  passages  which  he  says  are  all  false, 
and  desires  Reeve  to  show  his  letter  to  Lord  Lansdowne, 
Granville,  and  me,  and  to  anybody  else  he  thinks  fit.  All 
this  will  contribute  to  bring  Normanby  into  a  very  unpleas- 
ant dilemma  about  this  ill-advised  book,  and  it  must  be  said 
that  it  is  all  Clarendon's  fault  for  his  weakness  and  good 
nature  in  abstaining  from  renewing  his  prohibition,  and  when 
Normanby  was  here  giving  a  sort  of  tacit  consent  to  its  ap- 
pearance, although  that  was  accompanied  with  a  strong  ex- 


1857.]  THE  CROWN  JEWELS  OF  HANOVER.  401 

pression  of  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be  suppressed.  And 
now  a  report  has  got  about  that  before  the  book  came  out 
Clarendon  read  and  approved  of  it,  which  I  requested  Mrs. 
Austin  to  deny  in  the  most  peremptory  manner,  for  it  was 
to  her  that  this  assertion  had  been  made.1 

December  29th. — The  long-pending  dispute  about  the 
Crown  jewels  claimed  by  the  King  of  Hanover  was  settled 
the  other  day.  The  history  of  it  is  this.  The  late  King  of 
Hanover  on  'the  death  of  William  IV.  claimed  these  jewels 
upon  the  ground  that  they  were  partly  belonging  to  the 
Crown  of  Hanover  and  partly  had  been  bequeathed  to  him 
by  Queen  Charlotte.  Our  Government,  on  behalf  of  the 
Queen,  naturally  resisted  the  claim.  After  a  good  deal  of 
wrangling  they  were  at  last  prevailed  on  to  name  a  com- 
mission to  investigate  the  question,  and  Lord  Lyndhurst, 
Lord  Langdale,  and  Chief  Justice  Tindal  were  appointed 
accordingly.  After  a  considerable  delay  and  a  troublesome 
inquiry,  they  arrived  at  a  conclusion,  but  when  they  were 
just  about  to  give  their  award  Chief  Justice  Tindal  died. 
Lyndhurst  and  Langdale  were  divided  in  opinion,  so  no 
award  could  be  given.  The  Chancellor,  Lord  Cottenham, 
refused  to  renew  the  Commission,  and  the  matter  has  stood 
over  ever  since.  In  the  present  year,  however,  the  Govern- 
ment thought  the  matter  ought  to  be  decided  one  way  or 
another,  and  they  issued  a  fresh  Commission,  consisting  of 
Lord  Wensleydale,  Vice-Chancellor  Page  Wood,  and  Sir 
Lawrence  Peel  (ex-Indian  judge),  and  they  have  given 
judgment  unanimously  in  favor  of  the  King  of  Hanover, 
i.  e.,  with  regard  to  the  bulk  of  the  jewels,  some  few  seem 
to  have  been  allotted  to  the  Queen.  Lord  Wensleydale 
came  into  my  room  at  the  Council  Office  just  after  they  had 
finished  their  award,  and  told  me  about  it.  I  asked  him  if 
they  had  decided  it  on  evidence  or  only  by  a  sort  of  rough 
estimate,  but  he  said  they  had  ample  evidence,  and  they 
were  all  quite  satisfied  upon  the  point.  Last  night  I  asked 

1  [Lord  Norman  by  had  written  this  narrative  of  the  events  of  1847  to  1848 
while  he  was  Ambassador  in  Paris,  and  he  proposed  to  publish  it  at  an  earlier 
period  when  he  was  still  in  office.  But  upon  this  coining  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  Foreign  Office,  Lord  Clarendon  (without  having  read  the  work)  intimated 
to  Lord  >iormanby  that  he  could  not  allow  a  diplomatic  servant  of  the  Crown 
of  the  first  rank  to  publish  a  polemical  narrative  of  transactions  in  which  he  had 
been  engaged,  at  any  rate  while  he  held  office.  The  book  therefore  was  sup- 
pressed for  some  years.  But  when  Lord  Normanby  had  quitted  office,  he  felt 
at  liberty  to  disregard  Lord  Clarendon's  injunction,  and  the  book  was  published, 
to  the  great  detriment  of  hia  own  reputation.] 


402  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

Lord  Lyndhurst  about  his  share  in  the  question,  when  lie 
told  me  their  difficulty  had  been  to  make  out  whether  the 
jewels  which  Queen  Charlotte  had  disposed  of  by  her  will 
had  really  been  hers  to  leave,  or  whether  she  had  only  had 
the  use  of  them,  but  that  this  had  been  decided  by  the  dis- 
covery of  George  III.'s  will,  in  which  he  expressly  left  them 
to  her.  Tindal  entirely  agreed  with  Lyndhurst,  and  if  he 
had  lived  a  little  longer,  judgment  would  have  been  given 
then  in  favor  of  Hanover.  Lyndhurst  said  the  Court  was 
very  anxious  about  it,  for  Prince  Albert  had  told  him  the 
pearls  were  the  finest  in  Europe.  The  value  of  them  has 
been  enormously  exaggerated,  but  is  still  considerable.  Lord 
Lyndhurst  said  they  were  worth  about  £150,000,  and  Kiel- 
mansegge  told  me  the  same  thing. 

By  the  Indian  papers  just  arrived  it  appears  that  the 
relief  of  the  Eesidency  of  Lucknow  and  the  deliverance  of 
all  who  were  confined  in  it  was  complete,  but  there  was  no 
great  battle  (which  everybody  expected),  though  much  severe 
fighting,  and  Lucknow  itself  was  still  untaken.  The  mu- 
tineers, though  always  worsted,  seem  to  fight  better  than 
they  were  thought  capable  of  doing,  and  everything  tends 
to  show  that  the  suppression  of  the  Mutiny  is  still  far  from 
being  accomplished. 

December  31s/. — I  met  Clarendon  last  night,  who  talked 
about  the  Hanoverian  jewel  question  ;  he  said  the  Queen  was 
very  anxious  to  know  Lord  Lyndhurst's  opinion  upon  the 
award,  so  last  night  I  went  to  his  house  and  asked  him,  tell- 
ing him  the  reason  why.  He  said  he  had  no  doubt  the  award 
was  correct ;  that  in  their  case  the  jewels  were  divided  into 
two  categories  :  first,  those  which  came  from  George  II.  and 
were  undoubtedly  Hanoverian ;  and  secondly,  those  which 
George  III.  had  given  Queen  Charlotte.  They  had  heard 
counsel  on  both  sides,  but  neither  side  chose  to  produce  the 
will  of  George  III.,  which  they  never  had  before  them,  so 
they  were  in  a  difficulty  about  these  latter  stones.  Tindal 
died  the  day  they  were  to  have  met  to  draw  up  an  award. 
He  and  Lyndhurst  were  agreed,  Langdalc  doubted.  Lynd- 
hurst said  he  had  no  doubt  if  they  had  had  King  George 
III.'s  will,  which  Wensleydale  and  his  colleagues  had  before 
them,  they  should  all  three  have  agreed,  and  to  the  same 
award. 

Clarendon  complained  of  the  recent  pro-slavery  articles 
in  the  "Times,"  and  told  Delane  they  were  calculated  to 


1858.]  THE   DEATH   OF  GENERAL  HAVELOCK.  4Q3 

encourage  the  French  in  holding  to  their  African  operations. 
The  French  Government  had  told  us  that  they  must  have 
labor,  but  they  did  not  care  if  it  was  black  or  brown,  and  if 
we  would  undertake  to  find  coolies  for  them  in  the  same  way 
as  Mauritius  is  supplied,  they  would  give  up  their  scheme. 
Clarendon  said  this  was  fair  enough,  but  it  did  not  get  rid  of 
the  difficulty,  because  it  was  impossible  to  get  the  coolies  in 
sufficient  numbers,  and  that  our  own  Colonies,  which  were 
perishing  for  want  of  labor,  would  complain  loudly,  and  not 
unjustly,  if  we  brought  the  French  into  competition  with 
them,  thus  enhancing  the  difficulty  and  the  cost  of  supply  to 
themselves.  The  probability  then  is  that  the  French  will  go 
on,  and  that  all  other  nations  who  have  the  same  wants  will 
follow  their  example,  and  we  shall  be  reinvolved  in  endless 
remonstrances  and  squabbles  under  very  disadvantageous 
circumstances. 

January  1st,  1858. — It  is  worth  noticing  that  after  a  year 
of  fine  weather,  of  which  nobody  can  recollect  the  like,  this 
first  day  of  the  New  Year  has  opened  like  one  of  a  genial 
spring.  This  nearly  unbroken  course  of  wonderful  weather 
for  about  nine  or  ten  months  gives  rise  to  many  speculations 
as  to  its  cause,  and  no  doubt  there  is  some  physical  cause, 
although  it  has  not  yet  been  ascertained. 

January  5th. — To-day  the  winter  seems  to  have  set  in  in 
earnest. 

January  1th. — Not  many  days  ago  the  "Times"  con- 
cluded an  article  on  the  Indian  war  in  these  words  (it  was 
after  describing  the  relief  of  the  Residence  at  Lucknow  by 
Sir  Colin  Campbell)  :  "  thus  ends  the  Indian  Mutiny  of 
1857 ; "  and  to-day  we  have  the  news  of  Wyndham  having 
been  defeated  by  the  Gwalior  Force  ;  of  Sir  Colin  having 
been  obliged  to  quit  Lucknow,  without  having  captured  it, 
in  order  to  repair  this  check  (which  he  seems  to  have  done 
very  effectually)  and  deplorable  event ;  of  the  death  of  Have- 
lock,  the  hero  of  this  war,  who,  after  escaping  unhurt 
through  battle  after  battle,  has  succumbed  to  disease,  not 
having  lived  long  enough  to  know  all  that  is  said  of  him  and 
all  that  has  been  done  for  him  here.  It  is  impossible  not  to 
feel  the  loss  of  this  man  as  if  he  belonged  to  one  individ- 
ually, so  deep  is  the  interest  which  his  gallantry  and  his 
brilliant  career  have  excited  in  every  heart. 

Every  account  we  receive  only  confirms  the  impression 
that  this  war  will  be  a  long  and  difficult  affair,  and  if  we  are 


404  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

able  by  our  military  successes  to  put  down  all  opposition  and 
suppress  the  mutiny  thoroughly,  we  shall  have  a  still  more 
difficult  task  to  re-establish  order  and  a  quiet  and  regular 
government  in  the  country,  and  this  difficulty  promises  to 
be  enormously  increased  by  all  that  is  passing  here  on  the 
subject.  Shaftesbury  is  stirring  up  all  the  fanaticism  of  the 
country,  and  clamoring  for  what  he  calls  the  emancipation 
of  Christianity  in  India,  and  even  the  "  Times,"  once  cele- 
brated for  its  strong  sound  sense  and  its  fearless  independ- 
ence, is  afraid  to  rebuke  this  nonsense,  and  endorses  it  by 
saying  "we  have  committed  great  errors,"  but  without  ex- 
plaining what  it  means,  or  giving  any  exemplification  of  the 
assertion.  The  real  meaning,  however,  of  the  Exeter  Hall 
clamor  is,  that  w6  should  commence  as  soon  as  we  can  a 
crusade  against  the  religions  of  the  natives  of  India,  and  at- 
tempt to  force  Christianity  upon  them.  I  begin  to  have 
the  most  dismal  forebodings  upon  this  Indian  question.  I 
continue  indeed  to  believe  that  by  dint  of  enormous  exer- 
tions, by  a  vast  expenditure  of  money,  and  sending  out  every 
man  we  can  raise  and  make  a  soldier  of,  we  shall  sooner  or 
later  conquer  the  mutineers  and  suppress  the  rebellion,  but 
I  expect  we  shall  lose  our  Indian  Empire.  I  may  possibly 
not  live  to  see  the  catastrophe,  but  those  who  are  twenty  or 
may  be  ten  years  younger  than  I  am  in  all  probability  will. 
All  our  legislation  is  conducting  us  to  this  end.  We  are 
taking  this  moment  of  war  and  confusion  to  revolutionize 
our  Indian  Empire  and  government,  to  root  up  all  that  the 
natives  have  been  accustomed  to  regard  with  veneration, 
and  to  pronounce  sentence  of  condemnation  upon  the  only 
authority  of  which  they  know  anything,  and  which  has  been 
the  object  of  their  fears  and  hopes,  and  sometimes  of  their 
attachment.  The  Government  is  about  to  hurry  into  this 
measure  as  if  the  existing  system  had  been  the  cause  of  the 
present  rebellion  and  conflict,  and  that  the  one  they  propose 
to  substitute  would  be  so  much  better  and  capable  of  repair- 
ing the  mischief  which  the  government  of  the  Company  has 
caused  by  its  alleged  mismanagement.  I  have  no  prejudice 
or  partiality  for  the  Company,  but  I  believe  any  great 
change  at  this  moment  to  be  fraught  with  danger,  and  that 
the  notion  of  improving  the  state  of  affairs  by  the  abolition 
of  what  is  called  the  double  government  is  a  mere  delusion.1 

1  [The  experience  of  nearly  thirty  years  has  proved  that  these  gloomy  fore- 
bodings were  unfounded.    The  Government  and  the  condition  of  the  Indian 


1858.]  GLOOMY  PROSPECTS  IN  INDIA.  405 

January  IGth. — I  went  to  The  Grange  on  Tuesday  and 
returned  yesterday  morning,  when  I  was  met  by  the  news  of 
an  attempted  assassination  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  whose 
escape  seems  to  have  been  providential. 

It  is  since  I  last  wrote  anything  here  that  we  have  re- 
ceived the  news  from  India  of  Wyndham's  defeat  at  Cawn- 
pore,  and  of  Sir  Colin's  subsequent  victory,  but  we  are  not 
yet  informed  of  the  details  so  as  to  be  able  to  pass  a  judg- 
ment on  these  events,  and  upon  Wyndham's  conduct.  It 
may  be  doubted,  however,  whether  the  small  defeat  in  the 
one  case  is  not  more  prejudicial  than  the  considerable  vic- 
tory in  the  other  is  advantageous ;  and  the  inference  to  be 
derived  from  the  whole  is  to  my  mind  of  a  gloomy  character, 
for  I  think  unless  we  can  manage  to  pour  into  India  an  un- 
ceasing stream  of  fresh  troops  for  an  indefinite  period,  we 
shall  succumb  in  the  contest  by  the  mere  weight  of  numbers, 
and  the  question  is,  whether  we  shall  be  able  to  do  this,  which 
seems  to  me  exceedingly  doubtful.  The  Government  appear 
never  to  have  been  sufficiently  alive  to  the  danger  and  the 
difficulties  of  this  warfare,  and  have  contented  themselves 
with  going  on  leisurely  and  lazily,  preparing  reinforcements 
to  be  sent  out  from  time  to  time,  but  have  never  thought  it 
incumbent  on  them  to  make  the  extraordinary  efforts  that 
the  case  imperatively  demands. 

When  Parliament  meets  I  shall  be  surprised  if  there  is 
not  before  long  a  great  storm  in  both  Houses,  and  if  Palm- 
erston  means  to  rest  upon  his  popularity,  and  to  endeavor 
to  conjure  it  by  his  habitual  offhand  manner  and  assurances 
that  they  have  done  all  they  could,  expecting  that  such 
assurances  will  be  accepted  as  a  matter  of  course,  I  think 
he  will  be  greatly  mistaken.  In  spite  of  all  that  has  been 
said  to  John  Russell,  and  his  not  unfriendly  disposition 
during  the  short  autumnal  session,  his  patience  and  prudence 
are  evidently  well-nigh  exhausted,  and  we  may  soon  expect  to 
see  him  in  vehement  opposition.  He  writes  to  his  brother 
that  "  he  is  appalled  at  the  part  he  may  be  obliged  to  take 
in  the  coming  session,"  and  he  seems  to  be  under  the  in- 
Empire  have  undergone  enormous  changes  in  that  interval  of  time,  but  upon 
the  whole  the  suppression  of  the  military  revolt  of  1857  has  placed  British  au- 
thority in  India  upon  a  more  secure  basis,  the  loyalty  of  the  native  princes  to 
the  Crown  has  increased,  the  native  population  is  more  enlightened  and  more 
prosperous,  and  the  dangers  which  may  still  threaten  the  British  Empire  in  In- 
dia are  not  those/which  struck  the  mind  of  Mr.  (ireville  in  1858.  He  himself, 
however,  soon  changed  his  opinion.  See  entry  of  the  12th  March,  infra.] 


406  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

fluencc  of  a  fresh  feeling  of  antipathy  to  Palmerston.  It  is 
not  unlikely  that  he  thinks  it  not  worth  his  while  to  wait 
for  the  chance  of  Palmerston's  being  withdrawn  from  the 
field,  and  that  he  may  as  well  gratify  his  inclination  by 
going  into  Opposition,  and  it  is  likely  enough  that  he  fancies 
he  has  more  influence  in  the  House  of  Commons  and  the 
country  than  he  really  possesses,  and  may  collect  a  party  of 
his  own,  instead  of  being  grudgingly  accepted  by  the  present 
Government  as  a  matter  of  necessity,  rather  than  one  of 
choice.  If  this  is  his  view,  I  believe  he  is  egregiously 
mistaken.  Lowe,  whom  I  met  at  The  Grange,  and  who 
knows  something  of  both  Parliamentary  and  public  opinion, 
told  me  that  John  Russell  would  find  no  support  in  the 
House  of  Commons  where  his  influence  was  extinct,  and  that 
so  far  from  forming  a  party  of  his  own,  he  did  not  believe  if 
Palmerston  were  to  die  to-morrow,  and  Lord  John  take  his 
place  at  the  head  of  the  Government,  that  the  Government 
itself  would  stand. 

Woburn  Abbey,  January  I9th. — Yesterday  morning  we 
were  astounded  by  the  receipt  of  a  telegraphic  message 
informing  Granville  that  the  Duke  of  Devonshire  had  been 
found  dead  in  his  bed.1  Nothing  could  be  more  sudden  and 
unexpected,  and  the  immediate  cause  of  his  death  is  not 
known.  At  different  periods  of  my  life  I  have  lived  in  great 
intimacy  with  him,  but  he  was  capricious,  so  the  intervals 
were  long  and  frequent  during  which  we  were  almost 
strangers  to  each  other.  Spoiled  by  his  mother  as  a  boy, 
and  becoming  Duke  of  Devonshire  with  a  colossal  fortune 
at  twenty-one  years  old,  and  besides  afflicted  with  incurable 
deafness,  his  existence  was  manque,  and  he  was  a  disap- 
pointed and  iinhappy  man.  His  abilities  were  of  a  very  high 
order,  and  if  he  had  not  been  relieved  by  his  position  and 
wealth  from  the  necessity  of  exertion  and  disqualified  by  his 
infirmities  from  taking  an  active  part  in  public  life,  he  might 
have  been  a  considerable  and  important  as  well  as  a  far  hap- 
pier man  ;  but  as  he  had  unfortunately  no  positive  tastes  or 
active  pursuits,  no  domestic  ties  to  engage  his  affections,  and 
no  public  duties  to  occupy  his  mind,  he  was  reduced  to  fill 
up  the  vacuum  of  his  existence  by  capricious  engouements 

1  [William  Spencer,  sixth  Duke  of  Devonshire,  born  May  21, 1790,  died  Janu- 
ary 17,  1858.  He  was  Mr.  Greville's  second  cousin,  the  Duchess  of  Portland, 
mother  of  Lady  Charlotte  Greville,  having  been  the  daughter  of  the  Iburth  Duke 
of  Devonshire.] 


1858.]  DISRAELI'S  OVERTURE   TO   THE   WHIGS.  407 

and  frivolous  society.  He  was  very  clever  and  very  comical, 
with  a  keen  sense  of  humor,  frequently  very  droll  with  his 
intimate  friends,  and  his  letters  were  always  very  amusing. 
The  Duke  lived  very  much  like  a  grand  seigneur,  hospitable 
and  magnificent ;  he  was  very  fond  of  his  family,  and  very 
kind  to  them,  as  he  was  also  to  those  of  his  friends  whom 
he  took  into  favor,  many  of  the  poorer  of  whom  will  have 
great  reason  to  regret  the  loss  of  a  benefactor.  There  was 
for  a  long  time  a  vague  notion  that  some  mystery  attached 
to  his  birth,  and  that  he  was  not  really  the  son,  or  at  all 
events  not  the  legitimate  son,  of  his  reputed  father.  The  idea 
was  that  Lady  Elizabeth  Foster  (whom  the  Duke  afterward 
married  as  his  second  wife)  and  the  Duchesse  had  been  con- 
fined at  the  same  time  at  Paris,  and -that  the  latter  having  a 
girl  and  the  former  a  boy,  the  children  had  been  changed, 
the  Duke  being  the  father  of  both  children.  I  always 
treated  the  story  as  a  myth,  and  this  opinion  has  been  con- 
firmed by  the  deposition  of  the  woman  who  had  received 
the  child  in  her  arms  upon  his  birth,  which  was  conclusive 
evidence  of  his  legitimacy.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  whole 
of  the  vast  property  of  the  late  Duke  was  in  his  own  power. 
The  entail  was  cut  off  upon  his  majority,  and  his  father  died 
before  the  estates  were  resettled. 

January  20th. — The  more  I  hear  from  India  and  about 
Indian  affairs,  and  the  more  I  read  and  reflect  upon  the  sub- 
ject, the  more  desponding  I  become  as  to  pur  future  pros- 
pects there  ;  first,  as  to  our  means  of  bringing  the  war  to  a 
successful  issue,  and  secondly,  as  to  our  power  to  govern  the 
country  and  keep  it  quiet  and  contented  when  the  first  ob- 
ject has  been  accomplished. 

January  '23d. — On  arriving  in  town  yesterday,  I  received 
a  visit  from  Disraeli,  who  said  he  had  come  to  consult  me  in 
confidence,  and  to  ask  my  opinion,  by  which  his  own  course 
would  be  very  much  influenced.  I  was  not  a  little  surprised 
at  this  exordium,  but  told  him  I  should  be  glad  to  hear  what 
his  object  was,  and  that  he  was  welcome  to  any  opinion  he 
wished  for  from  me.  He  then  began  a  rather  hazy  discourse, 
from  which  I  gathered,  or  at  least  thought  I  gathered,  that 
he  thinks  the  present  state  of  affairs  very  serious,  and  the 
position  of  the  Government  very  precarious ;  that  he  is 
meditating  on  the  possible  chances  there  may  be  for  him 
and  his  party  in  the  event  of  Palmerston's  fall,  and  knowing 
that  some  sort  of  coalition  with  some  other  party  would  be 


408  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

indispensable  to  form  any  other  Government,  an  idea  had 
crossed  his  mind  that  this  might  be^practicable  with  some 
of  the  most  moderate  of  the  Whigs,  especially  with  the 
younger  ones,  such  as  Granville  and  Argyll,  and  he  wished 
to  know  if  I  thought  this  would  be  possible,  and  whether  I 
could  be  in  any  way  instrumental  in  promoting  it,  and  if  I 
did  not  think  so  what  my  ideas  were  as  to  the  most  advisable 
course  in  order  to  avert  the  threatened  Reform,  and  to  give 
the  country  a  better  Government  than  this.  This,  with  a 
great  deal  of  verbiage  and  mixed  with  digressions  about  the 
leading  men  of  the  present  day,  seemed  to  me  to  be  the  sub- 
stance and  object  of  his  talk.  He  professed  to  speak  to  me 
of  his  own  sentiments  without  disguise,  and  with  entire  con- 
fidence about  everything,  but  I  cannot  call  to  mind  that  he 
imparted  to  me  anything  of  the  slightest  interest  or  impor- 
tance. It  would  be  difficult  and  not  very  interesting  to  write 
down  our  somewhat  vague  and  decousu  conversation,  but  I 
told  him  that  I  knew  very  little  of  the  dispositions  of  any  of 
the  men  he  alluded  to,  but  I  did  not  believe  they  anv  of  them 
would  be  parties  to  any  such  combination  as  he  looked  to,  or 
separate  from  their  present  colleagues. 

January  25th. — We  are  still  without  any  advices  from 
India.  The  petition  to  Parliament  of  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, which  is  very  able,  and  was  written  by  John  Mill,  has 
produced  a  considerable  effect  in  the  world,  and  doubts  are 
expressed  in  all  quarters  whether  Government  will  be  able  to 
carry  their  Bill. 

January  26th. — The  Princess  Royal's  wedding  went  off 
yesterday  with  amazing  eclat,  and  it  is  rather  ludicrous  to 
contrast'the  vehement  articles  with  which  the  Press  teemed 
(the  "Times"  in  particular)  against  the  alliance  two  years 
ago  with  the  popularity  of  it  and  the  enthusiasm  displayed 
now.  The  whole  thing  seems  to  have  been  very  successful. 
At  the  breakfast  after  the  wedding,  to  which  none  but  the 
Royalties  were  invited,  the  French  Princes  were  present, 
which  was  amiable  and  becoming  on  the  part  of  the  Queen. 

January  28th. — As  the  day  approaches  for  the  re-assem- 
bling of  Parliament  there  is  an  increasing  impression  that 
this  Government  is  very  likely  not  to  get  through  the  ses- 
sion, and  the  "  Times,"  which  is  always  ready  to  assist  in  the 
discomfiture  of  a  losing  party,  is  now  showing  unmistakeable 
symptoms  of  its  own  doubts  whether  the  Government  is  any 
longer  worth  supporting,  and  Delane  told  me  yesterday  he 


1858.]     EXCITEMENT  IN  FRANCE  AGAINST  THIS  COUNTRY.      409 

thought  they  would  not  remain  long  in  office,  and  that  it  is 
time  they  should  go,  and  he  ridiculed  the  idea  of  its  not  be- 
ing practicable  to  form  another  Government.  It  is  absurd, 
but  nevertheless  true,  that  nothing  has  damaged  Palmerston 
so  much  as  his  making  Clanricarde  Privy  Seal.  It  was  an 
unwise  appointment,  but  the  fault  of  it  is  grossly  exagger- 
ated. Everybody  agrees  that  from  one  end  of  the  country 
to  another  there  is  a  feeling  of  universal  indignation  against 
it.  Then  there  is  a  great  turn  in  the  public  mind  in  favor 
of  the  East  India  Company,  or  rather  against  the  Govern- 
ment measure,  of  which  nothing  is  known,  but  that  the 
result  of  it  will  be  to  place  the  Indian  Empire  in  the  hands 
of  V'ernon  Smith. 

February  2d. — The  Indian  question  has  for  the  moment 
been  superseded  by  the  French  question  as  it  may  be  called, 
that  is  by  the  storm  which  is  raging  in  France  against  this 
country,  its  institutions  and  laws,  in  reference  to  the  assassi- 
nation plot  of  January  14. l  It  was  well  known  that  the 
French  Government  had.  been  urging  our  Ministers  to  adopt 
measures  or  to  pass  laws  against  the  refugees  and  their 
machinations  in  this  country ;  but  while  this  question  was 
under  discussion,  we  were  astounded  by  a  speech  made  by 
Persigny  in  reply  to  an  address  from  the  City,  and  still  more 
by  the  publication  in  the  "Moniteur"  of  certain  addresses 
from  corps  or  regiments  of  the  French  army  to  the  Emperor, 
full  of  insult  and  menace  to  this  country.  These  offensive 
manifestations  naturally  excited  great  indignation  here,  and 
the  Press  did  not  fail  to  hurl  back  these  insults,  and  to  retort 
with  interest  upon  the  persons  from  whom  they  had  pro- 
ceeded or  who  had  permitted  their  appearance.  On  Sunday 
I  spoke  to  Clarendon  on  the  subject.  He  was  very  much  an- 
noyed and  embarrassed  by  this  posture  of  affairs  as  might  be 
expected,  but  more  than  this  he  is  very  much  alarmed,  more 

1  [It  was  known  in  France  that  the  explosive  bombs  with  which  Orsini  had 
attempted  the  life  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  were  manufactured  in  England,  and 
that  some  of  the  accomplices  of  that  conspirator  were  still  in  this  country,  where 
the  law  could  not  reach  them  for  a  crime  committed  abroad.  These  facts  called 
forth  a  strong  hostile  feeling,  and  England  was  accused  of  harboring  assassins. 
On  January  20  Count  Walewski  addressed  a  remonstrance  to  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, which  remained  unanswered,  and  on  January  23  Count  Persigny 
spoke  in  strong  language  to  a  deputation  from  the  City  of  London.  Military 
addresses  of  a  violent  character  from  several  French  regiments  to  the  Emperor 
were  published  in  the  Moniteur.  On  February  9  Lord  I'almerst^n  introduced  a 
bill,  willed  The  Conspiracy  to  Murder  Bill,  making  conspiracy  to  murder  a  li-1- 
ony.  The  opposition  to  this  bill  gave  rise  to  the  ensuing  events  and  overthrew 
the  Ministry.] 

18 


410  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

than  I  think  he  need  be.  I  said  it  seemed  to  be  that  the 
Emperor  had  forgotten  his  usual  good  sense,  and  that  he  who 
knows  this  country  ought  to  have  felt  that  if  he  wishes  to 
have  anything  done  here,  he  is  taking  the  most  effectual 
means  to  prevent  it  by  permitting  the  military  addresses  to 
appear  in  the  "  Moniteur,"  since  in  the  present  state  of  the 
Press  this  is  tantamount  to  their  being  published  by  the  Gov- 
ernment itself.  I  said  I  could  not  believe  that  these  hot  and 
enthusiastic  expressions  were  to  be  taken  entirely  as  proofs 
of  a  passionate  attachment  to  the  Emperor's  person,  but  that 
these  were  outbreaks  of  that  hatred  of  England  which  some- 
times slumbered,  but  never  died.  He  said  the  Emperor  felt 
that  his  alliance  with  this  country  was  indispensable  to  him, 
and  regretted  sincerely  the  displays  of  feeling  in  France,  but 
that  he  did  not  dare  to  repress  the  sentiments  evinced  by  the 
army,  though  he  kept  them  in  check  as  well  as  he  could,  and 
the  truth  was,  as  I  have  said  above,  that  it  was  the  undying 
animosity  to  us  which  had  found  a  vent  upon  this  occasion. 
He  added  that  he  had  not  blamed  Morny,  who  could  not  say 
less  than  he  did  without  being  denounced  by  the  Chamber 
as  an  inadequate  exponent  of  its  sentiments.  The  French, 
seeing  how  all  our  force  is  absorbed  in  our  Indian  war, 
think  they  may  treat  us  as  they  please,  and  Clarendon 
fancies  that  if  any  accident  were  to  befall  the  Emperor,  any 
Government  that  might  be  able  to  establish  itself  would  go 
to  war  with  us  as  the  best  means  of  ingratiating  itself  with 
the  nation  and  of  being  able  to  establish  itself.  He  says 
they  can  march  50,000  men  at  a  moment's  notice  to 
Cherbourg,  where  there  is  an  abundance  of  war  steamers 
ready  to  transport  them  across  the  Channel,  while  we  have 
no  soldiers  and  no  ships  to  defend  us  in  case  of  such  a  storm 
suddenly  bursting.  George  Lewis  says  that  Clarendon  is 
haunted  with  this  apprehension,  which"  he  does  not  share  in 
the  slighest  degree. 

Though  there  is  some  truth  in  this  account  of  the  Em- 
peror's position,  I  cannot  believe  that  he  might  not  have 
kept  matters  more  quiet  in  France  than  he  has  done,  if  he 
had  exerted  his  influence  and  power  for  that  end.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  our  international  relations  are  upon  a 
very  unpleasant  and  perilous  footing,  and  that  the  evil  is  not 
corrected  by  the  fact  of  the  two  Courts  being  on  friendly 
terms,  by  mutual  interchanges  of  soft  sawder  and  proofs  of 
friendship  in  the  shape  of  handsome  bridal  gifts  from  the 


1858.]  PETITION  OF  THE  EAST   INDIA  COMPANY.  41 1 

Emperor  and  Empress  to  the  Princess  Royal.  We  are  going 
to  do  something  to  soothe  the  French  ;  but  as  it  will,  I  be- 
lieve, be  no  more  than  to  make  that  a  felony  which  is  now 
only  a  misdemeanor,  it  may  be  doubted  if  this  will  satisfy  or 
appease  them  ;  but  it  would  be  impossible  to  do  more  even 
if  it  were  desirable,  which  I  think  it  is  not,  and  I  doubt  if 
even  this  slight  concession  will  be  obtained  from  Parliament 
without  some  strong  and  indignant  remarks  upon  the  tone 
which  has  been  adopted  toward  England. 

February  3d. — The  Directors  have  got  Tom  Baring  and 
Lord  Grey  to  present  their  petition  in  the  two  Houses,  and 
they  mean  to  adopt  the  moderate  and  judicious  course  of  not 
agitating  any  further,  but  trust  to  the  course  of  events,  which 
is  now  turning  in  their  favor,  and  to  ask  for  delay  and  a 
Committee.  Graham,  acting,  I  believe,  independently,  means 
to  move  for  a  Committee.  John  Russell  intimated  to  him 
that  he  did  not  think  he  should  support  such  a  motion,  but 
he  has  not  finally  determined  what  to  do,  and  I  rather  ex- 
pect he  will  end  m  voting  for  it.  Palmerston's  friends  still 
tell  him  that  his  name  is  all  powerful,  and  that  he  is  sure  of 
carrying  through  the  House  of  Commons  whatever  he  pro- 
poses, if  the  House  thinks  there  is  any  possibility  of  a  defeat 
leading  to  his  resignation,  and  such  is  evidently  his  own 
opinion.  In  a  Committee  on  Indian  affairs  and  the  intended 
bill,  at  which  Bethell  was  present,  on  some  objection  or  pos- 
sible objection  being  suggested  by  one  of  the  members,  Palm- 
erston  said,  in  his  usual  jaunty  way,  "  Oh,  they  will  fall  in 
love  with  our  bill  when  they  see  it  ; "  when  Bethell,  in  his 
niminy-piminy  manner  and  simper,  said,  "Oh,  my  dear 
Lord  ! "  Granville,  who  told  me,  says  it  was  very  funny. 
They  all  seemed  conscious  of  the  diminution  of  Palmerston's 
energy  and  power.  He  is  always  asleep,  both  in  the  Cabinet 
and  in  the  House  of  Commons,  where  he  endeavors  to  con- 
ceal it  by  wearing  his  hat  over  his  eyes.  Clarendon  made 
me  laugh  heartily  the  other  day  at  his  account  of  the  Cabi- 
net, where  one  half  of  them  seem  to  be  almost  always  asleep, 
the  first  to  be  off  being  Lansdowne,  closely  followed  by 
Palmerston  and  Charles  Wood.  I  remember  his  giving  me 
a  very  droll  account  of  Melbourne's  Cabinet,  and  of  the 
drowsiness  which  used  to  reign  there,  more  particularly  with 
Melbourne  himself. 

February  Ilth. — I  never  remember  Parliament  meeting 
with  much  greater  curiosity  and  excitement.  The  situation 


412     .  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

of  the  Government  is  generally  regarded  as  so  precarious, 
and  the  revolution  in  Palmerston's  popularity  and  therefore 
his  power  is  so  extraordinary,  that  everybody  is  expecting 
some  great  events  will  occur,  and  the  hopes  of  all  who  wish 
for  a  change  and  who  expect  to  profit  by  it  are  reviving. 
The  bill  brought  in  by  Palmerston  on  Tuesday  for  the 
purpose  of  punishing  conspirators  and  with  a  view  to  satisfy 
the  exigency  of  the  French  Government  made  a  great  stir. 
The  leave  to  bring  it  in  was  carried  by  a  large  majority, 
thanks  to  the  Conservatives,  but  its  success  was  principally 
owing  to  the  Emperor's  apology  arriving  just  before  the  de- 
bate began.  This  pacified  most  of  those  who  were  enraged 
at  the  publications  in  the  "  Moniteur,"  and  disposed  to  op- 
pose the  measure  on  account  of  the  conduct  of  the  French 
Government.  I  have  no  sympathy  with  such  a  feeling,  but 
it  is  well  calculated  to  go  down  with  the  public,  and  to  afford 
a  plausible  pretext  to  the  Ultra-Liberals  and  the  crotchety 
politicians.  The  greatest  objection  to  this  bill  is  that  it 
will  probably  be  quite  useless  for  its  alleged  object,  and 
though  perhaps  something  more  stringent  might  be  useful, 
the  Government  do  not  dare  propose  anything  beyond  the 
present  measure. 

Perhaps  the  most  serious  reflection  to  which  this  matter 
gives  rise  is  the  suspicion  that  the  conduct  of  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  betrays  either  some  strange  infirmity  in  his  facul- 
ties, or  something  so  unsound  and  dangerous  in  the  state 
of  France,  as  to  be  pregnant  with  possible  consequences  it  is 
frightful  to  contemplate.  All  that  he  has  been  doing,  or  has 
allowed  to  be  done  of  late,  is  indicative  of  a  change  ;  for  the 
moderation  and  prudence,  together  with  firmness  and  decis- 
ion, which  have  hitherto  formed  his  best  claim  to  the  admi- 
ration and  approbation  of  this  country  seem  to  have  com- 
pletely deserted  him.  The  penal  laws  enacted  or  to  be 
enacted  in  France  are  considered  as  the  inauguration  of  a 
reign  of  terror,  and  there  is  rapidly  growing  up  the  same 
sort  of  feeling  about  the  French  Empire  that  there  is  here 
about  the  Palmerston  Government.  Nobody  pretends  to 
foresee  what  will  happen,  but  every  one  thinks  that  the  state 
of  France  is  rendered  more  combustible,  and  that  any  spark 
may  produce  an  explosion.  Those  who  are  most  attached 
or  most  favorable  to  the  Imperial  Government  are  the  most 
alarmed,  and,,  when  they  dare  speak  out,  express  the  great- 
est regret  and  alarm  at  all  that  is  passing  in  France. 


1858.]  OPPOSITION  TO  THE   CONSPIRACY  BILL.  413 

To  turn  to  the  Government  here,  their  two  great  rocks 
ahead  are  the  India  Bill  and  the  Eeform  Bill,  but  with 
regard  to  these  there  seems  no  knowledge  how  parties  will 
act,  and  how  leading  individuals  will  vote.  Most  people, 
however,  are  impressed  with  the  idea  that  neither  measure 
will  be  carried,  and  that  the  Government  will  in  all  proba- 
bility not  get  through  the  session.  It  will  be  too  absurd  if 
Palmerston,  after  being  the  idol  of  the  public,  in  spite  of  or 
in  consequence  of  all  his  foolish  speeches  and  his  out- 
rageous acts,  should  find  himself  deserted  and  his  power 
shaken  because  he  made  Clanricarde  Privy  Seal ;  but  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  this  appointment  has  had  more  effect 
than  any  other  cause  in  the  change  of  public  opinion  about 
him. 

February  \kth. — Last  week  saw  the  debates  in  the  House 
of  Commons  about  the  Conspiracy  Bill,  and  the  first  act  of 
the  India  Bill.  The  first  is  very  unpopular,  but  it  will  be 
carried  nevertheless.  John  Russell  has  taken  it  up  with 
extraordinary  vehemence  and  anger.  His  opposition  to  it  is 
furious,  on  high  constitutional  grounds,  which  appear  to  me 
absurd  and  uncalled  for.  If  I  were  in  Parliament  I  should 
be  puzzled  how  to  vote,  for  there  is  much  to  be  said  against 
the  Bill,  and  much  against  voting  against  it,  particularly 
against  leave  to  bring  it  in.  Almost  all  the  Tories  voted 
with  Government,  and  John  Russell  carried  very  few  with 
him,  and  neither  of  his  own  nephews.  He  is  more  than 
ever  exasperated  against  Palmerston  for  bringing  it  in. 
The  apology  tendered  by  the  Emperor,  which  was  read  to  the 
House,  reconciled  a  great  many  to  the  bill,  but  I  have  no 
notion  that  it  will  do  any  good,  or  that  the  French  Govern- 
ment will  be  satisfied  with  it.  After  such  a  bill,  which  will 
certainly  be  carried,  the  British  Lion  must  put  his  tail 
between  his  legs,  and  "  Civis  Romanus  "  give  up  swaggering 
so  loftily.  If  Aberdeen  had  attempted  such  a  measure  when 
Louis  Philippe  was  King  and  Guizot  minister,  what  would 
Palmerston  have  said,  and  what  would  not  have  been  the 
indignant  outcry  throughout  the  country  ?  The  balance  of 
opinion  now  seems  to  be  that  Government  will  carry  their 
India  Bill,  and  the  report  is  that  they  are  willing,  if  the 
second  reading  is  carried,  to  consent  to  any  alterations  that 
may  be  pressed  upon  them  in  Committee.  Lewis  seems  to 
have  made  a  good  speech  on  Friday,  though  rather  of  a 
didactic  character. 


414  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

February  20th.1 — Unless  I  were  to  write  down  day  by 
day  the  events  and  the  impressions  of  each  day  I  should 
fail  in  giving  anything  like  a  picture  of  the  time,  and 
I  regret  that  my  indolence  or  other  occupations  have  pre- 
vented my  doing  this.  I  have  each  day  promised  myself 
I  would  not  neglect  it,  and  then,  failing  to  keep  that  prom- 
ise (to  myself),  I  have  found  some  fresh  occurrence  sweeping 
away  the  interest,  and  generally  the  accurate  recollection,  of 
what  the  preceding  days  have  produced.  The  varieties  of 
the  aspects  of  public  affairs  have  been  like  the  figures  in 
a  kaleidoscope,  and  one  ought  to  catch  each  fleeting  sym- 
metrical arrangement  before  it  is  changed  into  some  other 
equally  fleeting  in  order  to  comprehend  the  rapidity  and  im- 
portance of  the  changes  which  are  going  on.  Not  long  ago 
(that  is,  not  many  weeks)  a  vague  idea  began  to  circulate 
that  the  Government  would  have  difficulty  in  getting  suc- 
cessfully through  this  session,  and  that  their  power  had 
suffered  some  diminution.  It  was  thought  that  the  India 
Bill  and  the  Reform  Bill  would  be  too  much  for  them,  and 
when  a  little  later  the  events  in  France  induced  them  to 
bring  in  the  Conspiracy  Bill,  the  excessive  unpopularity  of 
this  last  measure  strengthened  the  impression  of  their  insta- 
bility. Everybody  out  of  the  pale  of  the  Government  itself 
admitted  that  Palmerston  was  not  the  man  he  was,  and  the 
diminution  of  his  popularity  was  visible  universally.  This 
was  attributed  to  several  smaller  causes,  but  the  great  one 
was  the  appointment  of  Clanricarde,  which  beyond  all  doubt 
has  been  regarded  with  a  disgust  and  indignation  to  the  last 
degree  exaggerated  and  uncalled  for.  Such  was  the  state  of 
public  feeling  and  opinion  when  the  Parliamentary  campaign 
opened  with  the  discussions  first  of  the  Conspiracy  Bill,  and 
secondly  of  the  Reform  Bill.  After  a  few  days,  however,  a 
great  change  seemed  to  have  taken  place,  though  the  country 
and  the  Press  watched  with  great  jealousy  the  progress  of 
the  Conspiracy  Bill,  keeping  up  a  very  loud  growl  of  dislike 
to  the  Bill,  and  resentment  against  the  French  Government. 
In  the  division  on  the  question  of  leave  to  bring  in  the  bill 
the  majority  of  the  Conservatives  came  over  to  the  Govern- 

1  fOn  February  19  the  Government  were  defeated  on  the  Conspiracy  Bill,  in 
the  House  of  Commons?  by  a  majority  of  234  to  215,  Mr.  Milner  Gibson's  amend- 
ment having  been  carried  against  them.  The  majority  consisted  of  146  Con- 
servatives, 8-4  Liberals.  Mr.  Gladstone,  Lord  John  Russell,  Sir  James  Graham, 
Mr.  Cardwell,  and  Mr.  Sidney  Herbert  voted  against  the  bill.  Lord  Palmerston 
immediately  resigned.] 


1858.]  THE  CATASTROPHE  UNEXPECTED.  415 

ment,  and  they  got  a  majority  of  the  Conservatives  of  three 
to  one.  A  few  days  after  Palmerston  brought  in  the  India 
Bill,  abont  which  for  a  moment  it  was  thought  Baring  with 
his  amendment  might  run  him  hard,  but  after  a  very  poor 
debate,  in  which  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  made  a 
very  good  speech,  and  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Control 
made  no  speech  at  all,  the  Government  got  a  majority  of 
near  150.  These  two  victories,  though  the  first  was  obtained 
by  the  aid  of  opponents,  raised  the  spirits  of  the  Ministerial- 
Hts,  and  were  generally  taken  as  indicative  of  more  strength 
than  they  had  been  supposed  to  have,  and  as  pretty  clear 
proofs  that  Palmerston  would  at  all  events  get  unscathed 
through  this  session  with  not  much  diminished  authority 
and  influence. 

But  while  they  were  triumphing  in  the  fancied  security 
which  these  divisions  seemed  to  promise  them,  a  storm  was 
gathering,  for  the  bursting  of  which  they  were  far  from 
being  prepared,  nor  did  they  estimate  its  importance.  The 
public  feeling  had  become  more  and  more  exasperated  at  the 
Conspiracy  Bill,  and  at  the  conduct  of  France.  The  first 
reading  of  the  bill  would  not  have  been  carried  as  it  was, 
perhaps  not  at  all,  but  for  the  apology,  as  it  was  called,  of 
the  Emperor,  and  the  soothing  effect  of  Walewski's  despatch 
currying  expressions  of  his  master's  regret  and  a  sort  of 
half  disclaimer  of  the  military  addresses.  But  this  soothing 
effect  was  very  transitory.  It  was  remarked  that  while  the 
"  Moniteur"  continued  to  insert  fresh  addresses  of  an  offen- 
sive character,  the  apologetic  despatch  did  not  appear  at  all, 
and  the  original  despatch  of  Walewski  (January  20),  which 
had  excited  so  much  indignation  here,  and  which  was  not 
denied  to  have  been  the  origin  of  the  Conspiracy  Bill,  lay 
upon  the  table  of  the  House  of  Commons  unanswered  by  our 
Government.  On  this  point  a  good  deal  of  surprise  and 
anger  had  been  evinced  in  the  Press  and  in  society,  and  the 
discontent  against  the  Government  generally,  and  Palmerston 
in  particular,  was  still  spreading,  when  Milner  Gibson  took 
advantage  of  the  prevailing  temper,  and  moved  a  resolution 
in  the  shape  of  an  amendment  to  the  second  reading  of  the 
bill,  very  skilfully  concocted,  but  which  was  a  direct  vote  of 
censure  upon  the  Government  (particularly  of  course  directed 
against  Palmerston  and  Clarendon)  for  not  having  answered 
that  despatch. 

Palmerston,  I  have  been  assured,  when  he  saw  the  terms 


416  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

of  this  amendment,  perceived  that  it  might  be  dangerous,  and 
that  it  was  well  calculated  to  get  votes;  but  it  is  certain  that 
the  Government  generally  were  in  no  apprehension,  and  that 
nobody  of  any  party  (I  believe  literally  nobody)  had  the 
least  idea  that  any  vote  of  censure,  which  of  course  involved 
the  existence  of  the  Government,  had  the  slightest  chance 
of  being  carried.  I  met  Sir  Edward  Lytton  at  the  Athena?- 
um  on  Friday,  just  as  he  was  going  to  the  House,  and  had 
some  conversation  with  him.  He  treated  Palmerston's  posi- 
tion as  impregnable,  and  said  he  would  have  a  very  large 
majority  that  evening.  So  confident  were  the  Government 
whippers-in  that  they  made  no  exertions,  and  Hayter  actu- 
ally allowed  some  of  his  people  to  go  away  unpaired,  telling 
them  that  they  were  quite  safe,  and  their  presence  not  neces- 
sary. I  went  to  the  House  of  Lords  that  evening  to  hear 
Macaulay,  who  was  to  have  spoken  but  did  not  speak,  and 
afterward  went  home,  hearing  nothing  more  that  night. 
Great  was  my  astonishment  when  I  read  in  the  "Times" 
this  morning  that  Government  had  been  beaten  on  Milner 
Gibson's  motion  by  19,  and  a  few  minutes  after  Granville 
came  in  and  said  that  this  defeat  must  be  conclusive  and 
nothing  left  for  them  but  to  resign.  A  Cabinet  was  held  in 
the  afternoon,  at  which  it  was  decided  that  Palmerstou 
should  repair  to  Buckingham  Palace  with  the  resignations 
of  himself  and  his  colleagues. 

February  21st. — Nothing  more  was  known  last  night, 
but  it  was  evident  that  Derby  had  been  sent  for  in  prefer- 
ence to  Lord  John,  whom  I  met  at  Brooks's  in  the  morning, 
and  who  did  not  expect  the  Queen  to  send  for  him.  He 
told  me  Gladstone,  he  believed,  and  Graham,  he  knew, 
would  not  join  Derby,  and  he  thought  neither  Sidney  Her- 
bert nor  Cardwell  would  either.  As  to  the  future,  there 
really  are  quot  homines  tot  sententia.  Some  think  Derby 
cannot  form  a  Government,  some  that  he  will  not  try.  The 
sanguine  Palmerstonians  think  all  other  attempts  will  fail 
and  Palmerston  remain  in  power,  as  Lord  Grey  did  in  1831, 
and  some  fancy  he  will  endeavor  to  propitiate  the  House  of 
Commons  and  public  opinion  by  throwing  overboard  Clanri- 
carde,  to  whose  appointment  the  mischief  is  in  great  meas- 
ure attributed.  Such  is  at  this  moment  the  state  of  doubt 
and  confusion  which  generally  prevail. 

February  23d. — Nothing  is  vet  known  of  Derby's  prog- 
ress except  that  he  tried  the  Peelites,  not  one  of  whom 


1858.]         THE  DEFEAT  MIGHT  HAVE  BEEN  AVOIDED.  417 

would  join.  He  sent  for  Newcastle  from  Clumber,  who 
came  up,  saw  him,  and  declined.  It  is  evident  that  they 
mean  to  act  in  concert,  except  probably  Graham,  who  has 
espoused  John  Kussell,  and  who  will  not  separate  himself 
from  Lord  John's  fortunes.  There  was  a  prevailing  expec- 
tation yesterday  that  Derby  would  abandon  his  attempt,  and 
that  Palmerston  would  come  back,  but  Derby  seems  quite 
determined  to  go  on.  The  Palmerstonians  certainly  expect 
their  exclusion  to  be  of  short  duration,  and  nobody  thinks 
that  any  Government  Derby  can  possibly  make  will  last 
long. 

Never  was  there  a  great  catastrophe  so  totally  unexpected. 
Within  an  hour  of  the  beginning  of  the  debate  no  one 
doubted  that  the  Government  would  have  a  majority,  but 
Milner  Gibson's  speech  was  not  concluded  before  it  was  evi- 
dent that  his  amendment  would  be  carried,  and  Palmerston's 
conduct  was  very  unaccountable.  It  was  clear  from  the 
tone  of  his  speech,  which  was  as  bad  as  possible,  feeble  and 
intemperate,  that  he  was  aware  of  what  was  going  to  hap- 
pen, and  yet  when  the  true  state  of  the  case  was  urged  upon 
him,  and  he  was  pressed  to  adjourn  the  debate  till  Monday, 
which  could  easily  have  been  done,  he  obstinately  refused. 
If  he  had  done  this,  there  is  little  doubt  that  he  would  have 
whipped  up  a  majority  by  Monday.  Certainly  no  people 
ever  so  mismanaged  their  affairs.  There  is  no  excuse  for 
their  having  put  on  the  table  of  the  House  of  Commons 
such  a  despatch  as  Walewski's,  without  any  reply  being 
made  to  it.  It  required  no  great  sagacity  to  anticipate  that 
such  a  course  of  proceeding  could  not  fail  to  throw  the 
House  of  Commons  into  aflame,  and  exasperate  the  country, 
already  much  excited,  and  all  the  excuses  they  made  only 
made  their  case  worse,  and  were  generally  inconsistent  with 
each  other.  George  Grey's  was  the  most  pitiful,  when  he 
said  that  after  the  second  reading  an  answer  should  be  sent. 
Then  they  made  shuffling  statements  :  at  one  time  that  they 
had  sent  no  answer,  and  that  to  have  answered  it  as  alone  it 
could  be  answered  must  have  increased  the  irritation.  Then, 
that  they  had  given  a  verbal  answer,  and  at  last  it  transpired 
that  an  answer  had  been  sent  in  the  shape  of  a,  private  letter 
from  Clarendon  to  Cowley. 

There  were  two  courses  open  to  the  Government,  either 
of  which  might  have  been  very  naturally  and  not  improperly 
taken.  Palmerston  might  have  announced  that  it  was  not 


418  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

his  intention  to  produce  any  of  the  correspondence  between 
the  two  Governments,  and  asked  the  House  of  Commons  to 
place  confidence  in  him,  and  allow  him  to  take  the  steps  he 
deemed  best  to  satisfy  the  French  Government,  and  at  the 
same  time  vindicate  the  honor  and  dignity  of  this  country, 
and  if  he  had  stated  that  he  thought  it  would  be  injurious 
to  the  interests  of  peace  and  amity  to  produce  any  papers,  it 
is  perfectly  certain  he  would  have  met  with  unanimous  ac- 
quiescence. The  only  objection  I  have  heard  to  this  is  that 
the  French  Government  published  the  despatch  in  the 
"Moniteur;"  but,  if  Palmerston  had  resolved  upon  silence 
here,  he  could  have  informed  Cowley  of  his  resolution,  and 
instructed  him  to  come  to  a  common  agreement  with  Walew- 
ski  that  they  should  publish  nothing  in  the  "  Moniteur," 
and  we  should  keep  the  correspondence  from  Parliament 
here.  Not  acting  in  this  way,  he  ought  to  have  sent  an 
answer,  and  who  can  suppose  that  such  men  as  Palmerston 
and  Clarendon,  whose  lives  have  been  passed  in  writing  de- 
spatches, and  who  are  both  so  remarkably  expert  at  that 
work,  should  be  unable  to  concoct  a  reply  to  Walewski  which 
should  be  conciliatory  in  tone  and  matter,  and  at  once  suffice 
for  the  fears  and  exigencies  of  France  and  for  the  national 
pride  and  honor  of  England  ?  Clarendon's  private  letter  ia 
said  to  have  been  excellent,  and  of  course  it  must  have  been 
well  adapted  for  its  purposes.  What  difficulty  could  there 
have  been,  therefore,  in  converting  the  private  into  a  public 
letter,  which,  if  it  had  accompanied  the  French  letter,  would 
have  pacified  both  the  House  of  Commons  and  the  country, 
for  the  Government  ought  not  to  have  forgotten,  as  it  seems 
they  did,  that  the  English  and  French  Governments  were 
not  the  only  parties  in  this  transaction,  but  there  were  the 
English  Government  and  the  House  of  Commons  and  the 
country,  between  whom  accounts  had  to  be  settled.  There 
are  people  who  fancy  that  Palmerston  was  not  sorry  to  be 
beaten  on  Milner  Gibson's  motion,  thinking  it  better  to  go 
out  upon  that  than  upon  the  motion  against  Clanricarde  on 
March  4  (the  abolition  of  the  Privy  Seal),  on  which  they 
think  they  certainly  would  have  been  defeated,  and  on  which 
they  must  have  resigned  ;  but  I  don't  think  their  defeat  on 
the  latter  was  so  certain,  and  they  might  have  been  saved  by 
Clanricarde's  resignation  before  the  debate  came  on.  The 
conduct  of  those  who  brought  forward  and  those  who  sup- 
ported the  vote  of  censnre,  and  that  of  the  Government  in 


1858.]  DETERMINATION  TO  RESIGN.  419 

f)ing  out  upon  it,  admits  of  much  diversity  of  opinion, 
he  friends  of  the  Government,  and  those  who  were  averse 
to  a  change,  maintain  that  the  amendment  was  inexcusable, 
and  that  the  House  of  Commons  had  no  business  to  meddle 
with  the  functions  of  the  Executive,  or  to  express  any  opin- 
ion as  to  the  propriety  of  answering  or  not  a  despatch  which 
ought  to  have  been  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  Minister,  and 
the  ex-Mi nisters  say  that  the  vote  made  it  impossible  for 
them  to  do  anything  but  resign,  and  that  their  opponents 
must  have  been  fully  aware  that  this  would  be  the  conse- 
quence of  their  victory. 

Their  conduct  is  inexplicable  to  me,  for  I  believe  they 
were  very  sorry  to  go  out,  and  yet  if  they  had  wished  it  they 
might  have  very  well  stayed  in.  According  to  ancient  prac- 
tice any  vote  of  censure  produced  resignation  as  a  matter  of 
course,  no  matter  what  the  subject  of  it,  but  it  did  so  be- 
cause a  vote  of  censure,  and  indeed  any  adverse  vote  on  any 
important  measure,  implied  that  the  House  of  Commons  had 
withdrawn  its  confidence  from  the  Government,  the  fact  of 
which  rendered  it  impossible  for  them  to  carry  on  the  affairs 
of  the  country,  and  obliged  them  to  resign.  But  it  is  im- 

-ible  to  pretend  that  the  late  vote  indicated  the  with- 
drawal of  the  confidence  of  the  House  of  Commons  generally. 
They  had  had  two  immense  majorities  a  few  days  before, 
and  they  would  have  had  another  as  large  a  few  days  after  if 
they  had  gone  on  with  the  bill.  If  I  had  been  able  to  advise 
the  Queen,  I  would  have  recommended  her  to  refuse  Lord 
Palmerston's  resignation,  and  have  insisted  on  his  testing  the 
question  of  confidence  on  the  Conspiracy  Bill,  or  on  some 
question  in  which  the  national  passions  were  not  concerned, 
and  he  could  not  have  refused  to  take  this  course.  Even 
after  she  had  sent  for  Derby  he  gave  her  the  opportunity 
(though  not  I  suppose  the  advice  to  do  so),  for  he  said  she- 
had  better  take  another  day  for  consideration,  and  then  if 
she  decided  on  wishing  him  to  form  a  Government,  he  would 
undertake  it. 

February  26/A. — I  met  George  Lewis  yesterday,  and 
talked  over  with  him  the  whole  affair.  He  thinks  that  it 
has  all  been  fearfully  mismanaged,  and  that  the  catastrophe 
might  have  been  avoided  in  many  different  ways  :  first,  by 
answering  the  despatch  ;  secondly,  by  doing  what  I  have 

.  _v>ted,  producing  no  papers  and  asking  for  confidence  ; 
then  by  the  Speaker's  declining  to  allow  the  amendment  to 


420  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XV. 

be  put,  as  he  well  might  have  done,  and  as  a  strong  Speaker 
would  have  done.  Lord  Eversley  advised  him  to  do  this, 
and  gave  his  strong  opinion  that  the  amendment  was  inad- 
missible. It  is  curious  that  Palmerston's  overthrow  should 
be  the  work  of  a  Parliament  elected  expressly  to  support 
him,  and  immediately  caused  by  the  act  of  a  Speaker  whom 
he  insisted  upon  putting  in  the  chair,  contrary  to  the  advice 
of  many  others  who  thought  he  would  prove  inefficient. 

I  told  Lewis  I  thought  their  resignation  was  not  called 
for,  and  what  I  would  have  advised  the  Queen.  He  said  the 
whole  question  was  well  and  most  calmly  and  dispassionately 
considered,  and  they  were  unanimous  as  to  the  necessity  of 
resignation,  with  the  sole  exception  of  Vernon  Smith,  and 
that  was  without  any  arriere  pensee  of  returning  on  an  an- 
ticipated failure  of  Derby ;  that  the  Queen  had  begged 
Palmerston  not  to  resign  upon  this  vote,  and  he  had  re- 
turned to  the  Cabinet,  and  reported  what  she  said,  but  they 
were  all  without  exception  for  adhering  to  their  resignation. 
Derby,  too,  had  evidently  wished  to  afford  Palmerston  an 
opportunity  of  recalling  it,  for  he  had  begged  the  Queen  to 
take  twenty-four  hours  to  consider  of  it ;  but  it  is  probable 
that  Her  Majesty,  having  failed  to  persuade  Palmerston  in 
the  first  instance,  had  thought  it  useless  to  make  any  further 
attempts. 

Lewis  gave  me  such  strong  reasons  for  their  determina- 
tion, that  I  confess  they  materially  shook  my  opinion.  He 
said  there  was  no  possibility  of  mistaking  the  feeling  there 
was  against  Palmerston,  which  if  I  had  been  present  and 
seen  what  passed  in  the  House  that  night,  I  could  not  have 
doubted  ;  that  the  only  way  in  which  they  could  have  stayed 
in  was  by  getting  somebody  to  move  a  vote  of  confidence, 
which  was  too  dangerous  an  experiment,  as  in  the  present 
state  of  the  House  of  Commons  it  was  at  least  an  even  chance 
that  such  a  vote  would  not  have  been  carried,  and  certain 
that  they  would  have  had  all  the  great  guns  of  all  sides 
thundering  against  them.  He  thought  Palmerston's  speech 
had  been  very  ill  advised,  and  had  done  much  harm,  and 
that  it  was  a  mistake  not  to  have  adjourned  the  debate,  when 
it  was  very  probable  that  they  might  have  had  an  opportu- 
nity of  changing  the  fortune  of  it. 


1858.) 


THE   SECOND   DERBY   ADMINISTRATOR 


421 


CHAPTER    XVI. 


The  Second  Derby  Administration — Lord  Derby's  first  Speech — Lord  Clanricarde  defends 
himself— The  New  Ministry— Coincidences— Lord  Derby's  favorable  Position — Opinion 
of  the  Speaker — Lord  Derby's  Liberal  Declarations — Dinner  to  Mr.  Buckle — Instability 
of  the  Government — Mr.  Disraeli's  sanguine  Views — India — Prospects  of  the  new 
Government — A  Visit  to  the  Dae  d'Aumale — Deiicate  Relations  with  France — Lord 
John  Russell  and  Lord  Palmerston— Irritation  of  the  Whigs— Marshal  Pelissier  Am- 
bassador in  London — The  Peelites  and  the  Whigs — Failure  of  the  India  Bill — An  Over- 
ture from  Lord  John  Russell— Dissensions  of  the  Whigs — Lord  Derby  resolves  to 
remain  in  Office — Lord  John  Kussell  proposes  to  deal  with  the  India  Bill  by  Resolu- 
tions— Mistake  of  the  Whigs  in  resigning  on  the  Conspiracy  Bill — Withdrawal  of  the 
India  Bill — Policy  of  the  Whigs  in  Opposition — Lord  Cowley  on  the  Relations  of  France 
and  England — Strong  Opposition  to  the  Government — Lord  Derby  on  the  State  of 
Affairs —Disunion  of  the  Whigs — Lord  Canning's  Proclamation — Littlecote  House- 
Vehemence  of  the  Opposition— Lord  Lyndhurst  displeased— Debates  on  the  Indian 
Proclamation — Collapse  of  the  Debates— Triumph  of  the  Ministry — Disraelfs  violent 
Speech  at  Slough — Lord  Palmerston's  Discomfiture — Prospects  of  a  Fusion— Success 
of  the  GovernmL-nt — Concessions  to  the  Radicals — The  Queen's  Visit  to  Birmingham 
Progress  of  the  India  Bill— The  Jew  Bill— The  Jew  Bill  passed— Disturbed  State  of 
•  India- Baron  iiruuuow  on  the  Russian  War. 

London,  Zttk  February,  1858. — All  yesterday  lists  of  the 
new  appointments  were  put  forth  from  hour  to  hour,  unlike 
each  other,  and  proving  what  changes  had  been  made  during 
the  last  hours.  Nobody  was  prepared  for  Bulwer  Lytton 
having  no  place,  and  still  less  for  Lord  Stanley  taking  office 
in  this  Government,  which  must  have  been  settled  at  the 
eleventh  hour.  On  the  whole  it  presents  a  more  decent- 
looking  affair  than  anybody  expected,  but  the  general  im- 
pression is  that  it  cannot  last,  and  must  be  overthrown  by 
the  mere  weight  of  numbers,  whenever  the  different  sections 
of  the  House  should  unite  on  any  question  whatever.  Their 
staff  is  not  so  despicable,  but  their  rank  and  file  are  sadly 
inadequate  if  they  are  attacked  in  earnest.1 


1  [The  second  Administration  of  the  Earl 
lows: 

First  Lord  of  the  Treasury 
Lord  Chancellor 
Lord  President  . 
Lord  Privy  Seal 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
Home  Secretary 
Foreign  Secretary 
Colonial  Secretary 
War  Secretary    . 
Board  of  Control 
Board  of  Trade  . 
Duchy  of  Lancaster  . 
Admiralty  .... 
Lord-Lieutenant  of  Ireland 
Chief  Secretary  . 
Woods  and  Forests     . 


of  Derby  was  composed  as  fol- 


Earl  of  Derby. 
Lord  Chelmsfopl. 
Murquis  of  Salisbury. 
Earl  of  Hardwicke.  * 
Mr.  Disraeli. 
Mr.  Walpole. 
Karl  of  Malmesburv. 
Lord  Stanley. 
Colonel  Peel. 
Earl  of  Ellenborough. 
Mr.  Henley. 
Duke  of  Montrosc. 
Sir  John  Pakington. 
Earl  of  Err!  in  ton. 
Lord  Xaas. 
Lord  John  Manners.] 


422  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVL 

March  2d.—  Last  night  Derby  made  his  statement.  He 
M  as  very  nervous  and  unlike  himself,  scarcely  audible  at  first, 
much  less  fluent  than  usual,  and  he  spoke  from  notes,  which 
I  never  saw  him  do  before.  It  was,  however,  a  very  judicious 
and  becoming  speech.  Granville  and  Clarendon  both  spoke 
very  well,  and  the  whole  affair  was  very  creditable  and  satis- 
factory, civil,  courteous,  and  good-humored  on  all  sides. 
Clarendon  made  a  very  plausible  defence  of  his  own  conduct 
in  not  answering  Walewski's  despatch,  which  was  so  good 
that  Hardwicke  crossed  the  House  to  compliment  him,  and 
said  if  that  speech  had  been  made  in  the  House  of  Commons 
there  would  have  been  no  division.  The  impression  left  on 
me  is  that  though  it  was  a  pretty  good  defence,,  he  would 
have  exercised  a  sounder  discretion  if  he  had  sent  an  answer, 
and  that  there  was  no  difficulty  in  doing  so.  Clanricarde  has 
given  notice  of  what  the  "Times"  calls  favoring  the  House 
with  some  leaves  of  his  autobiography.  He  has  been  advised 
to  take  this  course  by  some  of  his  friends  and  colleagues, 
particularly  Lord  Lansdowne  ;  but  in  spite  of  such  respecta- 
ble authority,  I  think  it  an  ill-advised  step,  from  which  he 
is  likely  to  derive  little  if  any  benefit.  He  is  going  to  defend 
himself  against  something  intangible,  for  no  accuser  will  ap- 
pear, and  there  is  no  charge  which  he  is  called  upon  to  rebut. 
No  doubt  his  appointment  has  been  the  real  cause  of  the 
downfall  of  the  Government.  It  is  this  which  ruined  the 
popularity  of  Palmerston.  It  is  only  fair  to  admit  that 
they  could  not  have  been  expected  to  anticipate  all  the  hub- 
bub it  made,  nor  anything  like  it. 

People  are  now  wondering  that  Palmerston's  fall  has 
made  so  little  sensation  and  the  event  fallen  so  flat,  consid- 
ering what  his  popularity  was  only  a  few  months  ago,  but 
this  proves  what  an  unsubstantial  and  factitious  popularity 
it  was.  Derby  has  done  better  than  his  predecessor  in  one 
way,  for  he  has  brought  forward  some  new  men  who  have  a 
good  reputation,  and  may  distinguish  themselves  in  Parlia- 
ment, and  show  us  that  we  have  something  to  look  to  beyond 
the  old  worn  out  materials  of  which  everybody  is  tired.  The 
first  class  of  this  Government  k-  not  worse  than  that  of  the 
last,  and  the  second  class  is  a  great  deal  better.  There  are 
some  rather  curious  coincidences  noticeable  in  this  smash. 
The  majority  by  which  the  \Yhigs  fell  was  nineteen.  It  was 
the  same  on  the  China  question  last  year,  and  nineteen 
turned  out  Derby  in  1853.  Derby  has  been  three  times 


1858.J  LORD   DERBY'S  FAVORABLE   START.  423 

called  on  to  form  a  Government,  and  each  time  on  the  21st 
of  February.  At  the  present  moment  there  appears  to  be  a 
disposition  to  give  him  what  is  called  a  fair  trial,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  say  how  long  this  will  last.  The  Whigs  are  in 
great  perplexity.  Some  talk  of  Palmerston  coming  back 
again,  others  want  to  bring  about  a  reunion  between  him 
and  Lord  John,  and  others  still  talk  of  setting  them  both 
aside  and  electing  a  new  leader  of  the  party. 

March  3d. — The  discussion,  for  there  was  no  debate,  on 
Monday  has  produced  a  very  favorable  effect.  Derby's  speech 
is  much  admired  for  its  calm  and  dignified  tone,  and  the 
matter  of  it  considered  judicious  and  satisfactory.  As  an 
exhibition  the  whole  proceeding  is  thought  eminently  credit- 
able to  the  country,  and  such  as  must  strike  foreigners  par- 
ticularly. This  is  unquestionably  true,  and  it  has  been  a 
very  good  start  for  Derby.  As  far  as  one  can  judge  in  so 
short  a  time,  there  is  a  growing  opinion  that  he  ought  to 
have  fair  play  and  no  vexatious  opposition,  and  Granville 
this  morning  told  me  he  thought  he  would  get  on  very  well. 
Palmerston  has  begged  Cowley  not  to  resign,  which  is  very 
honorable  and  becoming.  There  are  symptoms  of  a  dispo- 
sition on  the  part  of  the  "Times"  to  support  the  new  Gov- 
ernment, and  I  have  little  doubt  that  they  can  secure  this 
great  advantage  if  they  manage  their  affairs  with  common 
prudence,  and  set  to  work  diligently  to  frame  such  measures 
of  improvement  and  utility  as  will  satisfy  public  opinion.  I 
entreated  Jonathan  Peel  to  lose  no  time  in  dealing  with  the 
matter  of  the  health  of  the  soldiers  and  the  mortality  amongst 
them  brought  to  light  by  Sidney  Herbert's  Committee.  This 
alone,  well  and  quickly  done,  would  be  of  prodigious  service 
to  the  new  Government. 

March  6th. — I  gather  from  what  I  hear  that  Lord  Palm- 
erston is  preparing  to  buckle  on  his  armor,  and  to  wage 
war  against  the  new  Government  with  the  hope  and  expec- 
tation of  forcing  himself  back  into  office  speedily,  and  that 
the  new  Opposition  mean  to  attack  the  new  Government  as 
quickly  and  as  vehemently  as  they  can.  John  Russell  says 
they  "ought  not  to  be  recklessly  or  prematurely  opposed." 
Guizot,  it  seems,  has  written  to  Aberdeen  about  the  "union 
of  all  shades  of  Liberals  "  as  a  desideratum,  to  which  Lord 
John  says  "whether  it  be  possible  he  knows  not,  but  that  he 
is  an  obstacle  to  it  on  our  side,  and  Palmerston  on  the  other." 

The  Speaker,  with  whom  I  had  a  long  talk  yesterday, 


424  REIGX  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

thinks  this  Government  never  can  stand,  and  he  says,  truly 
enough,  that  though  Derby  and  Co.  did  not  make  the  situa- 
tion which  compelled  the  resignation  of  the  last,  they  ac- 
cepted it  with  full  knowledge  of  the  consequences  of  their 
vote,  and  are  therefore  responsible.  He  considers  that  what 
has  happened  and  is  likely  to  happen  is  all  to  the  benefit  of 
the  Radicals,  who  well  know  this,  and  rejoice  at  it  accord- 
ingly, and  he  thinks  Milner  Gibson  framed  his  amendment 
with  the  design  of  its  leading  to  the  defeat  of  Palmerston, 
and  the  advent  of  Derby  to  a  power  which  he  never  desired 
to  be  of  long  duration.  All  this  I  could  not  gainsay,  and  it 
is  certainly  true  that  this  change  has  only  produced  a  fresh 
set  of  difficulties  and  dangers,  the  result  of  which  who  can 
foresee  ? 

Derby's  liberal  declaration  in  his  programme  last  Monday 
has  been  taken  up  and  extended  by  his  followers,  but  it  is 
very  improbable  that  the  enunciation  of  such  principles  and 
intentions  will  carry  with  it  the  assent  of  the  old  and  genu- 
ine Tories,  many  of  whom  will  most  likely  ere  long  declare 
their  adhesion  to  their  old  creed,  and  their  abhorrence  of 
the  new-born  liberalism  of  their  chief,  and  Derby  may  one 
day  find  himself  in  a  lesser  degree  in  something  like  the 
position  of  Peel  when  he  gave  notice  of  his  intention  to  pro- 
pose the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws.  Derby's  declaration  now 
affords  a  practical  justification  of  Peel's  course  then,  for  Peel 
was  never  so  much  opposed  to  Free  Trade  as  Derby  and  all 
his  followers  to  Reform,  and  his  excuse  is  based  on  similar 
grounds,  namely,  the  progress  and  irresistible  force  of  public 
opinion. 

March  10th. — I  dined  with  Grote  yesterday  to  meet  Mr. 
Buckle,  the  literary  lion  of  the  day.  He  is  not  prepossessing 
in  appearance,  but  he  talks  very  well  and  makes  a  great  dis- 
play of  knowledge  and  extensive  reading,  though  without 
pedantry  or  dogmatism.  There  was  a  small  party  of  literary 
men  to  meet  him,  and  Lady  William  Russell  and  I  acted  the 
part  of  gallery.  The  guests  were  Count  Platen  the  Swedish 
Minister,  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  Dr.  William  Smith,  young 
Bunbury  (Sir  Henry's  son),  and  Lowe.  It  was  pleasant 
enough. 

There  is  a  prevailing  and  an  increasing  impression  that 
this  Government  will  not  last  long,  and  I  think  its  days  are 
numbered.  The  old  Government  are  evidently  impatient  to 
resume  their  places,  and  within  the  last  two  or  three  days 


1858.]  INSTABILITY   OF  TIIE   GOVERNMENT.  425 

there  is  an  evident  change  in  their  spirits  and  their  expecta- 
tions. Whether  it  is  desirable  or  not  that  Derby  should  be 
permitted  to  go  on  for  some  time  I  know  not,  but  I  doubt 
if  it  is  possible.  John  Russell  might  perhaps  prefer  keeping 
Derby  in  place  for  a  time,  in  order  to  prevent  Palmerston's 
coming  back,  but  I  do  not  think  he  will  be  able  to  do  so  if 
he  wishes  it,  and  even  those  Liberals  who  are  not  very  fond 
of  Palmerston  seem  to  be  indignant  at  a  Tory  party  holding 
office  with  an  immense  majority  against  them  in  the  House 
of  Commons.  It  is  certainly  a  question  whether  any  set  of 
men  have  a  right  under  any  circumstances  to  accept  office 
with  full  knowledge  that  there  is  a  majority  of  at  least  two  to 
one  against  them,  and  if  one  set  of  ministers  are  bound  to 
resign,  not  merely  on  finding  the  majority  against  them,  but 
upon  a  single  adverse  vote,  a  fortiori  must  another  set  be 
precluded  from  taking  office  without  the  power  of  command- 
ing the  assent  and  support  of  Parliament  upon  any  question 
whatever.  Sir  Francis  Baring  writes  to  John  Russell,  "  that 
the  existence  of  the  present  Ministry  is  contrary  to  Parlia- 
mentary Government,"  and  this  seems  to  be  the  general  sen- 
timent of  the  Liberal  party,  of  course  loudly  insisted  on  by 
those  who  expect  to  profit  by  ousting  them. 

March  llth. — My  mind  fluctuates  back  to  a  notion  that 
the  Government  will  be  able  to  maintain  themselves  for  some 
time.  Ellice  said  yesterday  that  he  for  one  would  not  join 
in  any  attempt  to  oust  them  till  he  saw  his  way  to  the  for- 
mation of  a  better  Government,  and  thinks  time  ought  to  be 
afforded  for  a  reunion  of  the  Liberal  party.  In  the  afternoon 
I  called  on  Disraeli,  and  found  him  rather  sanguine  about 
their  prospects.  He  said  they  should  settle,  in  fact  had  set- 
tled, the  French  question  "with  flying  colors."  He  sees  no 
difficulty  about  finance,  as  there  can  be  no  quarrels  on  the 
score  of  principles,  and  he  will  only  have  to  provide  for  the 
expenses  either  by  some  increased  taxation,  or  if  that  is  op- 
posed, by  a  loan,  and  he  does  not  think  the  Palmerstonians 
will  venture  to  refuse  the  supplies,  or  that  they  would  suc- 
ceed in  such  an  attempt.  His  Indian  Bill  he  thinks  will  be 
a  better  and  more  popular  measure,  and  he  knows  of  nothing 
else  but  the  chapter  of  accidents  on  which  they  will  have  any 
serious  difficulty. 

Afterward  I  fell  in  with  Charles  Villiers,  and  talked  over 
the  fall  of  the  Government,  which  he  attributed,  as  I  do,  to 
the  enormous  and  inconceivable  blunders  which  his  friends 


426  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

committed.  He  is  always  sensible,  unprejudiced,  and  the 
most  satisfactory  person  to  talk  to  I  am  acquainted  with. 
John  Russell  is  in  great  indignation  at  Disraeli's  speech  at 
his  election,  and  his  attributing  all  sorts  of  bad  motives  to 
the  Whigs  in  their  Reform  of  1831,  which  was  certainly  very 
imprudent  to  say  the  least  of  it,  for  in  his  condition  it  was 
most  desirable  for  him  to  avoid  giving  offence  to  any  of  the 
influential  people,  whose  hostility  may  be  very  dangerous  to 
him.  I  had  not  read  his  speech  when  I  saw  him,  or  I  should 
have  told  him  so. 

March  12th. — It  is  remarkable  how  completely  the  affairs 
at  home  have  superseded  the  interest  belonging  to  those  of 
India.  Nobody  seems  to  think  about  what  so  recently  ab- 
sorbed everyone's  thoughts  and  feelings.  This  is,  however, 
in  great  measure  owing  to  the  general  belief  that  the  great 
question  of  suppressing  the  rebellion  and  re-establishing  our 
rule  is  virtually  settled,  and  though  we  may  yet  have  a  great 
deal  of  trouble  and  even  difficulty,  all  serious  danger  is  at  an 
end,  and  that  we  are  as  secure  of  possessing  India  as  of  any 
of  our  colonies.  The  apprehensions  I  had  on  the  subject, 
and  which  I  have  expressed,  have  been  very  far  from  realized, 
and  those  who  took  more  sanguine  and  confident  views  of 
the  issue  of  the  contest  have  been  justified  by  the  event. 

March  \lth. — The  new  Government  is  looking  up.  On 
Monday  evening  Bernal  Osborne  attacked  Disraeli  in  his 
usual  style,  and  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  making  a  speech 
in  reply,  which  everybody  acknowledges  to  have  been  most 
able  and  successful.  Bernal  was  very  bad,  Palmerston  spoke 
feebly,  professed  moderate  intentions  toward  the  new  Gov- 
ernment, but  clearly  indicated  that  he  meant  to  take  office 
again  if  he  could.  His  speech  was  tamely  received,  and  fur- 
nished a  fresh  proof  of  the  loss  of  his  popularity  and  influ- 
ence. Last  night  again,  in  a  little  skirmish  between  Disraeli 
and  George  Lewis,  the  former  had  the  best  of  it.  Clanri- 
carde  having  had  the  egregious  folly  to  announce  to  the 
House  of  Lords  his  intention  to  make  "  a  personal  state- 
ment," in  which  he  was  unaccountably  supported  by  such 
men  as  George  Lewis  and  Lansdowne  among  others,  found 
out  that  everybody  thought  he  was  making  a  great  fool  of 
himself  and  withdrew  it,  but  his  colleagues  are  annoyed  at 
his  putting  himself  forward  to  ask  questions  of  Derby.  He 
sits  on  the  front  Opposition  bench  in  the  midst  of  his  late 
colleagues,  who  would  be  glad  to  be  rid  of  him,  particularly 


1853.]  A  VISIT  TO  THE  DUG  D'AUMALE.  427 

as  they  know  that  in  the  event  of  their  return  to  office  he 
would  be  left  out. 

March  20th. — I  went  on  Friday  with  M.  de  Jarnac  to 
Orleans  House  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Due  d'Aumale  and  see 
his  interesting  collection  of  books  and  pictures.  He  is  very 
courteous,  obliging,  and  intelligent,  and  the  Duchess  very 
civil  and  pleasing.  His  house  was  formerly  occupied  by  his 
father,  Louis  Philippe,  improved  and  enlarged  by  Lord  Kil- 
morev,  who  lived  there  with  Miss  Hoste,  and  bought  from 
him  by  the  Duke,  who  has  filled  it  full  of  objects  of  historical 
or  artistic  interest,  especially  of  memorials  of  the  great  Conde. 
The  family  portraits,  of  which  there  is  a  vast  collection,  are 
particulary  curious.  He  has  two  sons,  who  bear  the  fine 
titles  of  Prince  de  Conde  and  Due  de  Guise,  but  it  is  melan- 
choly to  contemplate  the  avenir  of  these  boys,  whose  high 
birth  is  their  misfortune,  and  to  whom  no  profession  or  occu- 
pation seems  open.  They  have  lost  their  own  country  by 
no  fault  of  their  own,  and  are  so  situated  that  they  cannot 
or  will  not  get  adopted  in  any  other.1  It  is  a  false  position  if 
ever  there  was  one.  The  family  appear  to  have  been  alarmed 
by  the  recent  events  in  France,  and  the  indirect  effect  which 
those  events  might  have  upon  them,  for  they  have  reason  to 
believe  that  they  are  exposed  to  a  constant  system  of  espion- 
nage  by  the  French  Government,  who  wish  very  much  to 
implicate  them  if  possible  in  some  of  the  plots  that  they  be- 
lieve to  be  constantly  going  on  here,  and  great  vigilance  on 
their  part  is  necessary  not  to  commit  themselves  in  any  way 
to  unknown  Frenchmen  who  approach  under  pretences  of 
attachment  to  their  family  or  to  make  appeals  to  their  charity. 

The  other  day  I  got  a  note  from  Lord  Derby  about  a 
Council,  at  the  end  of  which  he  earnestly  begged  me  if  I 
had  any  influence  with  the  "  Times  "  to  get  them  to  abstain 
from  writing  any  more  irritating  articles  about  France,  for 
that  these  articles  provoked  the  French  to  madness,  and,  as 
matters  are,  that  nothing  but  the  utmost  care  and  modera- 
tion on  both  sides  enabled  the  two  Governments  to  go  on 
in  harmony.  I  accordingly  sent  his  note  to  Delane,  who 
promised  to  attend  to  it,  though  it  was  hard  to  leave  the 
French  press  without  replies.  It  is  curious  that  I  should  be 

1  [Alas !  both  these  interesting  and  promisin?  young  Princes  were  cut  off  in 
early  life,  the  Prince  de  Conde'  dying  in  New  South  Wales,  at  the  outset  of  a 
journey  on  which  he  had  started  "under  the  most  auspicious  circumstances.  The 
Due  de  Guise,  then  the  sole  surviving  child  and  heir  of  the  Due  d'Aumale  also 
died  soon  after  the  return  of  the  Royal  Family  to  France  in  1871.] 


428  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CIIAP.  XVI. 

found  acting  a  friendly  part  toward  Derby's  Government, 
he  being  of  all  men  the  one  to  whom  I  have  felt  the  greatest 
political  repugnance  ;  but  I  am  now  so  free  from  all  political 
predilections,  and  regard  constant  changes  as  so  objection- 
able, that  I  wish  this  Government  to  be  fairly  tried,  espe- 
cially as  it  appears  to  me  quite  as  good  as  any  other  we 
are  likely  to  have  ;  disposed  to  work  hard  and  promote  good 
measures,  and  to  be  unable,  even  if  they  were  disposed,  to 
do  any  harm. 

I  fa'nd  a  disposition  to  carp  at  the  settlement  of  the  French 
quarrel,  though  without  any  good  reason.  Lord  Halmesbury's 
letter  might  have  been  better  composed,  and  more  showy, 
but  the  object  was  to  close  the  quarrel  in  a  manner  that 
would  satisfy  the  pride  and  allay  the  irritation  of  this  coun- 
try, without  being  so  exacting  toward  France  as  to  pique  her 
into  fresh  ebullitions  offensive  to  us,  and  this  has  been  done, 
though  it  cannot  be  said  with  truth  that  they  had  settled 
the  dispute  "with  flying  colors."  The  French  Government 
have  had  the  last  word,  and  exhibited  some  spleen,  which  is 
not  very  unnatural  considering  the  part  they  have  had  to 
play,  eating  humble  pie  and  retracting  almost  everything 
they  said. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  is  in  town,  having  been  urgently 
pressed  to  come  up  and  see  what  he  could  do  to  effect  a 
political  reconciliation  between  Lord  John  and  Palmerston, 
which  he  has  certainly  not  effected,  and  probably  will  fail  in 
effecting.  Lord  John  said  some  months  ago  that  he  never 
would  take  office  again  but  as  Premier,  but  what  the  Whigs 
want  is  that  he  should  join  them,  consent  to  co-operate  in 
ousting  Derby,  and  then  to  take  office  under  Palmerston  ; 
but  if  he  would  not  do  this  before  the  present  session  began, 
much  less  would  he  be  inclined  to  do  so  now.  He  knows 
very  well  that  they  are  only  trying  to  make  it  up  with  him, 
because  they  feel  that  they  cannot  do  without  him,  and  as 
they  still  prefer  Palmerston,  and  mean  to  stick  to  him,  and 
to  come  back  with  him  as  their  chief,  there  is  very  little 
chance  of  any  negotiation  being  brought  to  a  successful  issue. 
The  best  chance  of  the  Whigs  being  reunited  is,  that  the 
present  Government  should  take  sufficient  root,  and  stay  in 
office  long  enough  to  show  that  nothing  but  a  complete  rec- 
onciliation of  the  Liberals  of  all  shades  and  opinions  can 
drive  them  out,  and  for  this  time  is  required.  The  notion 
the  late  Government  cherished  of  being  able  to  turn  out 


1858.]  RECONCILIATION  OF  STATESMEN.  429 

their  opponents  in  a  very  brief  space  is  already  gone,  and 
they  find  that  the  majority  of  the  House  of  Commons  will 
be  no  party  to  such  an  overthrow. 

March  2Ist. — The  Duke  of  Bedford  has  just  been  here  ; 
he  has  been  occupied  with  vain  attempts  to  bring  about  the 
reconciliation  so  much  desired  by  his  political  friends,  but 
without  success  or  any  hope  of  it ;  he  finds  the  estrangement 
between  Palmerston  and  Lord  John  great  as  ever,  and  even 
between  Lord  John  and  Clarendon,  the  latter  complaining 
bitterly  that  Lord  John  "  went  out  of  his  way  to  insult  him," 
which  meant  that  in  his  speech  the  other  day  he  spoke 
civilly  of  Malmesbury,  saying  he  had  no  doubt  he  would  up- 
hold the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  country.  All  this  shows 
the  excessive  soreness  and  ill-humor  of  the  outgoing  party, 
and  though  Clarendon  expresses  the  most  unalloyed  satis- 
faction at  being  out  of  office,  it  proves  there  is  the  amari 
aliquid  to  detract  from  his  pleasure  at  being  free  ;  and  it  is 
not  unnatural  that  the  great  part  he  has  himself  had  in  bring- 
ing about  the  catastrophe  should  make  him  very  sore  and 
uneasy,  and  a  blow  has  been  given  to  his  reputation  the  ef- 
fects of  which  may  be  hereafter  serious. 

March  25th. — Marshal  Pelissier  is  going  to  replace  Per- 
signy  here  as  Ambassador,  a  strange  choice.  He  is  a  mili- 
tary ruffian,  who  knows  no  more  of  diplomacy  than  he  docs 
of  astronomy.  Persigny  goes  because  he  cannot  agree  with 
AValewski  ;  I  don't  know  the  details  of  his  dissatisfaction. 
His  departure  is  regretted,  as  he  is  believed  to  be  honest  and 
true,  and  sincerely  anxious  to  promote  a  good  understanding 
between  the  two  countries. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  has  just  been  here  ;  he  came  from 
Lord  Aberdeen,  who  tells  him  the  Peelites  are  all  verging 
toward  a  union  with  Lord  John,  seme  more,  some  less; 
Graham  is  devoted  to  him,  Sidney  Herbert  and  Card  well  per- 
fectly well  disposed,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  gradually  be- 
coming so,  and  Gladstone  at  present  the  least  friendly,  but 
Aberdeen  thinks  is  getting  more  friendly,  and  will  eventually 
join  his  standard,  and  Aberdeen  himself  is  doing  all  he  can 
to  bring  about  this  union.  He  is  going  to  speak  to  the 
Queen  about  it,  with  a  view  of  reconciling  her  to  Lord  John 
without  knowing  how  necessary  it  is.  The  Duke  said  he 
rather  doubted  the  expediency  of  Aberdeen's  speaking  to 
Her  Majesty,  but  I  told  him  it  was  better  he  should,  and 
very  necessary  to  take  all  means  to  remove  her  feeling 


430  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

against  Lord  John.  I  also  told  him  what  had  passed 
between  the  Queen  and  Clarendon,  and  how  he  had  endeav- 
ored to  persuade  Her  Majesty  that  it  would  be  impossible 
for  himself  to  be  Prime  Minister,  and  that  if  Palmerston 
failed  from  any  cause,  her  only  course  would  be  to  send 
for  Lord  John,  and  to  do  so  frankly  and  graciously.  I 
begged  him  to  let  Lord  John  know  this,  as  it  was  so  desira- 
ble to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between  them,  which 
this  fact  would  be  calculated  to  promote.  The  Duke  owned 
it  was  very  handsome  conduct  on  the  part  of  Clarendon,  as 
it  is  indeed  on  the  part  of  Aberdeen,  after  all  that  Lord  John 
did  in  breaking  up  his  Government ;  but  Aberdeen  is  a 
gentleman  and  a  patriot,  sincerely  attached  to  the  Queen, 
and  to  the  best  interests  of  the  country,  and  while  he  has 
retired  altogether  from  public  life  and  the  turmoil  of  politics, 
he  is  anxious  still  to  exercise  the  great  moral  influence  which 
he  possesses  to  advance  the  public  interests  according  to  the 
dictates  of  his  judgment  and  his  conscience. 

Hatch  ford,  March  30th. — On  Friday  last  Disraeli  brought 
on  the  Government  India  Bill,  which  Ellenborough  told 
some  of  his  friends  would  be  "  a  great  success,"  and  which 
everybody  expected  would  be  an  improvement  on  Palmer- 
ston's.  Never  was  there  a  greater  failure ;  the  bill  was 
received  with  general  aversion  and  contempt.  The  Radicals, 
who  want  to  keep  the  Government  in  for  the  present, 
could  not  stomach  it,  Roebuck  pronounced  it  a  sham,  and 
Bright,  who  detests  Palmerston,  said  he  preferred  his  bill  of 
the  two.  It  is  evidently  impossible  that  this  bill  can  pass, 
and  everybody  sees  what'  a  fix  it  places  public  affairs  in,  and 
what  difficulties  and  uncertainties  present  themselves  on  all 
sides.  The  only  people  who  are  pleased  are  the  Palmer- 
stonians.  They  think  that  when  this  bill  has  been  rejected 
or  withdrawn  theirs  will  pass,  and  this  will,  ex  necessitate, 
compel  Derby  to  retire  and  open  the  way  to  Palmerston's 
return  to  office.  They  are  therefore  chuckling  over  the 
dilemma,  but  it  may  be  without  its  leading  to  the  realization 
of  their  hopes.  There  are" a  great  many  men  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  Peelites  or  Radicals  principally,  but  also  some 
others,  who  cannot  endure  the  notion  of  Palmerston's  coming 
back,  and  who  will  oppose  his  bill,  after  the  other  has  been 
swept  away,  merely  to  prevent  his  return.  What  the  Radi- 
cals would  like  is  that  both  bills  should  be  referred  to  a 
Select  Committee,  and  a  third  bill  be  concocted  out  of  the 


1858.]  MR.   DISRAELI'S  INDIA  BILL.  431 

two  ;  but  this  scheme  would  not  be  likely  to  meet  with  gen- 
eral approbation,  for  it  would  be  in  fact  a  delegation  of  the 
proper  functions  of  government  to  the  House  of  Commons. 
It  appears  not  unlikely  that  both  bills  will  fail  and  that  no 
measure  at  all  will  pass  this  year.  The  Government  people 
are  extremely  dejected  at  the  state  of  affairs,  but  it  is  said 
they  do  not  mean  to  resign  upon  the  defeat  of  their  bill. 

Meanwhile  John  Russell  has  made  a  sort  of  overture  to 
Granville,  i.  e.,  he  sent  George  Byng  to  him  on  Sunday  to 
invite  him  to  say  what  he  thought  would  be  the  most 
eligible  course  to  adopt  in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  and 
with  reference  to  the  Government  bill.  This  was  not  very 
judicious  on  his  part,  and  Granville  was  an  odd  man  to  se- 
lect, being  in  a  different  House  of  Parliament,  and  so  bound 
to  Palmerston  that  he  could  not  avoid  communicating  to 
him  the  overture  and  his  reply  to  it.  George  Byng  says 
Granville  appeared  a  good  deal  surprised,  but  he  thought 
rather  pleased.  Granville  said  he  could  give  no  immediate 
answer,  but  would  write  to  him,  which  he  did  the  next  day, 
and  told  him  George  Lewis  would  go  down  to  Pembroke 
Lodge  to  see  Lord  John.  I  have  no  idea  that  anything  will 
come  of  this,  for  none  of  the  late  Cabinet  can  or  will  trans- 
fer their  allegiance  from  Palmerston  to  Lord  John,  unless 
the  former  consents  to  it,  and  abdicates  his  position  of  chief 
of  the  Whig  party,  which  he  seems  to  have  no  thoughts  of 
doing,  and  it  is  impossible  to  conciliate  their  rival  claims 
and  pretensions. 

April  2d. — A  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Bedford  this  morn- 
ing says  that  Lord  John  is  inclined  to  throw  out  the  India 
Bill,  as  it  is  too  bad  to  admit  of  any  improvement,  and  that 
he  thinks  if  he  does  this  Palmerston  will  support  him  ;  but 
the  Duke  adds  that  ifc  is  rumored  that  the  Government  will 
not  go  out  if  their  bill  is  defeated.  It  is  easy  to  understand 
that  Palmerston  can  desire  nothing  so  much  as  that  Lord 
John  should  take  the  lead  in  opposing  the  India  Bill,  and 
that  he  should  support  him,  because  in  that  case,  and  the 
defeat  of  the  bill  by  a  large  majority,  which  probably  would 
happen,  and  the  Government  going  out,  he  would  infallibly 
be  sent  for  again,  and  in  reforming  his  Government  he  would 
no  doubt  invite  Lord  John  to  join  it,  but  this  would  only 
lead  to  a  fresh  series  of  difficulties,  and  most  likely  to  a  long 
course  of  abortive  negotiations.  How  the  junction  between 
the  two  leaders  is  to  be  effected  it  is  difficult  to  conceive,  al- 


432  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [Ciur.  XVI. 

though  there  are  several  ways  in  which  it  might  be  brought 
about,  if  they  were  disposed  to  make  mutual  concessions. 
The  starting  point  might  be  the  complete  union  of  the  whole 
Whig  and  Liberal  party,  which  all  profess  to  desire  most 
anxiously,  and  which  the  mutual  antipathies  and  disagree- 
ments of  the  two  leaders  at  present  prevent.  If  Palmerston 
would  consent  to  go  to  the  House  of  Lords  as  Premier,  and 
to  leave  Lord  John  with  a  high  office  (India,  for  example)  as 
leader  in  the  House  of  Commons,  something  might  be  done. 
Lord  John  might  possibly  be  induced  to  cede  his  claim  to 
the  highest  place  on  this  condition,  but  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  he  would  require  more  than  that :  first,  that  Clarendon 
should  not  be  at  the  Foreign  Office,  which  Palmerston  would 
no  doubt  not  agree  to  ;  and  secondly,  certain  places  and  seats 
in  the  Cabinet  for  the  Peelites,  who  have  recently  consented 
to  follow  his  standard  and  cast  their  own  lots  with  his.  Then 
various  complications  present  themselves  connected  with 
these  questions. 

April  4:th. — The  Duke  of  Bedford  has  written  to  Lady 
Derby  that  her  lord  must  make  up  his  mind  to  be  beaten  on 
his  India  Bill,  but  that  he  hopes  he  will  not  think  it  neces- 
sary to  resign  upon  it  when  he  is.  Brougham  writes  from 
Paris  that  the  feeling  against  us  there  has  been  greatly  exag- 
gerated, that  the  Emperor  alone  is  friendly  to  us,  but  that 
though  the  general  sentiment  is  unfriendly,  nobody  dreams 
of  going  to  war  with  us,  nor  indeed  with  any  other  Power. 

April  8th. — Derby  made  a  striking  speech  at  the  Mansion 
House  the  other  night,  which  has  been  severely  ridiculed  by 
the  "Times,"  but  which  nevertheless  contained  a  good  deal 
of  truth.  He  said  that  there  were  very  few  questions  nowa- 
days in  which  different  Governments  could  act  differently, 
and  he  invited  not  only  every  sort  of  criticism,  but  of  sug- 
gestion, as  to  the  Indian  Bills  and  measures  now  before  Par- 
liament. The  inference  deducible  from  his  speech  (and  in 
which  I  have  since  been  confirmed)  is  that,  happen  what 
may,  he  does  not  mean  to  resign,  and  that  the  Government 
will  not  go  out,  unless  they  are  positively  turned  out.  They 
say  this  unlucky  India  Bill  was  the  sole  work  of  Ellen- 
borough,  and  that  the  democratic  clauses  are  the  result  of  an 
old  fancy  of  his,  but  nobody  can  be  desirous  of  admitting 
the  paternity  of  such  a  measure. 

April  IGth. — I  have  been  confined  to  .the  house  for 
several  days,  and  unable  to  mix  in  the  world  and  hear 


1858.]  LORD   JOHN   RUSSELL'S  RESOLUTIONS.  433 

what  is  going  on,  but  have  seen  enough  to  know  that  there 
is  nothing  but  confusion,  perplexity,  and  irritation  in  the 
political  world.  During  the  brief  recess  everybody  was 
speculating  about  what  would  be  done  when  Parliament  met 
again,  what  was  to  be  the  fate  of  the  rival  India  Bills,  and 
how  far  the  Government  would  be  affected  by  the  result  of 
contests  concerning  them.  The  Government  hangers-on 
affected  to  be  very  well  satisfied  with  the  state  of  affairs,  and 
proclaimed  their  intention  not  to  go  out  whatever  might 
happen  with  regard  to  their  bills.  The  Palmerstonians  evi- 
dently expected  that  such  storms  would  arise  as  the  Govern- 
ment would  not  be  able  to  weather,  and  that  something 
would  turn  up  advantageous  to  them.  John  Russell,  who 
must  be  doing  something,  said  that  the  Government  bill 
was  so  bad  that  no  alterations  could  make  it  tolerable,  and 
that  he  was  disposed  to  move  some  Resolutions,  which 
might  be  the  foundation  of  a  really  good  measure.  He  con- 
cocted these  Resolutions,  and  wrote  word  to  the  Duke  that 
"  he  had  written  to  George  Lewis  and  to  Macaulay,  who 
both  approved  of  his  scheme."  Accordingly,  as  soon  as 
Parliament  met  he  announced  that  Resolutions  ought  to  be 
drawn  up,  and  that  he  was  read}'  to  draw  them  up.  This 
produced  great  excitement.  The  Government  saw  in  this 
move  a  plank  of  safety  for  themselves,  and  Disraeli  said  he 
was  ready  to  receive  Lord  John's  Resolutions,  or  to  draw  up 
Resolutions  of  his  own  ;  many  people  said  that  if  Resolutions 
were  to  be  drawn  up  at  all,  it  ought  to  be  by  Government, 
and  not  by  any  independent  member,  and  it  was  eventually 
settled  that  Disraeli  was  to  do  it.  Everybody  saw  that  this, 
as  far  as  it  went,  was  advantageous  to  the  Government ;  it 
gave  them  certainly  a  reprieve,  and  possibly  an  opportunity 
of  ridding  themselves  of  the  Indian  difficulty  altogether  for 
this  year,  and  the  consequence  was  a  burst  of  indignation 
and  resentment  against  Lord  John  for  thus  coming  to  their 
aid  as  it  was  called,  and  concerting  such  a  measure  (as  he 
was  accused  of  doing)  with  Disraeli  himself.  The  "  Times  " 
attacked  him  with  the  utmost  bitterness,  and  there  is  a  gen- 
eral clamor  against  him  on  the  part  of  the  late  Government 
and  their  friends.  It  is  not  very  easy  to  divine  his  true  mo- 
tives in  this  matter.  To  judge  by  the  asperity  with  which 
he  has  spoken  of  the  Government  bill,  one  should  not  sup- 
pose he  could  be  moved  by  any  auxiliary  purpose  to  them, 
and  I  do  not  believe  there  has  been  any  concert,  direct  or 

19 


434  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVL 

indirect,  between  them ;  but  as  all  parties  agree  that  the 
Government  have  derived  advantage  from  his  move,  the  rage 
he  has  excited  is  not  unreasonable,  and  the  breach  between 
him  and  the  Palmerstonian  Whigs  is  much  widened,  and 
become  more  difficult  to  heal.  Granville,  who  I  suppose 
speaks  the  sentiments  of  his  colleagues,  says  that  it  is  evi- 
dent they  could  not  return  to  office  with  the  same  Govern- 
ment exactly  as  before,  and  that  it  is  not  desirable  to  turn 
the  Government  out  at  present,  even  if  they  could,  and  he 
thinks  it  would  not  be  wise  to  attempt  to  carry  Palmerston's 
India  Bill,  in  which  it  is  not  sure  they  should  succeed.  He 
thinks  there  was  concert  between  Lord  John  and  Disraeli, 
not  direct,  but  through  Horsman,  and  he  says  that  George 
Lewis,  so  far  from  approving  his  Resolutions,  strongly  pro- 
tested against  them  ;  but  it  is  not  impossible  to  reconcile 
two  statements  which  seem  at  first  sight  to  be  directly  op- 
posed to  each  other.  Lord  John  says  he  imparted  to  George 
Lewis  and  Macaulay  his  scheme  (i.  e.  of  drawing  up  Resolu- 
tions), not  the  Resolutions  themselves,  while  George  Lewis 
seems  to  deny  approval  of  the 'Resolutions  ;  but  this  is  only 
a  possible  solution  of  the  apparent  contradictions. 

I  told  Granville  that  all  that  was  now  happening  only 
served  to  confirm  my  original  opinion,  that  they  were  wrong 
in  resigning,  and  that  there  was  no  occasion  for  their  doing 
so,  and  they  now  saw  how  difficult  it  was,  when  they  had  let 
this  Government  in,  to  get  them  out  again,  and  he  not  only 
had  not  a  word  to  say  in  reply,  but  all  he  did  was  rather 
indicative  of  concurrence  in  my  opinion.  In  the  most  palmy 
days  of  party  government,  .and  when  the  old  traditions  with 
regard  to  the  relations  of  Government  with  the  House  of 
Commons  were  in  full  force,  it  was  not  considered  as  an  in- 
variable and  unavoidable  necessity  that  a  Government  when 
beaten  on  an  important  question  must  go  out.  I  recollect 
the  Government  of  the  day  in  1815  being  beaten  on  the  In- 
come Tax,  without  therefore  resigning,  and  it  is  so  obvious 
that  the  vote  on  the  French  despatch  did  not  imply  any 
general  withdrawal  of  confidence  and  support,  that  1  never 
shall  believe  they  would  have  resigned  as  they  did  unless 
they  had  thought  they  should  gain  more  strength  and  power 
by  doing  so  without  losing  their  places,  and  consequently 
that  they  were  caught  in  a  trap  of  their  own  setting. 

April  2Wi. — The  events  of  the  past  week  have  been 
Disraeli's  Budget,  which  has  been  received  with  favor  and 


1858.]  THE   DUKE   OF  BEDFORD'S  VIEWS.  435 

excited  no  opposition  in  any  quarter,  and  the  withdrawal  of 
the  Government  India  Bill,  which  was  done  by  Disraeli, 
rather  unwillingly  ;  but  their  maxim  seems  to  be  "anything 
for  u  quiet  life,"  and  they  agree  to  whatever  is  proposed  or 
opposed  in  any  influential  quarter.  The  general  notion  is 
that  they  are  safe  for  this  session,  but  it  is  a  very  inglorious 
safety.  It  now  appears  as  if  they  would  scramble  and  hobble 
on  until  the  whole  Liberal  party  is  reunited,  and  a  recon- 
ciliation effected  between  Palmerston  and  John  Russell,  to 
bring  about  which  it  is  clear  that  much  exertion  is  being 
made. 

While  I  was  at  Newmarket  this  week  I  had  several 
letters  from  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  all  bearing  upon  this 
matter.  He  writes  on  the  16th  :  "  I  hear  that  the  feeling 
against  John  has  been  very  strong  and  that  lies  have  been 
told  as  usual.  It  is  said  that  he  has  been  in  communication 
with  Derby  indirectly,  through  Lady  Derby,  and  that  he 
wrote  to  Disraeli.  If  he  did,  it  was  only  on  a  matter  of 
ordinary  courtesy,  to  ask  him  to  postpone  the  second  read- 
ing of  the  India  Bill,  to  give  time  for  a  different  course 
which  he  intended  to  suggest  and  did  the  first  day  the 
House  met.  John  has  been  left  by  circumstances  or  by  his 
old  colleagues  to  pursue  his  own  independent  course,  and 
ought  not  to  be  found  fault  with,  if  he  pursued  that  course, 
as  he  did  in  this  instance,  after  conferring  with  the  friends 
I  named  to  you,  and  receiving  their  approval.  No  doubt  his 
move  was  very  successful  to  the  Government,  and  helped 
them  out  of  an  enormous  difficulty,  but  I  can  see  no  harm  in 
that."  There  was  a  great  deal  more  about  the  communica- 
tions between  Lord  John  and  George  Lewis,  which  now  only 
signifies  as  demonstrating  the  extreme  difficulty  of  getting 
at  the  truth.  It  is  evident  that  there  is  a  great  desire  on 
the  part  of  the  Whigs  to  bring  about  a  reunion  with  Lord 
John  and  those  who  follow  him,  in  order  to  get  the  Govern- 
ment out,  for  which  the  rank  and  file  are  getting  more  and 
more  impatient.  Lewis  told  me  last  night  that  they  are 
holding  constant  Cabinets,  which  always  ended  with  the 
same  resolution,  not  to  do  anything,  or  to  make  any  serious 
attack  ;  and  they  have  made  up  their  minds  to  acquiesce  in 
Derby's  going  on  through  this  session;  but  nothing  can  ex- 
ceed the  contempt  and  aversion  with  which  Lewis  speaks  of 
the  Government  and  of  all  their  proceedings,  certainly  not 
without  reason,  for  there  is  no  example  of  any  Government 


436  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

consenting  to  hold  office  on  terms  so  humiliating,  and  to 
such  a  powerless  existence.  They  dare  not  originate  any- 
thing, and  they  submit  to  everything  that  anybody  proposes 
or  suggests,  having  seemingly  no  object  but  that  of  currying 
favor,  and  avoiding  to  give  offence.  The  way  in  which 
Disraeli  withdrew  his  India  Bill  upon  a  few  words  spoken 
by  John  Kussell  is  a  curious  exemplification  of  their  forlorn 
state. 

Lord  Cowley,  whom  I  saw  yesterday,  is  desirous,  like 
everybody  else,  to  see  the  end  of  this  feeble  rule  ;  but  he 
thinks  Palmerston's  disposition  is  very  unbending,  and 
doubts  his  and  Lord  John's  being  brought  together,  not- 
withstanding that  Lady  Palmerston  tells  the  Duke  of 
Bedford  that  Palmerston  "has  a  great  affection  for  John." 
Cowley  talked  a  great  deal  about  French  affairs  and  the 
state  of  things  between  the  two  countries,  and  he  expressed 
great  apprehensions  lest  Malmesbury  should  make  to  many 
concessions  to  the  French  Government,1  which,  however,  he 
meant  to  prevent  if  he  could.  He  mentioned  one  or  two 
odd  things.  First  of  all  he  told  me  that  he  had  foreseen  all 
the  effects  produced  by  the  Waleswski  letter,  and  had  done 
all  he  could  to  prevent  its  being  sent,  and  he  was  amazed  at 
Clarendon  having  taken  it  so  quietly,  and  that  he  should 
have  seen  no  impropriety  or  danger  in  it,  but  on  the  contrary 
thought  it  would  do  good.  Then  with  regard  to  Walewski's 
other  letter  in  reply  to  Malmesbury,  which,  objectionable 
a3  it  was,  had  been  greatly  softened  from  the  original  draft, 
had  it  been  despatched  as  at  first  composed  by  Walewski,  he 
said  it  would  have  raised  an  inextinguishable  flame  here. 
Cowley  said  that  the  Emperor's  nerves  were  shaken  to  pieces 
by  the  attentat,  and  he  was  greatly  changed. 

April  29th. — Every  day  the  position  of  the  Government 
gets  worse  and  worse.  The  disposition  there  was  to  give 
them  a  fair  opportunity  of  carrying  on  public  affairs  as  well 
as  they  could  has  given  way  to  disgust  and  contempt  at 
their  blundering  and  stupidity,  and  those  who  have  all  along 
resented  their  attempt  to  hold  office  at  all  are  becoming 
more  impatient  and  more  anxious  to  turn  them  out.  There 

1  [The  publication  of  Lord  Malmesbury's  autobiography  has  proved  that  ho 
•was  not  at  all  disposed  to  make  any  undue  concessions  to  "the  French  Govern- 
ment, and  that  he  acted  aa  long  as  this  Administration  lasted  in  strict  union 
with  Lord  Cowley.  The  Emperor  Napoleon  complained  that  his  old  friend  as- 
sumed too  stern  an  attitude  toward  France  in  the  course  of  the  events  which  fol- 
lowed in  the  next  few  months  and  led  to  the  Italian  War.] 


1858.]  GLADSTONE   ATTACKS  PALMERSTOX.  437 

is  a  very  temperate,  but  very  just,  article  in  the  "  Times  "  to- 
day, which  contains  all  that  is  to  be  said  on  the  subject, 
stated  without  bitterness  or  exaggeration.  The  Whigs,  how- 
ever, seem  aware  that  it  is  not  expedient  to  push  matters  to 
extremity,  and  to  force  their  resignation,  until  the  quarrels 
of  the  Liberal  party  are  made  up,  and  till  Palmerston  and 
John  Russell  are  brought  together  and  prepared  to  join  in 
taking  office,  and  to  effect  this  object  the  most  strenuous 
efforts  are  making.  What  the  pacificators  aim  at  is,  that 
Palmerston  should  go  as  Premier  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
leave  Lord  John  to  lead  the  House  of  Commons.  This  is 
the  most  reasonable  compromise,  and  one  which  ought  to 
be  satisfactory  to  both ;  but  even  if  this  leading  condition 
were  agreed  to,  it  is  not  certain  that  there  might  not  be 
others  presenting  great  obstacles  to  the  union,  such  as 
whether  Lord  John  would  agree  to  join  without  bringing  a 
certain  number  of  men  with  him,  and  whether  Palmerston 
would  consent  to  exclude  so  many  of  his  former  Cabinet  to 
make  room  for  them.  Graham,  Lord  John  would,  I  sup- 
pose, certainly  insist  upon  ;  Gladstone  would  probably  be  no 
party  to  any  arrangement,  and  he  has  recently  evinced  his 
extreme  antipathy  to  Palmerston  by  a  bitter  though  able 
review  in  the  "Quarterly"  on  France  and  the  late  Ministry, 
in  which  he  attacks  Palmerston  with  extraordinary  asperity. 

Ever  since  he  resigned  Palmerston  has  been  very  active 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  kept  himself  constantly  be- 
fore the  public,  evidently  with  the  object  of  recovering  his 
former  popularity  as  much  as  possible,  and  he  made  a  very 
clever  and  lively  speech  two  nights  ago,  which  his  friends 
praise  up  to  the  skies. 

I  met  Derby  in  the  Park  yesterday,  and  soon  after  the 
Chancellor  in  Piccadilly,  and  had  some  talk  with  both  of 
them.  They  were  neither  of  them  in  a  very  sanguine  mood, 
and  apparently  well  aware  of  the  precariousness  of  their 
position.  Derby  attributed  the  state  of  affairs,  which  he 
owned  was  very  bad,  to.  the  caprice  and  perverseness  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  which  he  said  was  unmanageable.  I 
did  not,  as  I  might  have  done,  tell  him  that  he  had  no  right 
to  complain  of  this  House,  and  that  it  was  the  mismanage- 
ment of  his  own  colleagues  which  was  the  cause  of  the  evil. 
Lyndhurst  made  an  extraordinary  speech  on  the  Jew  Bill  on 
Tuesday  night. 

May  1st. — Ellice  flattered  himself  that  he  could  get  up  a 


438  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

party  in  the  House  of  Commons  which  would  have  power 
enough  to  stop  the  progress  of  the  Indian  measure,  and  to 
lead  to  a  better  measure  next  year,  as  well  as  to  the  forma- 
tion of  a  Government ;  and  in  pursuance  of  this  scheme  it 
was  arranged  that  Lord  Harry  Vane  should  move  the  post- 
ponement of  Indian  legislation,  and  Ellice  told  me  they 
should  be  supported  by  150,  and  many  men  of  note.  All 
this  went  off  in  smoke  last  night.  After  a  short  debate  the 
motion  was  rejected  by  an  immense  majority,  and  Ellice 
could  only  muster  55  people. 

The  hopes  of  those  who  are  trying  to  bring  Lord  John 
and  Palmerston  together  are  damped  by  a  letter  I  have 
received  (and  shown  to  George  Byng)  from  the  Duke  of 
Bedford,  who  says  :  "I  saw  much  of  Palmerston  and  Lady 
Palmerston  last  week,  but  could  see  no  disposition  to  reunion, 
although  we  came  to  that  point  more  than  once.  I  suggested 
to  Lady  Palmerston  the  wish  of  many  that  Palmerston  should 
go  to  the  House  of  Lords.  She  said  that  Palmerston  had 
always  entertained  a  great  dislike  to  it,  and  hinted,  or  more 
than  hinted,  that  he  would  place  no  confidence  in  John  as 
leader  of  the  House  of  Commons."  I  went  to  hear  Professor 
Owen  lecture  yesterday.  His  style  of  lecturing  is  very  good, 
but  the  subject  (vertebrated  animals)  was  too  scientific  for 
my  ignorance. 

Savcrnake,  May  Ilfh. — I  have  been  out  of  town  all  the 
last  week,  at  Chester,  and  came  here  on  Saturday.  While  I 
was  at  Chester  the  Duke  of  Bedford  sent  me  a  note  he  had 
received  from  Lord  John,  which  looked  like  the  beginning 
of  a  rapprochement  between  him  and  Palmerston,  though  it 
did  not  amount  to  a  great  deal,  and  may  lead  to  nothing.  I 
was  obliged  to  return  it,  and  was  too  much  occupied  to  copy 
the  contents  of  it  here.  I  refer  so  often  to  this  subject,  be- 
cause it  appears  to  be  the  one  upon  which  the  existence  of 
the  present  Government  depends,  for  as  soon  as  the  Liberals 
can  come  to  an  understanding  and  act  in  concert,  the  doom 
of  the  Ministry  will  be  sealed.  Without  their  committing 
any  great  faults  they  seem  to  be  falling  into  greater  con- 
tempt every  day. 

The  only  point  of  attack  the  Opposition  have  found  has 
been  the  affair  of  Canning's  recent  proclamation.1  Canning 

1  [The  Proclamation  of  March  3,  addressed  to  the  chiefs  and  people  of  Oude, 
is  here  referred  to.  It  was  strongly  opposed  and  attacked  as  a  wholesale  meas- 
ure of  confiscation,  before  the  motives  and  policy  of  the  act  were  understood; 


1338.]  LITTLECOTE  HOUSE.  439 

has  not  been  lucky  in  his  Proclamations,  the  first  having 
been  severely  criticised  for  its  clemency,  and  the  second  for 
its  severity.  The  complaint  against  the  Government  is  for 
having  made  public  their  disapproval  of  it  and  their  censure 
of  his  acts.  I  think  their  disapprobation  quite  right,  and 
that  they  were  right  in  conveying  it  to  Canning,  but  they 
might  have  refused  to  express  any  opinion  or  to  publish  or 
half  publish  any  of  the  correspondence  that  passed,  though 
it  cannot  be  doubted  that  such  refusal  would  have  drawn 
upon  them  all  sorts  of  attacks  and  reproaches,  but  it  would 
have  been  the  proper  course  for  them  to  adopt.  It  is,  how- 
ever, certainly  premature  to  express  any  definite  opinion  upon 
an  act  of  which  we  are  not  yet  furnished  with  an  explana- 
tion. 

I  went  yesterday  to  see  Littlecote  House,  Mr.  Popham's, 
a  very  curious,  interesting  old  house,  and  the  scene  of  the 
Wild  Dayrell  story  and  murder,  the  tradition  of  which  has 
been  often  narrated,  but  the  truth  never  ascertained.  I  saw 
all  the  rooms,  including  the  one  in  which  the  murder  is 
supposed  to  have  been  committed,  but  they  have  been  much 
altered.  There  is  a  fine  old  hall,  hung  round  with  the 
armor  and  buff  coats  of  Colonel  Popham's  troopers,  and  it 
is  a  remarkable  fact  that  they  are  all  so  small  that  no  man 
of  ordinary  size  could  wear  them,  a  clear  proof  that  the 
present  generation  are  much  bigger  than  our  ancestors  of 
two  centuries  ago.  King  William  III.  slept  at  Littlecote 
for  two  or  three  nights  in  1689  (while  King  James  was  at 
Salisbury),  and  he  seems  to  have  left  behind  him  a  good  many 
papers,  which  have  ever  since  been  preserved  in  the  house. 
There  is  also  a  large  collection  of  miscellaneous  letters  of  the 
time  of  the  Civil  War,  more  or  less  curious,  which  were  pre- 
served by  a  lucky  accident.  Popham  told  me  that  his  father 
told  him  there  was  a  mass  of  papers  in  an  old  box  under  the 
roof  of  the  house  which  had  better  be  destroyed.  His  son 
went  up  for  the  purpose,  and  discovered  the  contents  of  the 
box,  saved  the  papers,  and  had  them  arranged  in  a  book.  I 
urged  him  to  publish  them,  and  I  hope  he  will.  I  had  only 
time  to  look  over  a  few  of  them  ;  as  autographs  alone  they  are 
valuable.1 

but  Lord  Canning's  object  was  to  reinstate  the  talookdars  in  their  possessions 
by  a  tenure  under  the  British  Crown,  and  subsequent  events  have  shown  that 
the  resettlement  of  the  conquered  province  was  accomplished  without  violence 
or  injustice.] 

1  [Among  these  Littlecote  papers  was  found  the  correspondence  of  Queen 


440  REIGX  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

London,  May  13th. — Nothing  ever  was  like  the  state  of 
confusion  and  excitement  which  has  prevailed  here  during 
the  last  fortnight,  while  I  have  been  out  of  town,  particularly 
on  the  resignation  of  Ellenborough,  which  took  everybody  by 
surprise.  Before  I  went  away  the  impression  had  become 
general  that  this  Government  neither  could  nor  ought  to  be 
endured  much  longer,  and  that  their  repeated  and  enormous 
blunders  made  them  a  nuisance  which  must  be  abated.  All 
the  Liberals  (except  some  of  the  extreme  Radicals  who 
wished  them  to  stay  on  some  time  longer),  however  they  dif- 
fered on  other  questions,  were  agreed  on  this.  Numerous 
meetings  took  place,  and  there  was  a  prodigious  activity  of 
negotiation,  communication,  and  going  backward  and  for- 
ward, with  a  view  to  some  general  organization  and  com- 
bination of  attack  on  the  unfortunate  Ministry.  The  Duke 
of  Bedford  was  brought  up  to  see  what  he  could  do  to  bring 
Lord  John  and  Palmerston  together.  Lord  John  joined 
heartily  in  the  plan  of  turning  the  Government  out,  and  said 
that  anything  was  preferable  to  leaving  them  any  longer  in 
office.  Clarendon,  who  had  been  informed  of  Lord  John's 
peculiar  grudge  against  him,  expressed  a  wish  to  have  an  in- 
terview with  him,  which  the  Duke  brought  about.  Lord 
John  called  on  Clarendon,  and  they  had  a  frank  communica- 
tion, so  far  as  Lord  John  telling  him  all  that  he  thought 
about  foreign  affairs,  and  in  what  he  disagreed  with  the  late 
Government  on  various  questions ;  but  he  did  not  allude  to 
Vienna,  which  is  the  real  gist  of  his  grievance  and  the  source 
of  his  hostile  feeling,  so  that  with  that  reticence  it  is  not 
strange  that  they  should  have  parted  much  as  they  met. 
Then  Palmerston  expressed  a  wish  to  have  a  tete-a-tete  con- 
versation with  Lord  John,  which  the  latter  assented  to, 
but  Palmerston  seems  to  have  changed  his  mind,  and  to 
have  shrunk  from  it  when  the  opportunity  presented  itself. 
Charles  Wood  is  the  man  who  has  been  constantly  communi- 
cating with  Lord  John  in  behalf  of  the  Whig  Cabinet,  and 
one  day  Palmerston  came  into  Charles  Wood's  while  Lord 
John  was  there.  It  rained,  and  Palmerston  offered  to  take 
Lord  John  home,  which  he  accepted,  but  nothing  passed  on 
the  way,  nor  did  Palmerston  propose  to  get  out  and  enter 
the  house  when  he  might  have  had  the  conversation  he  had 
expressed  a  wish  for,  and  so  it  ended.  The  plans  imagined 

Henrietta  Maria  with  Charles  I.  when  she  went  to  Holland  to  raise  money  for 
carrying  on  the  Civil  War.     I  am  not  aware  that  they  have  been  published.] 


1858.]  LORD  LYNDHURST  DISPLEASED.  441 

by  mutual  friends  for  effecting  a  political  reconciliation  have 
vanished  into  air.  Palmerston  is  resolved  not  to  go  to  the 
House  of  Lords,  and  Lord  John  is  equally  determined  not 
to  take  office  under  him.  Palmerston  says  he  cannot  trust 
Lord  John  to  lead  the  House  of  Commons.  Personally, 
meanwhile,  they  are  ostensibly  friends,  and  Lord  John  dines 
at  Cambridge  House  to-morro\v.  Charles  Wood  asked  the 
Duke  of  Bedford,  supposing  the  Government  resigned,  and 
Palmerston  was  again  sent  for,  what  he  thought  Palmerston 
ought  to  do,  to  which  he  replied  that  he  ought  to  accept  the 
task,  send  to  Lord  John,  and  on  his  refusal  to  join  (as  he 
probably  would),  to  do  the  best  he  could  with  the  materials 
he  could  command.  This  advice  would,  I  conceive,  be  very 
palateable  to  Palmerston,  and  it  is  what  he  would  naturally 
do  without  any  advice. 

I  called  on  Lyndhurst  the  night  I  came  to  town,  and 
found  him  very  dissatisfied  with  the  Government,  both  on 
account  of  their  management  and  errors,  and  because  they 
have  treated  him  with  personal  neglect ;  he  had  begged 
Derby  and  Disraeli  to  do  something  for  his  son-in-law,  but 
both  put  him  off  with  excuses,  and  would  do  nothing.  He 
is  particularly  disgusted  with  the  state  of  the  Jew  question 
and  with  the  foolish  and  obstinate  conduct  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  the  House  of  Lords  about  it,  on  which  he  was  very 
eloquent,  particularly  for  their  having  made  a  great  whip, 
and  getting  up  every  man  they  could  lay  hands  on  to  come 
and  vote,  instead  of  leaving  it  to  take  its  chance,  and  at  least 
making  an  open  question  of  it. 

May  I6th. — The  first  great  battle  took  place  in  the 
House  of  Lords  the  night  before  last,  at  which  I  was  present.1 
It  was  a  very  spirited  fight,  and  I  never  recollect  seeing  the 
House  of  Lords  so  crowded  both  with  ladies  and  lords. 
Pretty  good  speaking  ;  Lord  Grey's  was  about  the  best  speech 
and  the  one  I  most  agreed  with.  I  cannot  see  the  matter  of 
Canning's  Proclamation  and  Ellenborough's  despatch  in  the 
light  that  either  side  does,  and  think  there  is  much  to  be 
said  both  ways.  In  the  Commons  the  fight  began  on  Friday 

1  [On  Mav  14,  Mr.  Card  well  moved  a  resolution  condemning1  the  despatch 
which  Lord  'Ellenboroutjh  had  written  and  published,  censuring  the  Proclama- 
tion of  the  Governor-General  of  India.  A  similar  resolution  was  moved  by 
Lord  Shaftesbury  in  the  House  of  Lords,  where  it  was  defeated  by  a  majority  of 
nine.  The  debate  in  the  House  of  Commons  lasted  four  nights,  and  in  the  in- 
terval Lord  Ellenborou<rh  resigned.  Mr.  Cardwell  then  withdrew  his  motion, 
and  the  attack  on  the  Government  suddenly  collapsed.] 


442  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVL 

also,  and  the  most  remarkable  speech  in  it  was  that  of  Cairns, 
the  new  Solicitor-General,  which  was  very  clever  and  effect- 
ive. John  Kussell  also  spoke  very  well  and  vigorously,  quite 
in  his  old  style.  There  is  much  difference  of  opinion  as  to 
the  amount  of  majority,  though  it  is  generally  expected  there 
will  be  one  against  Government,  and  I  now  hear  that  they 
have  determined  positively  to  dissolve  if  they  are  beaten, 
though  with  little  or  no  chance  of  their  bettering  themselves 
by  a  ^dissolution. 

May  23d. — The  excitement  of  Epsom  during  the  whole 
of  last  week  was  not  greater  than  that  which  prevailed  in 
London  during  the  great  debates  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
the  result  of  which,  on  Thursday  night,  produced  such  un- 
usual surprise,  with  so  much  triumph  on  one  side  and  such 
mortification  and  disappointment  on  the  other.  In  my  long 
experience  I  do  not  recollect  to  have  seen  so  much  political 
bitterness  and  violence  (except  perhaps  during  the  great  con- 
tests of  the  Catholic  question  and  Reform),  and  certainly 
there  never  was  a  great  Parliamentary  battle  distinguished 
by  so  much  uncertainty  and  so  many  vicissitudes,  and  in 
which  the  end  corresponded  so  little  with  the  beginning  and 
with  the  general  expectation.  For  a  considerable  time  not 
only  all  the  late  Cabinet  and  their  supporters,  but  the  whole 
body  of  Whigs,  both  Palmerstonians  and  Russellites,  had 
been  growing  more  and  more  impatient  of  the  Derby  Govern- 
ment, and  they  were  considering  how  they  could  make  a  final 
and  irresistible  attack  upon  them,  and  for  the  last  three  weeks 
there  had  been  nothing  but  negotiations  and  pourparlers  to 
effect  a  coalition  between  the  rival  leaders  and  their  friends 
for  the  purpose  of  their  at  least  uniting  in  one  great  hostile 
vote,  which  should  drive  the  Derbyites  to  resignation  or  dis- 
solution, hoping  and  expecting  that  their  majority  would  be 
so  large  as  to  put  the  latter  out  of  the  question.  The  occa- 
sion seemed  to  present  itself  upon  Ellenborough's  letter  to 
Canning  censuring  his  Proclamation.  A  meeting  took  place 
at  Cambridge  House,  when  the  whole  plan  was  matured, 
and  though  John  Russell  did  not  attend  it,  he  agreed  to  be 
a  party  to  the  Motion  of  Censure.  Shaftesbury  was  put 
forward  in  the  Lords,  and  Cardwell  was  induced  to  take 
the  initiative  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Nobody  doubted 
of  success,  and  the  only  question  was  (much  debated  and 
betted  upon)  by  how  many  tne  Government  would  be  beaten. 
Meanwhile  Ellenborough  resigned,  which  gave  a  new  aspect 


1858.]          UK.   CASDWELL  WITHDRAWS  HIS  MOTION.  443 

to  the  affair,  and  the  Government  got  a  small  majority  in 
the  Lords.  It  was  evident  that  no  popularity  attached  to 
the  motion,  and  many  of  the  Liberals  were  of  opinion  that 
upon  Ellenborough's  resignation  the  affair  ought  to  drop 
and  the  motion  be  withdrawn.  But  the  die  was  cast,  the 
Palmerstonians  were  quite  confident  and  eager  for  the  fray, 
and  would  not  hear  of  stopping  in  their  career.  The  debate 
began,  the  speaking  being  all  along  better  on  the  Govern- 
ment side,  and  every  day  their  prospects  as  to  the  division 
appeared  to  be  mending  and  public  opinion  more  and  more 
inclining  against  the  Opposition  and  the  Proclamation, 
though  still  blaming  Ellenborough's  letter.  If  the  debate 
had  ended  on  Tuesday  as  was  expected,  Government  would 
probably  have  been  beaten,  but  Sir  Charles  Napier  had  got 
Tuesday,  and  would  not  give  it  up,  so  that  the  decision 
was  of  necessity  adjourned  :  the  delay  was  all  in  favor  of 
the  Government,  and  on  Thursday  night  arrived  the  Indian 
despatches  with  Canning's  explanations  and  the  Outram 
correspondence,  which  was  immediately  published,  and 
although  Palmerston  and  his  friends  and  newspapers  pre- 
tended that  they  considered  these  documents  favorable  to 
their  cause,  the  general  impression  was  rather  the  other 
way.  All  this  time  the  Government  people  found  their  cause 
improving,  and  their  chances  in  the  division  mending,  and 
though  their  enemies  still  pretended  to  be  certain  of  success, 
and  I  was  told  on  Thursday  night  that  I  might  safely  lay 
any  odds  on  their  having  a  majority,  the  best  informed  of 
them  in  the  House  of  Commons  began  to  see  danger,  and  at 
last  they  confessed  only  to  expect  a  bare  majority,  and  the 
Speaker  told  somebody  it  was  very  likely  he  should  have  to 
give  a  casting  vote.  The  Radicals,  or  those  of  them  who 
professed  to  be  adherents  of  the  Whig  Cabinet,  strongly 
urged  the  withdrawal  of  Cardwell's  motion,  and  at  last  on 
the  Thursday  seem  to  have  made  up  their  minds  that  defeat 
in  some  shape  was  inevitable,  and  that  the  best  thing  left  for 
them  to  do  was  to  get  rid  of  the  debate  in  any  way  they 
could.  Henry  Lennox  called  on  me  yesterday  morning  to 
tell  me  what  had  passed,  to  this  effect :  that  on  Friday 
Disraeli  had  received  a  letter  from  Cardwell,  in  which  he 
asked  if  Disraeli  would  allow  him  to  withdraw  his  motion, 
and  subsequently  Palmerston  desired  to  confer  with  him, 
when  he  put  the  same  question  to  him,  to  which  (according 
to  Henry  Lennox's  statement)  Disraeli  replied,  in  a  very 


444  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVL 

lofty  tone,  that  he  would  hear  of  nothing  which  could  pos- 
sibly be  construed  into  any  admission  on  their  part  of 
their  meriting  any  part  of  the  censure  which  the  Opposition 
had  been  laboring  to  cast  upon  them.  The  Government 
had  by  this  time  ascertained  that  the  Opposition  had  made 
their  minds  up  to  back  out  of  the  motion  as  best  they  might, 
and  their  retreat  was  not  very  cleverly  done,  beginning  with 
Card  well's  refusal  to  withdraw,  and  ending  with  Palmerston's 
recommendation  to  him  to  yield,  which  was  a  got  up  thing. 
The  scene  in  the  House  was  most  extraordinary,  and  particu- 
larly mortifying  to  Palmerston,  who  saw  himself  involved  in 
inevitable  defeat,  and  without  the  power  of  rallying  again  for 
some  time.  Jf  anybody  could  be  excused  for  the  impatience 
which  brought  him  and  his  party  into  this  dilemma,  it  was 
Palmerston,  who  in  his  seventy  fourth  year,  and  resolved  to 
die  in  harness  if  he  could,  had  no  time  to  lose.  This  affair  has 
been  the  battle  of  Marengo  of  political  warfare.  The  Whigs 
appeared  to  be  victorious,  and  carrying  everything  before 
them  up  to  the  eleventh  hour,  and  then  came  a  sudden  turn 
of  affairs,  and  the  promise  of  victory  was  turned  into  rout 
and  disaster.  The  campaign  is  lost,  and  for  the  rest  of  this 
session  the  Government  have  it  all  their  own  way.  The 
Whigs  are  in  the  condition  of  a  defeated  army,  who  require 
to  be  completely  reorganized  and  re-formed  before  they  can 
take  the  field  again.  The  general  resentment  and  mortifica- 
tion are  extreme.  They  have  naturally  lost  all  confidence  in 
their  leaders,  and  they  are  now  all  ready  to  complain  of  the 
tactics  of  which  they  entirely  approved  till  they  found  that 
defeat  had  been  the  consequence  of  their  adoption.  It  is 
not  probable  that  Palmerston  and  his  late  Cabinet  will 
attempt  anything  more  during  this  session,  and  everything 
is  in  such  a  state  of  confusion  and  uncertainty  that  the  best 
thing  they  can  do  is  to  remain  quiet,  merely  in  a  state  of 
watchfulness,  and  to  see  what  the  volvcnda  dies  may  bring 
about  in  the  course  of  the  next  six  months,  leaving  the 
Derbyi  tes  unmolested  during  that  time.  Derby  will  get 
Gladstone  if  possible  to  take  the  India  Board,  and  this  Avill 
be  the  best  thing  that  can  happen.  His  natural  course  is  to 
be  at  the  head  of  a  Conservative  Government,  and  he  may,  if 
he  acts  with  prudence,  be  the  means  of  raising  that  party 
to  something  like  dignity  and  authority,  and  emancipating 
it  from  its  dependence  on  the  discreditable  and  insincere 
support  of  the  Radicals. 


1858.]  UNPOPULARITY  OF  LORD  PALMERSTOX.  445 

June  7th. — At  Cleveden,  at  Ascot,  and  at  Hatchford  all 
the  past  week,  during  which  I  heard  little  or  nothing  about 
politic?.  The  matter  which  made  the  most  stir  was  Disraeli's 
impudent  and  mendacious  speech  at  Slough,  in  which  he 
bitterly  attacked  the  last  Ministry  and  glorified  his  own. 
The  Whigs  were  stung  to  madness,  and  two  or  three  nights 
were  occupied  in  both  Houses,  principally  by  Palmerston  and 
Clarendon,  in  answering  this  speech,  and  demonstrating  its 
falsehood.  The  proceeding  was  not  very  dignified,  and  they 
might  just  as  well  have  left  it  alone,  particularly  as  nobody 
cared  much  about  what  Disraeli  said  ;  but  there  was  so  little 
sympathy  for  the  ex-Ministers,  that  no  indignation  was  ex- 
cited by  it,  except  among  themselves  and  their  immediate 
friends.  There  seems  little  chance  now  of  anything  but  a 
desultory  warfare  going  on  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
without  any  serious  attack  on  the  Government,  who  seem 
safe  for  this  session  at  least.  The  most  interesting  event 
last  week  was  the  virtual  settlement  of  the  eternal  Jew 
Question,  which  the  House  of  Lords  sulkily  acquiesced  in. 
It  was  very  desirable  for  many  reasons  to  put  an  end  to  it. 

Norman  Court,  June  16th. — Every  day  it  appears  more 
and  more  evident  that  Palmerston's  political  career  is  draw- 
ing to  a  close,  and  he  alone  seems  blind  to  the  signs  which 
denote  it.  Few  things  are  stranger  than  the  violent  reaction 
which  has  deprived  him  of  his  popularity,  and  made  him  an 
object  of  bitter  aversion  to  a  considerable  part  of  the  Liberals, 
not  only  to  such  men  as  Graham  and  Bright,  but  even  to 
many  of  his  former  followers  and  adherents.  I  cannot  say  I 
am  sorry  for  it,  but  I  do  in  fairness  think  that  this  reaction 
is  overdone  and  exaggerated,  and  the  hostility  to  Palmerston 
greater  than  there  is  any  reason  for.  I  do  not  wish  to  see 
him  again  at  the  head  of  affairs,  but  I  should  be  sorry  to  see 
a  man  so  distingushed,  who  has  been  exalted  so  high,  and 
who  has  many  good  qualities,  end  his  life,  or  at  least  his 
political  career,  under  circumstances  of  mortification  and 
humiliation.  If  this  happens  it  will  be  owing  principally  to 
his  obstinacy  in  persisting  in  leading  a  party  who  have  no 
longer  any  mind  to  be  led  by  him,  and  the  insatiable  ambition 
which  cannot  brook  the  notion  of  retirement  at  any  time  of 
life.  If  he  was  wise,  and  was  not  blinded  by  vanity  and  the 
flattery  of  his  hangers-on,  he  would  take  a  juster  and  clearer 
view  of  his  position,  and  supposing  him  still  intent  on  play- 
ing the  political  game,  he  would  endeavor  to  act  a  part  as 


416  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVL 

nearly  like  that  which  Peel  acted  in  his  last  years  as  the  dif- 
ference of  circumstances  would  admit. 

But  the  determination  to  have  no  more  to  do  with  Palm- 
erston  has  not  made  the  Whigs  and  Liberals  more  disposed 
to  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  Lord  John,  and  as  yet, 
so  far  from  any  appearance  of  a  reorganization  of  the  Lib- 
eral party,  they  seem  more  disunited  and  scattered  than 
ever.  Even  Lord  John  and  Graham,  who  seemed  to  be  most 
closely  allied,  are  now  continually  voting  different  ways  ;  and 
as  to  the  other  leading  men,  it  is  impossible  to  predict  how 
they  will  vote  on  any  subject  that  comes  before  Parliament. 
In  this  state  of  confusion  many  Liberal-Conservatives  are 
beginning  to  wish  for  the  consolidation  of  the  Government, 
and  are  inclining  to  support  it,  if  the  Government  itself  will 
give  them  an  opportunity  of  doing  so,  by  asserting  their  own 
independence  as  a  Conservative  Government,  and  will  leave 
off  truckling  to  the  Radicals,  by  accepting  measures  which 
everyone  knows  to  be  repugnant  to  their  feelings  and  opin- 
ions, and  inconsistent  with  the  principles  they  have  always 
professed.  Men  who  supported  Palmerston's  Government 
because  they  considered  it  to  be  a  Conservative  one,  foresee 
that  before  long  parties  must  assume  the  character  of  Radi- 
cal and  Conservative,  the  Whigs  being  merged  in  the  former, 
and  that  the  party  of  the  present  Government  forms  the  only 
force  capable  of  resisting  the  Whig  and  Radical  union  when 
it  takes  place,  and  that  their  best  course  will  be  to  join  the 
Conservative  camp,  if  the  presnt  Government  do  not,  by  un- 
principled and  inconsistent  concessions  for  the  sake  of  an 
easy  official  existence,  render  it  impossible  for  them  to  do  so. 
I  do  not  know  to  what  extent  this  feeling  prevails,  but  I  be- 
lieve it  is  extending,  and  Lord  St.  Germans,  who  is  a  very 
staunch  friend  to  the  late  Government,  and  latterly  belonged 
to  them,  told  me  the  other  day  that  Granville  had  great 
difficulty  in  keeping  his  people  together.  Ashburton  is  very 
warm  and  eager  in  this  sense,  and  though  neither  of  these 
men  have  much  weight,  I  have  no  doubt  they  are  exponents 
of  the  sentiments  of  a  much  larger  number.  I  called  on 
Lyndhurst  on  Monday  Evening,  and  talked  this  question 
over  with  him,  and  entreated  him  to  speak  to  Derby  upon  it. 
We  were  very  well  agreed,  and  he  said  he  would  endeavor  to 
talk  to  Derby,  but  he  is  rather  embarrassed,  because  he  does 
not  know  what  Derby  is  going  to  do  about  the  Jew  Bill, 
there  being  some  strange  signs  of  an  intention  on  the  part 


1858.]  MINISTERS  GAIN  GROUND.  447 

of  Derby  to  throw  it  over  after  all,  though  this  would  he  so 
extremely  foolish,  as  well  as  so  false  and  dishonorable,  that  I 
cannot  believe  it  is  in  his  contemplation. 

June  2'2d. — During  the  week  I  passed  at  Norman  Court 
the  Government  here  were  gaining  ground.  They  had  two 
good  divisions  in  the  House  of  Commons,  sufficient  to  prove 
that  if  they  cannot  command  a  majority  here,  they  have  at 
least  as  much  influence  and  power  and  are  as  well  supported 
as  any  other  leader  or  party.  Then  the  publication  of  the 
Cagliari  papers,  and  the  way  in  which  that  question  was 
settled,  was  a  real  triumph  to  the  Foreign  Office,  and  ac- 
knowledged to  be  so  by  the  whole  Press  of  every  shade,  and 
by  everybody  in  Parliament,  not  excepting  the  ex-Ministers 
themselves.  They  are  undoubtedly  gaining  strength,  while 
the  chances  of  another  Palmerston  Government  became  more 
and  more  faint  and  remote.  All  information  coincides  in 
representing  Palmerston's  unpopularity  as  great  and  gen- 
eral, certainly  the  most  extraordinary  change  that  ever  took 
place  in  so  short  a  time.  The  Duke  of  Bedford  writes  to 
me  from  Endsleigh  :  "  I  hear  of  only  one  general  feeling 
against  Palmerston  in  the  West.  What  a  change  since  this 
time  last  year  ! " 

I  had  a  long  talk  with  Tom  Baring  at  Norman  Court 
about  the  Government,  their  proceedings  and  their  pros- 
pects, and  we  agreed  entirely  on  the  subject.  I  wanted  him 
to  speak  to  some  of  his  friends  the  ministers,  and  to  en- 
deavor to  get  them  to  act  a  bolder  and  more  consistent  part 
as  a  Conservative  Government,  and  he  urged  me  to  speak  to 
Disraeli,  which  I  told  him  I  would  do,  and  only  refrained 
from  doubting  if  I  could  do  any  real  good  with  him.  The 
Government  are  certainly  placed  in  a  difficult  position.  The 
Government  and  party  whom  they  replaced  were  determined 
to  thrust  them  out  again  as  soon  as  possible,  and  their  weak- 
ness and  danger  drove  them  into  a  quasi-alliance  with  the 
Radicals,  or  at  least  into  so  much  deference  and  so  many 
concessions  to  Radicals  and  Ultra- Liberals,  that  the  Whigs, 
who  were  baffled  and  kept  out  by  this  policy,  held  them  up 
to  bitter  scorn  and  reproach  for  acting  in  this  manner,  and 
now,  when  they  agree  to  any  measure  with  regard  to  which 
concession  is  reasonable  and  prudent,  they  are  always  assailed 
with  the  same  reproaches  instead  of  getting  credit  for  so  do- 
ing. To  be  sure  they  often  contrive  to  make  their  conces- 
sions in  such  a  way  as  to  deprive  them  of  all  grace  and 


448  REIGN  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

merit.  This  has  been  pre-eminently  the  case  with  the  Jew 
Bill. 

Among  the  events  of  last  week  one  of  the  most  interest- 
ing was  the  Queen's  visit  to  Birmingham,  where  she  was 
received  by  the  whole  of  that  enormous  population  with  an 
enthusiasm  which  is  said  to  have  exceeded  all  that  was  ever 
displayed  in  her  former  receptions  at  Manchester  or  else- 
where. It  is  impossible  not  to  regard  such  manifestations 
as  both  significant  and  important.  They  evince  a  disposi- 
tion in  those  masses  of  the  population  in  which,  if  anywhere, 
the  seeds  of  Radicalism  are  supposed  to  lurk,  most  favorable 
to  the  Conservative  cause,  by  which  I  mean  not  to  this  or 
that  party,  but  to  the  Monarchy  and  the  Constitution  under 
which  we  are  living  and  nourishing,  and  which  we  may  be- 
lieve to  be  still  dear  to  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  this 
country.  This  great  fact  lends  some  force  to  the  notion 
entertained  by  many  political  thinkers,  that  there  is  more 
danger  in  conferring  political  power  on  the  middle  classes 
than  in  extending  it  far  beneath  them,  and  in  point  of  fact 
that  there  is  so  little  to  be  apprehended  from  the  extension 
of  the  suffrage,  that  universal  suffrage  itself  would  be  in- 
nocuous. Among  the  concessions  of  last  week  was  the  pass- 
ing of  Locke  King's  Bill  for  abolishing  a  property  qualifica- 
tion, which  was  done  with  hardly  any  opposition.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  practice  was  a  mere  sham,  and  that 
a  property  qualification  was  very  often  a  fiction  or  a  fraud, 
and  such  being  the  case,  that  it  was  useless  to  keep  up  the 
distinction  ;  but  it  struck  me,  though  I  do  not  find  that  it 
occurred  to  anybody  else,  that  the  abolition  might  sooner  or 
later  have  an  indirect  influence  upon  the  question  of  the 
suffrage,  for  it  may  be  urged,  not  without  plausibility,  that 
if  it  be  held  no  longer  necessary  that  a  representative  should 
have  any  property  whatever,  there  is  great  inconsistency  in 
requiring  that  the  elector  should  have  a  certain  amount  of 
property  to  entitle  him  to  vote. 

June  26th. — The  India  Bill  appears  now  likely  to  pass 
rather  rapidly  and  in  the  shape  presented  by  the  Govern- 
ment. Everybody  is  tired  to  death  of  the  subject  and  anx- 
ious to  haVe  it  over,  and  the  general  impatience  is  increased 
by  alarm  at  the  foul  state  of  the  Thames,  which  (long  dis- 
cussed in  a  negligent  way,  and  without  much  public  atten- 
tion or  care)  has  suddenly  assumed  vast  proportions,  and  is 
become  an  object  of  general  interest  and  apprehension. 


1858.]         ADMISSION  OF  THE  JEWS   TO  PARLIAMENT.  449 

This  makes  the  House  of  Commons  eager  to  finish  its  busi- 
ness as  expeditiously  as  it  can,  and  members  impatient  to 
betake  themselves  to  a  purer  and  safer  atmosphere.  The 
Government  continues  to  maintain  its  ascendency  there,  and 
last  night  Palmerston  was  beaten  by  considerable  majorities 
on  two  amendments  he  moved  to  the  India  Bill. 

The  Chancellor  has  drawn  down  great  obloquy  on  him- 
self by  a  speech  which  he  made  at  the  Mansion  House  a 
night  or  two  ago.  Derby's  illness  having  prevented  his 
going  to  the  dinner  (given  to  the  Ministers),  Thesiger  had 
to  speak  for  him,  and  he  made  the  very  worst,  most  injudi- 
cious, and  unbecoming  speech  which  was  ever  delivered  on 
such  an  occasion.  No  rule  is  more  established  than  that 
politics  are  not  to  b3  introduced  at  these  dinners,  and  yet 
his  speech  was  nothing  but  a  political  song  of  triumph  and 
glorification  of  his  own  Government  and  colleagues,  as  some- 
body said,  a  counterpart  (though  less  offensive  one)  of  Dis- 
raeli's Slough  speech.  All  their  heads  are  turned,  and  the 
Chancellor's  as  much  or  more  than  any. 

Then  there  is  a  grand  mess  about  the  Jew  question, 
which  is  hung  up  in  a  sort  of  abeyance  in  consequence  of 
Derby's  not  being  able  to  come  down  to  the  House  of  Lords. 
From  the  moment  that  Derby  took  upon  himself  to  an- 
nounce his  abandonment  of  the  contest,  which  he  did  not 
frankly  and  fully,  but  sulkily  and  reluctantly,  he  seems  to 
have  half  repented  of  what  he  did,  and  to  have,  if  not  made, 
permitted  and  connived  at,  all  sorts  of  difficulties  and  obsta- 
cles, while  his  subordinates  and  some  of  his  colleagues  have 
interposed  to  prevent  or  delay  the  final  settlement.  It  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  he  himself  ever  cared  a  straw  about 
the  Jew  question,  or  that  his  opposition  had  any  motive  ex- 
cept that  of  pleasing  the  bigoted  and  narrow-minded  of  his 
party.  His  good  sense  saw  that  the  moment  was  come  when 
surrender  was  the  best  policy  if  not  an  absolute  necessity, 
and  having  given  utterance  to  this  conviction,  no  doubt  to 
the  enormous  disgust  of  many  of  his  followers,  it  was  his 
interest  to  get  rid  of  the  question  as  quickly  as  possible,  and 
dismiss  what  as  long  as  it  remained  on  the  tapis  in  any  shape 
was  a  source  of  disagreement  and  ill-humor  between  him 
and  his  party.  It  is  marvellous,  therefore,  that  so  clever  a 
man  should  have  acted  so  foolish  a  part  as  he  has  done. 
Having  disgusted  his  own  party  by  his  concession,  he  is  now 
disgusting  everybody  else  and  all  other  parties  by  his  hesita- 


450  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

tion  and  pusillanimity  in  carrying  it  out,  and,  with  an  ab- 
sence of  dignity  and  firmness  which  is  utterly  unworthy  of 
the  high  position  he  holds,  he  has  permitted  his  Chancellor 
and  some  half-dozen  subordinate  members  of  his  Government 
to  do  all  they  can  to  thwart  the  settlement  of  the  question, 
and  prolong  the  exclusion  of  the  Jews.  Instead  of  taking 
the  matter  into  his  own  hands,  and  dealing  with  it  accord- 
ing to  the  plain  suggestions  of  common  sense  and  sound 
policy,  he  has  permitted  a  sort  of  little  conspiracy  to  go  on, 
which  is  exceedingly  likely  to  bring  about  a  collision  between 
the  two  Houses,  and  to  raise  a  flame  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons the  consequences  of  which  may  be  more  serious  to  the 
Government  than  any  one  contemplates.  Lyndhurst,  whose 
wise  head  is  provoked  and  disgusted  to  the  last  degree  at  all 
these  proceedings,  has  bitterly  complained  of  them,  and  at 
the  way  in  which  they  have  treated  him,  and  the  bill  he 
drew  up  for  the  express  purpose  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
dilemma. 

July  9th. — After  all  Derby  ran  true  to  the  Jew  Bill,  and 
if  he  did  it  in  an  awkward  way,  allowances  must  be  made 
for  him  and  for  his  difficulties  with  his  party,  who  are  full 
of  chagrin  at  being  compelled  to  swallow  this  obnoxious 
measure.  It  is  on  the  whole  better  that  the  bulk  of  them 
should  have  voted  in  conformity  with  their  notorious  opin- 
ions, as  it  made  no  difference  as  to  the  result,  and  has  a  bet- 
ter appearance  than  if  they  had  whisked  round  at  Derby's 
bidding.  The  India  Bill  has  passed  the  House  of  Commons 
pretty  harmoniously,  and  people  seem  to  think  it  has  been 
licked  into  a  very  decent  shape. 

The  most  interesting  event  of  the  present  day  is  the  mar- 
riage of  Lord  Overstone's  daughter  to  a  Major  Lindsay,1  who 
has  got  the  greatest  heiress  who  ever  existed,  that  is,  sup- 
posing she  inherits  her  father's  prodigious  wealth,  which 
since  old  Jones  Loyd's  death  is  reckoned  to  amount  to  six 
or  seven  millions. 

July  13/7i. — After  an  ineffectual  attempt  on  the  part  of 
the  Opposition  to  get  rid  of  the  "reasons"  of  the  Lords, 
the  Jew  Bill  has  passed,  Granville  and  Lansdowne  protest-, 
ing  against  the  absurdity  of  the  conduct  of  Derby  with  re- 

1  [Afterward  Sir  Robert  Loyd  Lindsay,  V.  C.,  raised  to  the  Peerage  in  1885 
by  the  title  of  Lord  Wantage.  The  property  of  Lord  Overstonej  as  disposed  of 
by  his  •will,  amounted  to  about  three  millions,  and  would  pass  in  reversion  to 
the  Loyd  family  on  the  failure  of  issue  by  his  daughter.] 


1858.]  CONTINUED   WARFARE  IN  INDIA,  451 

gard  to  it.  It  is  remarkable  that  though  Lord  Lansdowne 
has  for  some  time  appeared  much  baisse,  his  speech  was  as 
good  and  sensible  a  speech  as  he  ever  made  in  his  life.  As 
to  Derby,  as  it  is  impossible  that  so  clever  a  man  as  he  is 
could  willingly  act  so  foolish  and  even  ridiculous  a  part  as  he 
has  done  on  this  occasion,  I  conclude  that  he  felt  obliged  to 
do  what  he  has  done  in  order  to  avoid  quarrelling  with  his  own 
friends,  who  without  doubt  are  intensely  disgusted  at  the 
bitter  pill  he  has  obliged  them  to  swallow,  and  as  he  knows 
best  what  he  can  venture  with  them  and  what  not,  it  is 
more  reasonable  to  accept  the  measure  on  his  own  terms 
than  to  be  angry  with  him  for  the  way  in  which  he  has  con- 
trived it. 

The  last  accounts  from  India  are  far  from  satisfactory, 
and  the  apprehensions  which  I  long  ago  felt  and  expressed, 
but  which  I  had  begun  to  think  unfounded,  seem  not  un- 
likely to  be  realised.  It  is  clear  that  the  contest  is  neither 
over  nor  drawing  to  a  close.  Our  danger  consists  in  the 
swarms  of  armed  and  hostile  natives,  and  in  the  climate. 
The  rebels  we  always  beat  when  we  can  grapple  with  them, 
but  we  cannot  crush  and  subdue  them.  They  gather  to- 
gether and  assail  our  people  when  a  good  opportunity  pre- 
sents itself,  and  when  they  are  repulsed  (as  is  always  the 
case)  their  masses  are  dissolved  and  scattered  abroad,  with- 
out any  material  diminution  of  their  numbers,  and  ready 
to  assemble  and  attack  any  other  vulnerable  point,  while 
the  British  troops  are  harassed  to  death  by  unceasing  pur- 
suits of  foes  so  much  more  nimble  and  able  to  endure 
the  climate  than  themselves.  This  species  of  warfare  must 
be  disheartening  and  disgusting,  and  it  involves  a  consump- 
tion of  life  reqiiiring  more  reinforcements  than  we  can  sup- 
ply. All  the  accounts  we  receive  concur  in  the  insufficiency 
of  the  European  force,  and  the  necessity  of  fresh  sup- 
plies. One  letter  I  saw  yesterday  talks  of  40,000  men  being 
requisite. 

Petworth,  July  31st. — I  came  here  from  Goodwood,  not 
having  been  here  for  twenty  years,  and  am  rather  glad  to  see 
once  more  a  place  where  I  passed  so  much  of  my  time  in  my 
younger  days.  I  think  it  is  the  finest  house  I  have  ever 
seen,  and  its  collection  of  pictures  is  unrivalled  for  number, 
beauty,  and  interest.  Parliament  is  to  be  up  on  Monday, 
and  the  Council  for  the  prorogation  is  to  take  place  to-day 
at  Osborne. 


452  REIGN   OF  QUEEN    VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

I  met  Bruunow  at  Goodwood,  who  talked  over  the  politi- 
cal events  of  the  Russian  war,  and  assured  me  that  the  part 
he  had  played  in  it  had  been  much  misrepresented,  that  he 
had  never  been  misled  by  Aberdeen,  nor  had  he  ever  misled 
the  Emperor  Nicholas,  but  on  the  contrary  had  told  him, 
without  any  disguise,  the  real  state  of  affairs,  and  the  almost 
certainty  that  war  would  ensue,  that  he  was  well  aware  him- 
self, and  had  impressed  on  his  master,  that  although  Aber- 
deen was  most  anxious  to  avoid  war,  he  had  no  power  to  do 
so,  and  that  though  he  was  nominally  Prime  Minister,  ho 
was  destitute  of  the  authority  of  one.  He  said  the  Emperor 
was  quite  sincere  in  all  he  had  said  to  Hamilton  Seymour, 
and  if  we  had  had  at  Petersburg  a  minister  with  more  tact 
and  judgment,  war  would  not  have  taken  place:  He  (Brun- 
now)  had  urged  Aberdeen  to  send  Granville  there  for  the 
purpose,  who,  he  thinks,  would  have  done  very  well,  and  of 
whom  he  has  a  high  opinion. 

London,  August  15th. — I  returned  to  town  from  Pet- 
worth  last  Monday  week,  and  on  Tuesday  a  fit  of  gout  came 
on,  which  has  laid  me  up  ever  since,  leaving  me  no  energy 
to  do  anything,  and  least  of  all  to  execute  the  purpose  I 
entertained  of  sketching  the  past  session  of  Parliament, 
and  the  curious  events  which  it  evolved  ;  the  decline  and 
fall  of  Palmerston  and  his  Government,  the  advent  of  Derby, 
and  the  vicissitudes  of  his  career,  deserve  a  narrative  which 
might,  if  well  handled  by  some  well-informed  writer,  be 
made  very  interesting  :  but  I  am  conscious  of  my  own  unfit- 
ness  and  dare  not  attempt  it.  It  is  in  truth  time  for  me  to 
leave  off  keeping  a  journal,  for  by  degrees  I  have  lost  the 
habit  of  communicating  with  all  the  people  from  whom  I 
have  been  in  the  habit  of  obtaining  political  information, 
and  I  know  nothing  worth  recording. 


1858.]          LORD   JOIIN  RUSSELL   AND   LORD   STANLEY.  453 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

Lord  John  Russell  and  Lord  Stanley — Lord  Palmerston's  Leadership — Dissensions  in  the 
Liberal  Party— The  yuecn  and  her  Ministers — Lord  Stanley  at  the  India  Office — The 
Queen's  Letter  to  the  Prince  of  Wales—  Reform  Speeches  and  Projects— Lord  Palni- 
erstnn'8  Confidence — Prosecution  of  Count  Montalembert  in  France — Lord  Clar- 
endon's Visit  to  Compiegne— The  Emperor's  Designs  on  Italy — The  Emperor  and  the 
Pope— Approach  of  War — Lord  I'aluaerston's  Prudent  Language — Lord  Palmerston's 
Italian  Sympathies— The  Electric  Telegraph — Opposition  in  France  to  the  War— The 
Emperor's  Prevarication— Opeuinst  of  Parliament — Debates  on  Foreign  Affairs— Lord 
Cowley's  Mission  to  Vienna— General  Opposition  to  the  War— A  Reform  Bill— Mr. 
Walpole  and  Mr.  Henley  resign — Duplicity  of  the  Emperor — Mr.  Disraeli's  Reform  Bill 
— The  Emperor  denies  his  Warlike  Preparations—  The  Whigrs  oppose  the  Reform  liill — 
Anxiety  to  defeat  the  Government — Lord  Cowley  returns  from  Vienna — War  impend- 
ing— Dishonest  Conduct  by  both  Partius — Lord  Cowley's  Account  of  Cavour's  Policy 
— His  Mission  to  Vienna— A  Congress  Proposed— Indifference  to  Reform— Debates  on 
the  tteform  Bill— Defeat  of  the  Reform  Bill— An  Emissary  from  Cavour. 

Hinchinbrook,  September  5th. — At  The  Grove  last  week, 
and  on  Friday  to  Osborne  for  a  Council.  At  the  Grove  I 
met  Charles  Villiers  and  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  and  had  much 
talk  with  both  of  them  about  affairs  in  general,  particularly 
with  the  Duke  about  Lord  John.  He  is  busily  employed  in 
concocting  a  Reform  Bill,  which  he  had  probably  better  leave 
alone.  He  seems  to  have  shown  his  project  to  several  people, 
and  recently  to  Aberdeen,  who  wrote  him  word  that  he  must 
take  care  not  to  make  it  too  mild,  so  much  so  as  to  be  incon- 
sistent with  what  he  has  before  proposed.  It  seems  it  is 
very  mild,  for  it  embraces  no  Schedule  A,  no  disqualification, 
though  a  good  deal  of  addition  to  the  constituency.  Lord 
John  has  recently  struck  up  a  great  intimacy  with  Lord 
Stanley,  and  has  had  him  repeatedly  down  to  Pembroke 
Lodge.  They  take  very  kindly  to  each  other,  and  Lord 
John  is  evidently  anxious  to  cultivate  him,  for  he  asked  the 
Duke  to  invite  Stanley  to  go  to  Woburn,  where  Lord  John 
and  all  his  family  are  gone  to  stay.  He  has  been  talking  a 
great  deal  to  Stanley  on  past  politics,  but  not  on  present, 
which  would  have  been  rather  awkward  in  their  relative 
positions,  but  he  has  told  Stanley  a  great  deal  about  the 
political  affairs  in  which  he  has  been  engaged,  especially  with 
respect  to  the  great  Reform  Bill,  its  history  and  incidents, 
which  details  no  doubt  were  very  interesting  and  useful  to 
him,  and  1  am  not  surprised  at  Stanley's  being  much  pleased 
with  Lord  John's  society  and  conversation,  for  Lord  John  is 
very  agreeable  and  full  of  that  sort  of  political  information 
in  which  Stanley  takes  the  greatest  delight  and  interest. 


454  REIGN   OF   QUEEN    VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

Although  Lord  John  has  abstained  from  making  any  attempt 
to  establish  political  relations  between  them,  it  is  highly 
probable  that  he  should  look  forward  to  the  possibility  of 
some  such  relations  being  hereafter  established,  for  in  the 
present  state  of  parties  a  fresh  organization  and  combination 
is  almost  inevitable,  and  he  may  very  naturally  look  forward 
to  a  combination  into  which  they  may  both  enter,  and  with 
this  view  he  may  be  very  glad  to  cultivate  a  personal  and 
social  intimacy,  and  the  Duke  thinks  he  has  some  such  view 
in  his  mind. 

The  Duke  told  me  that  he  was  at  Lord  Broughton's  the 
other  day,  when  Broughton  said  he  had  been  applied  to  by 
some  of  Palmerston's  former  followers  to  make  a  representa- 
tion to  Palmerston  of  the  present  state  of  affairs  and  of  the 
Liberal  party,  and  to  suggest  to  him  the  expediency  of  his 
abdication  of  the  lead  of  it,  and  the  impossibility  of  that 
party  regaining  its  ascendency  as  long  as  he  insisted  on  con- 
tinuing its  chief  and  retaining  his  pretensions  of  returning 
to  office.  To  this  request  he  sent  a  refusal.  He  said  he  en- 
tirely agreed  with  the  people  making  it,  but  that  it  would 
have  no  effect  whatever  except  that  of  making  a  personal 
quarrel  between  himself  and  the  Palmerstons,  with  whom  he 
had  always  been  on  very  good  terms.  I  did  not  learn  the 
names  of  these  Whig  malcontents.  Charles  Villiers  takes  a 
similar  view,  but  does  not  think  that  anything  would  induce 
Palmerston  to  retire,  or  that  his  former  colleagues  and  im- 
mediate adherents  would  transfer  their  support  to  any  one 
else  as  long  as  he  continues  to  claim  it  from  them,  lie 
thinks,  moreover,  and  he  has  very  good  means  of  judging, 
that  his  position  and  that  of  John  Russell  and  the  impossi- 
bility of  their  reunion  will  effectually  paralyze  the  Liberal 
party  and  secure  the  possession  of  office  to  the  present  Gov- 
ernment, and  that  there  is  on  the  whole  rather  a  preference 
for  the  continuation  of  the  present  state  of  things. than  any 
desire  for  a  change  which  would  bring  the  Whigs  back  again. 
He  had  recently  been  with  George  Lewis,  and  found  him  at 
length  rather  disposed  to  come  into  my  view  of  the  matter 
of  their  resignation,  and  to  regret  it.  It  is  entirely  the  opin- 
ion of  Charles  Villiers  himself,  and  he  said  there  would  have 
been  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  from  the  House  of  Commons 
a  vote  of  confidence,  for  there  was  no  wish  to  turn  them  out, 
and  having  administered  the  rebuke  which  the  Government 
so  well  merited,  the  majority  would  have  seized  with  alacrity 


1858]  THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  MINISTRY.  455 

an  occasion  to  make  it  np  with  them,  and  to  show  that  they 
had  no  desire  to  quarrel  with  them  outright. 

The  Opposition  now  found  all  their  hopes  on  the  dissen- 
sions which  they  expect  to  arise  in  the  Tory  Government 
and  camp,  which  is  a  very  uncertain  prospect,  and  as  to 
which  they  are  very  likely  to  be  disappointed.  The  day  I 
went  to  Osborne  I  had  some  conversation  with  Disraeli,  who 
gave  me  to  understand  that  he  was  well  aware  the  Opposi- 
tion relied  on  this  contingency,  but  that  it  was  not  likely  to 
happen.  He  was  aware  of  Lord  Stanley's  liaison  with  Lord 
John,  and  it  was  evident  that  the  former  had  made  no  secret 
of  it,  and  had  told  Disraeli  that  there  was  (at  present)  noth- 
ing political  in  it.  Lord  John  had  not  said  a  word  about 
his  Reform  Bill  to  Stanley,  and  Disraeli  knew  that  he  had 
not.  All  this  looks  like  union  and  confidence  between  them. 

As  far  as  outward  appearances  go,  the  Queen  is  on  very 
good  terms  with  them,  for  she  gave  audiences  to  several  of 
them,  and  long  ones.  Her  conduct  at  the  time  of  the  break- 
up was  certainly  curious  and  justifies  them  in  saying  that  it 
was  by  her  express  desire  that  Derby  undertook  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Government.  If  Palmerston  and  his  Cabinet 
were  actuated  by  the  motives  and  expectations  which  I  as- 
cribe to  them,  Her  Majesty  certainly  did  not  play  into  their 
hands  in  that  game.  When  Derby  sat  before  her  all  the 
difficulties  of  his  situation,  and  entreated  her  again  to  reflect 
upon  it,  a  word  from  her  would  have  induced  him  (without 
having  anything  to  complain  of)  to  throw  it  back  into  Palm- 
erston's  hands.  But  the  word  she  did  speak  was  decisive  as 
to  his  going  on,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  she  was 
playing  a  deep  game  and  calculating  on  his  failure.  Nor  do 
I  believe  that  she  would  herself  have  liked  to  see  Palmerston 
made  all  powerful.  She  can  hardly  have  forgotten  how  in- 
clined he  has  always  been  to  abuse  his  power,  and  how  much 
she  has  suffered  from  his  exercise  of  it,  even  when  he  tvas 
to  a  certain  degree  under  control,  and  although  she  seemed 
to  be  quite  reconciled  to  him,  and  to  be  anxious  for  the  sta- 
bility of  his  Government,  it  is  difficult  to  know  what  her 
real  feelings  (or  rather  those  of  the  Prince)  were,  and  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  her  anxiety  for  the  success  of  Palm- 
erston's  Government  was  more  on  account  of  the  members 
of  it  whom  she  personally  likes,  and  whom  she  was  very 
reluctant  to  lose,  than  out  of  partiality  for  the  Premier  him- 
self. To  Clarendon  she  is  really  attached,  and  Granville 


456  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

she  likes  very  much  ;  most  of  the  rest  she  regarded  with 
indifference. 

London,  November  4.th. — Two  months  have  elapsed  dur- 
ing which  I  have  felt  no  inclination  to  note  down  anything 
in  this  book,  but  now  that  the  Newmarket  meetings  are  at  an 
end,  and  I  must  needs  think  of  other  things,  I  shall  jot  down 
the  very  few  things  that  have  come  across  me  in  the  inter- 
val. When  I  was  at  Hillingdon  a  few  weeks  ago,  I  was 
surprised  to  hear  from  Charles  Mills  a  glowing  panegyric  on 
Lord  Stanley,  who  has  gained  golden  opinions  and  great  popu- 
larity at  the  India  House.1  I  was  prepared  to  hear  of  his 
ability,  his  indefatigable  industry,  and  his  businesslike  quali- 
ties ;  but  I  was  surprised  to  hear  so  much  of  his  courtesy, 
affability,  patience,  and  candor,  that  he  is  neither  dictatorial 
nor  conceited,  always  ready  to  listen  to  other  people's 
opinions  and  advice,  and  never  fancying  that  he  knows 
better  than  anybody  else.  I  afterward  told  Jonathan  Peel 
what  I  had  heard,  and  he  confirmed  the  truth  of  this  report, 
and  said  he  was  the  same  in  the  Cabinet ;  but  he  made  me 
comprehend  his  popularity  with  the  Council  by  telling  me 
that  he  espoused  all  their  views  and  interests,  and  co-operated 
with  them  in  endeavoring  to  retain  certain  powers  which  be- 
longed to  the  extinct  Court  of  Directors,  but  which  ought, 
as  a  consequence  of  the  change,  to  pass  into  other  hands, 
particularly  military  appointments  and  matters  of  military 
control.  This  received  confirmation  not  long  ago  from  the 
Duke  of  Cambridge,  whom  I  met  at  Chevelev,  and  who  gave 
me  an  account  of  some  matter  in  which  he  had  received  and 
executed  certain  orders  frem  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  soon 
after  received  a  very  sharp  letter  from  Stanley  calling  him 
to  account  for  having  interfered  in  what,  he  said,  belonged 
to  the  Indian  Secretary.  The  Duke  referred  him  to  the  War 
Office,  so  that  there  seems  already  a  conflict  of  jurisdiction 
between  the  two  offices.  From  all  this  it  is  apparent  that 
we  shall  have  fresh  Indian  discussions  when  Parliament 
meets,  and  there  will  be  a  necessity  for  fresh  arrangements 
for  the  transaction  of  business.  This  may  seem  to  be  a  very 
trifling  matter,  and  not  worth  noticing,  but  Lord  Stanley  is 
so  completely  the  man  of  the  present  day,  and  in  all  human 
probability  is  destined  to  play  so  important  and  conspicuous 

1  [Lord  Stanley,  the  present  Earl  of  Derby,  had  succeeded  to  the  Presidency 
of  the  Board  of  Control  upon  the  resignation  of  Lord  Ellen  borough,  and  was  thu 
first  Secretary  of  State  for  India  upon  the  abolition  of  the  former  office.] 


1858.]  LORD  DERBY'S  REFORM  BILL.  457 

a  part  in  political  life,  that  the  time  may  come  when  any 
details,  however  minute,  of  his  early  career  will  be  deemed 
worthy  of  recollection. 

I  hear  the  Queen  has  written  a  letter  to  the  Prince  of 
Wales  announcing  to  him  his  emancipation  from  parental 
authority  and  control,  and  that  it  is  one  of  the  most  admi- 
rable letters  that  ever  were  penned.  She  tells  him  that  he 
may  have  thought  the  rule  they  adopted  for  his  education 
a  severe  one,  but  that  his  welfare  was  their  only  object,  and 
well  knowing  to  what  seductions  of  flattery  he  would  event- 
ually be  exposed,  they  wished  to  prepare  and  strengthen  his 
mind  against  them,  that  he  was  now  to  consider  himself  his 
own  master,  and  that  they  should  never  intrude  any  advice 
upon  him,  although  always  ready  to  give  it  him  whenever 
he  thought  fit  to  seek  it.  It  was  a  very  long  letter,  all  in 
that  tone,  and  it  seems  to  have  made  a  profound  impression 
on  the  Prince,  and  to  have  touched  his  feelings  to  the  quick. 
He  brought  it  to  Gerald  Wellesley  in  floods  of  tears,  and  the 
effect  it  produced  is  a  proof  of  the  wisdom  which  dictated 
its  composition. 

November  17th. — The  principal  topics  of  interest  for  the 
last  fortnight  have  been  Bright's  speeches,  the  visit  of 
Palmerston  and  Clarendon  to  Compiegne,  the  Portuguese 
and  French  quarrel,  and  the  pamphlet  and  approaching  trial 
of  Montalembert,  on  all  of  which  there  is  plenty  to  say. 
Bright's  speeches  have  evidently  been  a  failure,  and  if  they 
produce  any  effect,  it  will  probably  be  one  rather  useful  to 
the  Government ;  but  the  very  failure  only  proves  more 
strongly  the  bad  policy  of  Derby  in  bringing  forward  a 
Reform  measure,  and  how  much  more  safe  he  would  have 
been  if  he  had  let  it  alone.  There  is  a  considerable  though 
not  universal  impression  that  by  some  means  and  through 
the  operation  of  the  chapter  of  accidents  this  Reform  Bill 
will  prove  fatal  to  him.  Mr.  Elwin,  the  editor  of  the 
"Quarterly  Review,"  told  the  Duke  of  Bedford  he  thought 
eo,  and  that  he  had  been  told  by  a  Cabinet  Minister  that 
there  had  been  such  serious  differences  of  opinion  among 
them  on  this  subject  that  if  the  session  had  been  prolonged 
the  Government  would  probably  have  gone  to  pieces  at  that 
time,  and  Lord  John  told  the  Duke  that  Walpole  had  inti- 
mated to  him  something  of  the  same  kind.  Lord  John  is 
expecting,  and  Palmerston  is  hoping,  that  the  Government 
will  fall,  and  the  latter  is  still  confident  that  his  day  will 
20 


458  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAr.  XVII. 

come  again,  a  confidence  which  no  one  else  seems  to  partake 
of.  Clarendon,  who  is  the  staunchest  of  Palmerston's  allies 
and  colleagues,  has  been  endeavoring  to  dissipate  this  illu- 
sion and  to  bring  him  to  take  a  more  accurate  view  of  his 
own  position,  but  without  success.  "He  cannot  see  why 
John  Kussell  should  not  again  take  office  under  him,"  and 
it  is  in  vain  that  Clarendon  assures  him  that  nothing  on 
earth  will  induce  Lord  John  to  do  so.  Lord  John  seems 
disposed  to  bide  his  time,  and  evidently  cherishes  a  hope  and 
expectation  that  the  Whig  party  will  return  to  their  alle- 
giance to  him  and  enable  him  to  form  another  Government. 
He  seem  to  have  a  liking  for  Bright,  though  he  does  not 
agree  with  all  his  views  of  Eeform.  At  this  moment  my 
own  belief  is  that  the  present  Government  have  the  best 
chance  in  this  race  for  power  from  the  mere  fact  of  their 
being  in  possession,  and  from  the  hopeless  disunion  and  con- 
fusion in  which  the  Whigs  and  Liberals  are  plunged. 

Montalembert's  paper  is  admirable,  and  I  agree  with  al- 
most every  part  of  it,  especially  about  the  Indian  debate 
and  Indian  policy,  and  the  causes  of  Palmerston's  extraor- 
dinary fall  and  the  loss  of  his  popularity.  His  prosecution 
by  the  Imperial  Government  is  either  an  enormous  mistake 
and  political  error,  or  a  stroke  of  policy  so  deep  and  refined 
as  to  be  beyond  my  comprehension.  Here  everybody  re- 
gards it  as  a  great  imprudence. 

December  2d.  — I  returned  to  town  jTesterday,  having  been 
to  Badger  Hall,  thence  to  Grimstone,  then  to  Ossington,  and 
yesterday  from  Hinchinbrook.  If  I  have  written  nothing  it 
is  not  from  want  of  interesting  events  worth  notice,  but 
because  I  have  known  and  heard  nothing  more  than  all  the 
world  learnt  from  the  newspapers.  The  chief  topics  of 
interest  have  been  the  pamphlet  and  the  trial  of  Monta- 
lembert  and  the  visit  of  Palmerston  and  Clarendon  to 
Compi^gne.  The  first  seems  to  have  excited  more  interest 
here  than  in  Paris,  where  the  tyrannical  proceeding  was 
taken  very  quietly,  and  little  sympathy  felt  for  a  man  who 
wrote  so  enthusiastically  about  England,  and  rebuked  his 
own  countrymen,  and  particularly  his  co-religionaries,  for 
their  unworthy  conduct  and  language  toward  us.  There 
appears  to  have  been  a  general  feeling  of  regret  or  disap- 
proval of  the  visit  to  Paris,  even  on  the  part  of  those  who 
are  most  friendly  to  the  two  Lords.  I  think  it  is  a  pity 
they  should  have  gone  just  at  this  moment,  when  the 


1858.]  PROSECUTION  OF  COUNT  MONTALEMBERT.  459 

Montalembert  affair  and  the  Portuguese  quarrel  have  made 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  very  unpopular  here ;  but  it  does 
not  seem  to  me  to  be  a  matter  of  much  consequence,  or  to 
be  worth  the  indignation  which  in  some  quarters  it  has 
elicited. 

Hillingdon,  December  12th. — I  went  to  The  Grove  on 
Wednesday  last  and  came  back  on  Friday.  There  I  had 
long  talks  with  Clarendon  for  the  first  time  for  many  a  day, 
when  he  told  me  a  great  deal  that  was  interesting,  just  as  he 
used  to  do  formerly,  first  about  his  visit  to  Compie'gne  and 
his  conversations  with  the  Emperor.  The  Emperor  told 
him  that  his  motive  for  prosecuting  Montalembert  was  that 
he  was  aware  that  there  was  a  conspiracy  of  literary  men, 
enemies  of  his  Government,  to  write  it  down  in  a  very  in- 
sidious manner,  not  by  any  direct  attacks,  but,  under  the 
pretence  of  discussing  subjects  either  not  political  or  not 
French,  to  introduce  matter  most  hostile  and  most  mischiev- 
ous to  him,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  put  down  such  a 
conspiracy,  and  he  thought  the  best  course  was  to  proceed  at 
once  against  a  man  so  conspicuous  as  Montalembert,  and  to 
make  an  example  of  him,  by  which  others  would  be  deterred. 
This  was  his  excuse,  whatever  its  value.  It  appears  to  me  a 
very  bad  one,  and  I  doubt  if  the  fact  itself  is  true,  though 
Clarendon  seemed  to  think  it  was.  They  had  a  great  deal 
of  conversation  about  Italy  and  the  anti-Austrian  projects 
attributed  to  France,  touching  which  the  Emperor's  ideas 
were  most  strange  and  extravagant.  He  said  there  had  been 
two  questions  in  which  France  was  interested  :  one  the  re- 
generation of  Poland,  the  other  the  regeneration  of  Italy ; 
that  in  the  pursuit  of  the  first  France  naturally  became  the 
ally  of  Austria  against  Russia,  in  the  pursuit  of  the  other 
she  became  the  ally  of  Russia  and  Sardinia  against  Austria  ; 
that  the  peace  with  Russia  had  put  an  end  to  anything  being 
done  about  the  first,  and  the  second  alone  became  possible. 
Clarendon  then  pointed  out  to  him  all  the  difficulties  of  in- 
volving himself  in  such  a  contest  as  this  scheme  supposed, 
that  Austria  would  sacrifice  her  last  florin  and  her  last  man 
in  defence  of  her  Italian  provinces,  that  to  go  to  war  with 
her  would  almost  inevitably  sooner  or  later  plunge  all  Europe 
into  war,  and  that  the  object  to  be  gained  by  it,  even  by 
France  herself,  would  be  wholly  incommensurate  with  the 
cost  and  the  danger  that  would  be  incurred.  The  Emperor 
appeared  to  have  no  reply  to  make  to  Clarendon's  remon- 


460  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

strances,  nor  did  I  gather  that  His  Majesty  had  any  casus 
belli  against  Austria,  nor  even  any  just  cause  of  complaint 
to  urge  against  her,  from  which  I  draw  the  inference  not 
only  that  his  policy  is  of  a  very  wild  and  chimerical  charac- 
ter, but  that  at  any  moment  when  he  might  see,  or  think  he 
saw,  any  advantage  in  attacking  another  Power,  no  consid- 
eration of  justice  and  good  faith,  still  less  of  moderation  and 
care  for  the  happiness  and  peace  of  the  world,  would  restrain 
him,  and  from  such  a  contingency  England  would  be  no 
more  exempt  than  any  other  country.1 

December  12th. — Another  day  the  Emperor  asked  Claren- 
don to  come  into  his  room,  when  he  told  him  that  he  wanted 
his  advice,  that  he  was  in  a  great  dilemma  and  embarrass- 
ment in  regard  to  his  Roman  occupation,  and  in  a  false  posi- 
tion, from  which  he  did  not  know  how  to  extricate  himself. 
He  was  dying  to  recall  the  French  troops,  and  yet  unable  to 
do  it.  He  had  always  hoped  to  be  able  to  get  the  policy  laid 
down  in  the  Edgar  Key  letter  carried  out,  bat  as  soon  as  the 
Pope  and  his  ecclesiastical  councillors  returned  to  Eome  they 
refused  to  do  anything,  and  whenever  he  held  out  any  threat 
of  withdrawing  his  troops  they  always  said  he  might  do  so 
whenever  he  pleased,  for  they  knew  very  well  the  reasons 
which  prevented  his  doing  it :  the  moment  the  French  troops 
marched  out  there  would  be  an  uprising  in  Eome  and  in  the 
Papal  States.  The  religious  party  in  France  would  deeply 
resent  his  exposing  the  Pope  to  any  such  danger,  and  as  soon 
as  the  French  went  away  the  Austrians  would  march  in  and 
be  masters  of  the  whole  country.  Clarendon  acknowledged 
the  gravity  of  the  situation  and  the  difficulty,  but  could 
suggest  no  solution  of  it.  They  discussed  the  possibility  of 
inducing  the  Pope  to  relinquish  his  temporal  sovereignty, 
and  to  accept  a  great  revenue  instead,  but  neither  of  them 
seems  to  have  thought  this  plan  feasible. 

January  \kih,  1859. — I  purposed  at  the  close  of  the  last 
year  to  say  a  few  words  about  a  year  which  might  well  be 
called  annus  mirdbilis  and  annus  mcBstissimus  besides,  for  I 
do  not  remember  any  year  marked  by  a  greater  number  and 

1  [It  is  remarkable  that  this  conversation  of  the  Emperor  with  Lord  Claren- 
don at  Compiegne  took  place  within  a  month  of  the  speech  to  Baron  Hubner  on 
New  Year's  Day.  which  was  the  slznal  of  war  between  France  and  Austria,  and 
at  a  time  when  tie  secret  alliance  between  the  Emperor  and  M.  de  Cavour  had 
been  already  concluded.  The  Emperor's  object  was  evidently  to  delude  his 
English  guests,  and  Lord  Clarendon  was  partially  deceived  by  him,  although  he 
dearly  perceived  that  there  was  danger  of  war  ahead.] 


1859.]  NAPOLEON'S  SPEECH  TO   BARON  HflBNER.  461 

variety  of  remarkable  events  and  occurrences,  and  certainly 
none  which  has  been  so  fatal  to  the  happiness  of  so  many 
of  our  friends.  One  calamity  has  succeeded  another  with 
frightful  rapidity,  till  it  is  difficult  to  point  to  any  one  who 
has  not  sustained  some  terrible  bereavement  in  the  persons 
of  near  and  dear  relations  or  intimate  friends.  A  severe  fit 
of  gout  which  attacked  me  on  Christmas  Day,  and  has  kept 
hold  of  me  ever  since,  prevented  my  executing  my  purpose, 
and  now  I  have  forgotten  all  I  intended  to  say,  and  can  only 
take  up  the  present  condition  of  affairs  as  they  present  them- 
selves at  the  beginning  of  this  year,  and  this  is  dark  and 
unpromising  enough.  All  Europe  has  been  thrown  into 
alarm  by  the  speech  which  the  Emperor  Napoleon  made  to 
the  Austrian  Ambassador  Hubner  on  New  Year's  Day,  and 
by  the  announcement  which  followed  it  that  Prince  Napoleon 
was  going  to  Turin  to  marry  the  King  of  Sardinia's  daughter. 
The  language  of  the  King  of  Sardinia  in  his  speech  to  his 
Parliament  shortly  afterward  confirmed  the  general  appre- 
hensions. The  menacing  manifestations  having  produced 
their  effect,  the  Emperor  seems  to  have  thought  it  advisable 
to  draw  in  his  horns,  and  to  try  and  calm  the  effervescence 
he  had  produced.  This,  however,  was  not  so  easy,  and  in 
spite  of  certain  tranquillizing  articles  which  the  French  Press 
was  instructed  to  put  forth,  the  impression  that  mischief 
is  brewing  cannot  be  effaced,  and  though  many  think  that 
there  will  be  no  immediate  outbreak,  and  the  money  dealers 
and  speculators  comfort  themselves  with  thinking  that  want 
of  money  will  prevent  the  great  military  Powers  from  going 
to  war,  the  best  informed  persons,  and  those  who  are  most 
accustomed  to  watch  the  signs  of  the  times,  are  convinced 
that  the  time  is  near  at  hand  when  the  peace  of  the  world 
will  be  broken,  that  the  Emperor  is  determined  upon  an  ag- 
gression on  Austria,  and  that  he  is  only  undecided  as  to  the 
time  when  the  operation  shall  be  begun.  It  is  now  evident 
that  when  our  Ex-Ministers  were  at  Compie'gne,  and  when 
the  Emperor  pretended  that  he  wanted  to  consult  Clarendon 
confidentially,  he  only  made  a  half-confidence  of  his  views 
and  his  position,  and  that  he  concealed  from  Clarendon  the 
important  fact  of  the  marriage  of  Prince  Napoleon,  which 
was  arranged  at  the  time. 

The  Grove,  January  "25th. — I  have  passed  three  days  here 
very  agreeably  ;  a  large  party  on  Saturday  and  Sunday,  after 
which  Clarendon,  George  Lewis,  and  I,  talking  over  every- 


462  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

thing  interesting  at  home  and  abroad.  There  has  been  a 
good  deal  of  correspondence  between  Clarendon  and  John 
Russell  in  a  very  friendly  spirit,  quite  different  from  the 
terms  they  have  been  on  till  lately,  and  indicating  the  possi- 
bility of  their  coming  together  again  in  Opposition  and  in 
office.  I  saw  also  some  letters  of  Palmerston's  upon  foreign 
affairs,  exceedingly  sound  and  judicious.  I  am  bound  to  say 
that  all  I  hear  and  see  of  Palmerston's  views,  opinions,  and 
conduct  is  highly  creditable  to  him,  and  very  different  from 
what  I  expected.  He  evinces  no  impatience  to  return  to 
office,  and  no  misconception  of  his  own  position.  All  he 
writes  on  foreign  affairs,  on  France  and  Austria  and  Italy, 
is  marked  by  great  wisdom  and  moderation.  He  is  taking 
his  proper  place  as  head  of  the  Liberal  and  Whig  party,  pre- 
pared to  go  to  Parliament  and  wait  for  the  development  of 
the  policy  and  measures  of  the  Government,  before  forming 
any  plan  of  a  political  campaign.  Reading  at  the  same  time 
the  letters  of  Lord  John  and  those  of  Palmerston  on  the  same 
subject,  that  of  foreign  policy,  I  am  struck  with  the  great 
superiority  of  the  latter. 

Bretby,  January  27th. — I  left  The  Grove  yesterday  morn- 
ing, and  came  here  to-day.  At  breakfast  yesterday  Claren- 
don handed  over  to  me  a  letter  from  Reeve,  enclosing  one 
from  Guizot  upon  the  aspect  of  affairs  in  Europe  and  the 
chances  of  war  and  peace  ;  an  admirable  letter,  as  all  his 
are.  Reeve  said  that  he  had  been  told  that  Palmerston  was 
likely  to  give  utterance  to  some  sentiments  very  anti-Aus- 
trian, and  in  favor  of  Italian  nationality,  than  which  noth- 
ing could  be  more  mischievous  or  more  conducive  to  the 
objects  of  Louis  Napoleon.  This  seemed  to  me  so  incon- 
sistent with  the  spirit  of  moderation  and  good  sense  which  I 
had  remarked  in  the  letters  I  had  already  seen  of  Palmer- 
ston's, that  I  said  I  could  not  think  it  possible  that  he  was 
meditating  anything  of  the  sort,  and  I  was  greatly  surprised 
when  Clarendon  replied,  and  George  Lewis  agreed  with  him, 
that  nothing  was  more  possible,  and  that  he  should  not  be 
at  all  surprised  if  he  expressed  sentiments  which  were  very 
much  those  which  he  had  always  entertained.  Of  course 
they  both  deprecated  any  such  language  in  the  strongest 
manner.  When  I  got  to  town  I  told  Reeve  what  had  passed, 
and  he  then  told  me  his  authority  for  what  he  had  written, 
and  that  his  informant  had  gathered  it  from  conversations 
with  Palmerston  himself.  It  was  at  all  events  satisfactory 


1859.]  LOUD   TALMERSTON'S  VIEW   OF   THE   ITALIAN  WAR.    463 

to  find  that  the  language  of  the  "Times"  had  undergone 
no  alteration,  and  that  they  adhered  to  the  same  judicious 
course  and  vigorous  argumentation  which  they  have  all 
along  adopted.  Clarendon  and  George  Lewis  are  equally 
afraid  of  what  John  Russell  may  say,  but  they  are  aware 
that  though  he  may  do  considerable  mischief,  his  dicta  are 
infinitely  less  important  than  Palmerston's.  Granville  ar- 
rived last  night  from  Paris  and  Eome,  and  I  saw  him  for  a 
few  minutes  as  I  was  starting  to  come  here.  I  had  just  time 
to  ascertain  that  his  views  are  idcntictil  with  those  of  Claren- 
don and  George  Lewis,  and  that  his  efforts  will  be  joined  to 
theirs  in  attempting  to  persuade  both  Palmerston  and  John 
Russell  to  refrain  from  saying  anything  which  may  serve  as 
an  encouragement  to  the  Emperor,  and  George  Lewis  said 
that  on  Palmerston's  language  in  the  House  of  Commons 
the  peace  of  the  world  might  possibly  depend.  There  seems 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  one  of  the  things  which  keeps  the 
Emperor's  mind  in  suspense  and  uncertainty  is  his  desire  to 
hear  what  passes  in  our  Parliament,  and  ip  ascertain  what 
amount  of  sympathy  and  support  the  Italian  cause  and  a 
war  against  Austria  are  likely  to  find  in  this  country. 
Palmerston  must  have  already  taken  such  a  measure  of  the 
public  feeling  here  as  to  know  that  any  appeal  to  anti- Aus- 
trian and  pro-Italian  sympathies  would  meet  with  no  re- 
sponse either  in  or  out  of  Parliament.  The  most,  therefore, 
that  he  will  probably  venture  to  do  will  be  strenuously  to 
recommend  a  complete  neutrality,  and  that  this  country 
should  determine  to  keep  aloof  from  any  contest  that  may  en- 
sue. This  would  be  playing  the  Emperor's  game,  and  might 
perhaps  be  more  useful  to  him  than  any  other  course  we  could 
take,  for  it  would  find  pretty  general  concurrence,  and  most 
likely  elicit  many  expressions  of  opinions  which  the  Emperor 
would  be  able  with  gome  plausibility  to  construe  in  the  man- 
ner most  favorable  to  his  own  pretensions  and  designs. 

January  31s/. — Dined  with  Lord  Salisbury  on  Saturday 
at  the  Sheriffs'  dinner,  when  I  met  all  the  Cabinet,  except 
Mulmesbury,  Hardwicke,  and  John  Manners.  Derby  told 
me  a  curious  thing.  An  experiment  was  made  of  the  pos- 
sible speed  by  which  a  telegraphic  message  could  be  sent  and 
an  answer  got.  They  fixed  on  Corfu,  made  every  prepara- 
tion, and  sent  one  word.  The  message  and  return  were 
effected  in  six  seconds.  I  would  not  have  believed  this  on 
any  other  authority. 


464  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

Granville  is  just  come  from  Paris,  where  he  spent  a 
week  ;  he  saw  and  conversed  with  everybody,  beginning  with 
the  Emperor  and  ending  with  Thiers.  All  the  Ministers  he 
talked  to,  Walewski,  Fould,  and  Kouher,  are  dead  against  war, 
Morny  the  same,  Baroche  said  to  be  for  it,  and  Fleury,  who 
wants  to  distinguish  himself  in  the  field.  The  Emperor  talked 
over  the  whole  question  and  assured  him  he  had  not  committed 
himself  to  the  King  of  Sardinia,  but  on  the  contrary  had  told 
him  he  would  not  support  him  if  he  committed  any  impru- 
dence toward  Austria.  Granville's  impression  is  that  the 
question  is  adjourned  for  the  present,  owing  to  the  clear 
manifestation  in  France,  but  much  more  to  the  unanimous 
tone  of  the  German  and  English  Press.  He  is,  however, 
waiting  in  great  anxiety  for  the  debates  in  our  Parliament, 
and  still  hopes  for  some  anti-Austrian  expression  which  may 
favor  his  own  views.  He  has  such  a  contempt  for  his  own 
nation  and  for  the  opinions  of  the  French  people  that  these 
last  do  not  weigh  much  with  him,  and  he  fancies  that  they 
may  be  at  any  moment  changed  and  run  in  a  warlike  cur- 
rent. Granville  thinks  our  Government  have  acted  properly 
throughout  these  transactions,  so  far  as  he  can  judge. 

February  5th. — Parliament  opened  on  Thursday  with,  as 
everybody  owned,  a  very  good  speech,  and  the  discussions 
in  both  Houses  were  in  a  very  good  tone,  and  all  that  could 
be  desired  as  to  foreign  policy.  It  will  be  impossible  for 
the  Emperor  to  derive  from  what  passed  a  single  word  from 
any  quarter  favorable  to  his  projects.  The  disappointment 
of  his  expectations  in  this  respect  may  be  very  annoying 
to  him,  and  possibly  induce  him  still  to  defer  his  final 
resolution,  but  it  is  too  much  to  hope  that  the  language 
of  our  Parliament  will  turn  him  altogether  from  his  design. 
Indeed  it  has  now  become  equally  difficult  for  him  to  advance 
without  danger  or  to  retreat  without  discredit,  and  in  his 
position  discredit  is  in  itself  fraught  with  danger. 

February  12th. — The  Emperor  Napoleon's  speech,  looked 
for  with  so  much  anxiety  here,  arrived  a  few  hours  after  its 
delivery  on  Monday  last,  and  was  on  the  whole  regarded  as 
rather  pacific  than  the  contrary,  but  still  so  reserved  and 
ambiguous  that  it  might  mean  anything  or  lead  to  any- 
thing or  nothing.  The  general  opinion  seems  to  be  that 
nothing  will  take  place  for  the  present.  The  Government 
have  begun  their  campaign  so  quietly,  and  with  so  little 
disturbance  or  threatening  of  any,  that  if  such  calm  appear- 


1859.]  IONIAN  MOTION  DELAYED.  465 

ances  were  not  often  fallacious,  one  should  predict  their 
passing  smoothly  through  the  session  ;  but  when  one  thinks 
of  this  time  last  year,  of  the  apparent  strength  and  security 
of  Palmerston's  Government,  and  of  the  suddenness  of  his 
fall,  it  is  impossible  to  rely  upon  the  continuance  of  this 
unclouded  sky. 

February  19/A. — The  general  complaint  is  that  nothing 
is  done  in  Parliament,  and  that  there  is  a  general  apathy, 
under  the  continuance  of  which  the  Government  gets  ou 
without  hindrance,  while  their  faults  or  blunders  pass  un- 
checked. The  Chancellor  incurred  a  momentary  odium  by 
his  attempt  at  perpetuating  a  very  shameless  job,  by  making 
his  son-in-law  a  Judge  in  Lunacy  without  having  any  quali- 
fications for  such  an  office  ;  but  after  a  little  spurt  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  the  result  of  which  was  the  appoint- 
ment being  rescinded,  the  matter  quietly  dropped.  Glad- 
stone's extravagant  proceedings  at  Corfu l  have  elicited 
something  like  an  attack  led  on  by  Lord  Grey,  but  although 
this  subject  will  probably  be  more  seriously  and  warmly  dis- 
cussed after  he  comes  home,  it  does  not  seem  likely  to  lead  to 
much  at  present,  and  Derby  will  probably  parry  Grey's  attack 
on  Monday  next. 

February  27th. — Derby  prevailed  on  Grey  to  defer  his 
Ionian  motion  till  Gladstone's  return,  which  he  said  would 
be  in  a  fortnight  at  least.  Palmerston  had  given  notice 
of  his  intention  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House  of 
Commons  to  the  present  state  of  Europe,  and  to  ask  if  the 
Government  could  give  the  country  any  information  on  the 
subject.  The  Government  tried  to  persuade  him  to  defer  his 
intention,  but  without  effect,  and  he  persisted  in  his  course. 
In  the  meanwhile  Cowley  suddenly  arrived  in  England,  sent 
for  by  the  Government,  as  it  was  said,  for  the  purpose  of 
receiving  instructions  in  respect  to  the  conferences  expected 
at  Paris  on  the  Danubian  affairs.  On  Thursday  morning 
the  world  was  electrified  at  reading  an  article  in  the  "  Times  " 
stating  that  Cowley  was  going  on  a  special  mission  to  Vienna 
for  the  purpose  of  making  matters  up,  if  possible,  between 
France  and  Austria.  The  day  before  I  had  been  apprised  of 
the  fact  by  Granville,  who  had  heard  it  from  Clarendon,  to 

1  fMr.  Gladstone  had  accepted,  temporarily,  the  office  of  Lord  Hurh  Com- 
missioner of  the  Ionian  Islands,  under  Lord  Derby's  Government.  HU  pro- 
ceediu«s  there  excited  great  surprise  in  England.  "The  eventual  result>of  his 
mission  was  the  surrender  of  the  Protectorate  of  the  Ionian  Islands  to  the  King- 
dom of  Greece.] 


466  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

whom  Cowley  had  imparted  the  secret  of  his  mission.  The 
mission  was  m  fact  rather  one  from  the  Emperor  than  from 
our  Government,  who  had  really  done  nothing  whatever,  but 
were  too  happy  to  allow  Cowley  to  go  and  try  his  hand  in 
patching  matters  up.  He  has  done  it  all  off  his  own  bat. 
Seeing  how  day  after  day  war  appeared  to  be  becoming  more 
imminent,  he  resolved  to  see  if  he  could  not  do  something 
to  arrest  the  evil ;  he  found  the  French  Ministers  quite 
agreed  with  him,  and  the  Emperor  in  a  state  of  mingled 
rage,  disappointment,  and  perplexity,  clinging  with  his  char- 
acteristic tenacity  to  the  designs  on  which  his  mind  has 
been  so  long  fixed,  and  to  which  he  probably  stands  com- 
mitted more  than  we  are  aware  of,  by  his  own  professions, 
and  by  his  cousin,  who  no  doubt  gave  Cavour  to  understand 
he  might  certainly  count  upon  the  Emperor's  aid.  This 
course  also  he  is  the  more  reluctant  to  abandon,  as  he  has 
certainly  persuaded  himself,  or  has  been  persuaded  by  others, 
that  in  no  other  way  can  he  secure  himself  from  the  attempts 
of  Italian  conspirators  and  assassins,  so  that  it  is  personal 
fear  which  is  the  real  ground  of  what  is  called  his  policy. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  is  intensely  disgusted  and  enraged  at 
finding  the  whole  feeling  and  opinion  of  England  so  decidedly 
pronounced  against  him,  and  that  in  no  quarter  whatever, 
neither  in  Parliament  nor  the  Press,  which  represents  the 
mind  of  the  whole  country,  nor  in  any  public  men,  can  he 
find  the  slightest  sympathy  or  encouragement,  or  anything 
but  the  most  indignant  disapprobation.1 

The  sentiment  of  England  is  if  possible  still  stronger  in 

1  [The  war  of  1859  is  now  judged  of  more  favorably  than  it  was  at  the  time 
of  its  inception,  and  the  result  obtained — the  independence  and  unification  of 
Italy — has  led  men  to  condone  the  tortuous  and  deceitful  policy  by  which  it  was 
arrived  at.  The  object  of  M.  de  Cavour  was  a  noble  one,  although  the  means 
he  employed  were  unscrupulous.  The  chief  motive  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
was  the  fear  of  his  old  allies  the  Carbonari.  Orsini's  attempt  on  his  life  had 
powerfully  affected  him. 

To  English  statesmen  of  all  parties  (with  one  or  two  exceptions)  it  was  appar- 
ent that  the  declaration  of  war  t>y  France  on  Austria  was  the  destruction  of  the 
great  compact  of  1815,  which  (whatever  may  have  been  its  defects)  had  given 
forty-four  years  of  peace  to  the  Continent  of  Europe,  and  which  had  survived 
the  Revolution  of  1848  and  the  Crimean  contest  of  1854.  It  was  the  first  out- 
break of  the  military  power  of  the  French  Empire  and  it  was  likely  to  lead  to 
future  wars,  as  the  result  has  proved.  The  defeat  of  Austria  and  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Germanic  Confederation  in  180(5  was  the  result  of  the  combined 
action  of  Prussia  and  Italy,  north  and  south  of  the  Alps  ;  and  the  Franco-Ger- 
man war  of  1870  was  the  result  of  the  military  ascendency  Prussia  had  thus  ac- 
ciuired  in  Europe.  The  policy  of  England  was  simply  based  on  the  principle 
that  the  duration  of  peace  depended  on  the  maintenance  of  the  existing  terri- 
torial arrangements  of  Europe.] 


1839.]  LORD  COWLEY'S   MISSION   TO   VIENNA.  467 

the  same  sense  in  Germany,  and  it  is  universal  in  France, 
where  it  is  only  prevented  from  manifesting  itself  with  as 
much  force  and  vivacity  as  in  Germany  and  here  by  the 
fettered  and  subservient  condition  of  the  Press.  In  addition 
to  this  I  am  informed  that  the  project  of  war  is  not  popular 
with  the  army  itself  ;  and  as  it  is  not  morally  certain  that 
by  plunging  into  war  the  Emperor  will  be  secure  from  the 
danger  of  assassination,  and  there  is  at  least  as  good  a  chance 
of  war  bringing  with  it  perils  of  another  sort  quite  as  for- 
midable, so  his  very  selfishness  makes  him  doubt  and  waver, 
and  inclines  him  to  listen  to  the  remonstrances  which  are 
addressed  to  him.  Upon  this  uncertain  and  varying  state  of 
mind  Oowley  has  been  endeavoring  to  work,  and  he  has  so 
far  succeeded  as  to  have  been  entrusted  by  the  Emperor  with 
a  commission  to  go  to  Vienna  and  negotiate  with  the  Austrian 
Government  a  settlement  of  their  differences,  or  rather,  as 
there  are  in  fact  no  differences  to  settle,  to  obtain  from  the 
Austrian  Government  some  concessions  by  virtue  of  which  he 
may  be  enabled  to  withdraw  from  his  present  false  position 
without  discredit,  by  which  means  he  may  give  satisfaction 
to  France  and  Europe,  though  at  the  risk  of  disappointing 
Sardinia  and  exasperating  the  Italian  Carbonari. 

When  Palmerston's  discussion  came  on  upon  Friday  last, 
it  was  already  known  (through  the  ''Times")  that  Cowley 
was  going  to  Vienna,  though  he  himself  had  told  nobody  of 
this  expedition  (except  Clarendon),  and  he  evidently  did'not 
mean  it  should  have  been  proclaimed.  On  Friday,  Disraeli 
and  Malmesbury  said  nothing  of  Cowley's  mission,  but  they 
both  announced  that  the  Papal  territories  would  be  evacuated 
by  the  French  and  Austrian  troops,  and  the  public  inferred 
that  this  evacuation  was  going  to  take  place  by  a  mutual 
agreement,  and  everybody  asked,  "Why  then  is  Cowley  going 
to  Vienna  ?"  but  the  truth  was  that  the  Pope  had  requested 
the  two  Governments  to  withdraw  their  troops,  and  one  of 
Cowley's  objects  is  to  procure  the  assent  of  Austria  to  that 
withdrawal,  France  having  no  doubt  agreed  to  it  on  certain 
conditions,  of  which  I  do  not  know  the  details,  but  which 
are  committed  to  the  management  of  Cowley.  Clarendon 
seemed  to  think  that  there  was  no  more  danger  now  of  the 
pacific  purpose  of  Cowley  being  obstructed  at  Vienna  than 
at  Paris,  for  he  said  that  the  Austrians  are  so  proud,  and 
moreover  so  greatly  incensed  at  the  conduct  of  France,  that 
it  is  very  doubtful  whether  they  will  be  induced  to  make  any 


468  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

concessions  at  all,  and  whether  the  Emperor  of  Austria  will 
not  prefer  to  encounter  all  the  danger  of  war,  prepared  as  he 
is,  than  consent  to  anything  which  should  have  the  appear- 
ance of  humbling  himself  before  the  outrageous  pretences 
and  intolerable  insolence  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French. 

In  the  midst  of  the  absorbing  interest  of  this  great  ques- 
tion, the  Government  Reform  Bill  is  coming  on.  They  ap- 
pear to  have  thought  it  advisable  to  bespeak  the  good  word 
of  the  "  Times,"  and  accordingly  they  sent  Delane  a  copy  of 
their  Bill.  This  morning  the  heads  of  it  appear  in  the 
"Times"  with  an  approving  article.  Mild  as  it  appears  to 
be,  it  is  too  strong  for  Walpole  and  Henley,  who  have  re- 
signed, but  why  they  did  not  resign  before  it  is  difficult  to 
understand.  At  Kent  House  yesterday  afternoon  there  was 
a  little  gathering  of  Clarendon,  Charles  Wood,  and  George 
Lewis,  when  they  all  agreed  that  if  the  Government  measure 
was  such  a  one  as  they  could  possibly  support,  their  proper 
policy  would  be  to  assist  the  Government  in  carrying  it. 

March  1st. — According  to  all  political  calculations  Cow- 
ley's  mission  ought  to  succeed,  but  I  feel  no  confidence  in 
his  success,  and  rather  believe  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
is  acting  with  his  usual  duplicity  and  treachery,  and  duping 
Cowley  to  gain  time,  which  is  necessary  to  his  plans.1  It  is 
revolting  to  see  that  the  peace  of  the  world  and  so  much  of 
the  happiness  or  misery  of  mankind  depend  upon  the  caprice 
and  will  and  the  selfish  objects  and  motives  of  a  worthless 
upstart  and  adventurer,  who  is  destitute  of  every  principle 
of  honor,  good  faith,  or  humanity,  but  who  is  unfortunately 
invested  with  an  enormous  power  for  good  or  evil.  And  this 
is  the  end  of  fifty  years  of  incessant  movement,  of  the  prog- 
ress of  society,  of  the  activity  and  development  of  the 
human  intellect  in  the  country  which  is  eternally  mouthing 
about  its  superior  civilization  and  its  mission  to  extend  the 
benefits  of  that  civilization  over  the  whole  world. 

Disraeli  brought  forward  his  Reform  Bill  last  night  in  a 
well-set  speech,  only  too  elaborate.  It  was  coolly  received, 
except  by  its  most  angry  opponents,  who  lost  no  time  in  de- 
nouncing it. 

1  [This  was  the  fact.  It  was  not  known  until  long  afterward  that  positive 
engagements  had  been  entered  into  at  Plombieres  between  the  Emperor  and  M. 
de  Cavour  in  the  preceding  autumnj  including  the  marriage  of  Prince  Napoleon 
to  the  daughter  or  the  King  of  Sardinia,  and  the  cession  of  Savoy  and  Nice  as  a 
compensation  for  the  conquest  of  Northern  Italy.  Cavour  had  the  Emperor  in 
his  power,  and  threatened,  if  he  drew  back,  to  publish  the  correspondence.] 


1859.]  THE  GOVERNMENT  REFORM  BILL.  469 

March  3d. — It  would  be  difficult  to  say  what  the  feeling 
of  the  House  of  Commons  really  is  on  the  subject  of  the 
Government  Keform  Bill.  The  night  it  came  out  everybody 
who  spoke  spoke  against  it.  The  Ultra-Keformers,  from 
Bright  down  to  John  Kussell,  naturally  express  nothing 
but  abhorrence  and  contempt  for  such  a  measure  ;  half- 
and-half  Reformers,  who  consider  Reform  a  necessity,  and 
who  would  be  glad  to  have  the  question  settled  for  the 
present  on  such  easy  terms,  do  not  venture  to  say  much  in 
its  favor ;  and  the  Whigs  generally,  particularly  at  their 
head-quarters,  Brooks's,  discuss  with  much  variety  of  opinion 
whether  the  second  reading  ought  to  be  resisted  or  not, 
the  prevailing  opinion  being  that  the  principle  of  the  Bill 
(which  is  the  equalisation  of  town  and  county  franchise)  is 
so  inadmissible  that  it  ought  to  be  rejected,  and  they  come 
to  that  conclusion  the  more  readily  because  they  think  its 
rejection  in  that  stage  would  put  an  end  to  the  Government. 
On  the  other  hand,  Derby  brought  together  two  hundred  of 
his  supporters  the  day  after  the  Bill  appeared,  and  obtained 
their  assent  to  it,  and  an  engagement  to  support  it.  The 
resignations  of  Henley  and  Walpole  have  been  prejudicial  to 
the  Government.  Their  explanations,  which  were  full  of 
half -suppressed  bitterness  toward  their  colleagues,  were  con- 
sidered damaging,  and  to  have  revealed  trickery  on  the  part 
of  Derby,  though  they  seem  to  me  to  have  rather  exhibited 
weakness  on  the  part  of  the  retiring  Ministers.  But  what 
they  have  clearly  shown  is  the  extreme  penury  of  the  party 
in  point  of  intellectual  resources,  when  they  can  find  no  man 
of  any  weight  or  reputation  to  fill  up  the  vacancies.  But  if 
the  Government  is  weak,  and  their  position  very  precarious, 
the  state  of  the  Opposition  is  at  least  as  deplorable,  for  there 
is  no  union  or  agreement  amongst  them,  and  Granville  ac- 
knowledged to  me  last  night  that  if  Derby  should  fall  on  the 
second  reading,  and  Palmerston  be  sent  for,  as  it  may  be  ex- 
pected he  would  be,  by  the  Queen,  that  it  is  impossible  to 
see  how  another  Government  could  be  formed.  This  state 
of  affairs  and  the  magnitude  of  the  embarrassment  will  proba- 
bly at  last  make  some  of  those  who  so  obstinately  insisted 
upon  their  being  right  in  resigning  last  year  after  the  Vote 
of  Censure,  begin  to  think  that  they  would  have  done  better 
to  accept  the  rebuke  and  stay  in.  All  that  is  now  occurring 
serves  to  confirm  my  own  opinion  upon  that  point. 

Since  Cowley's  arrival  at  Vienna  nothing  has  been  heard 


470  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

of  his  mission,  but  there  is  nothing  apparent  tending  to  lead 
to  the  conclusion  that  he  has  been  able  to  do  any  good,  and 
the  general  impression  is  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  is  only 
endeavoring  to  gain  time,  and  making  a  tool  of  Cowley  in 
hopes  of  thereby  committing  this  country  in  some  degree  to 
his  ulterior  designs,  and  there  are  not  wanting  persons  who 
believe  that  it  will  after  all  be  against  this  country  that  his 
arms  will  be  turned,  and  not  against  Austria. 

March  8th. — On  Saturday  morning  the  "Times"  pub- 
lished the  article  in  the  "  Moniteur  "  (evidently  the  Emperor's 
composition),  in  which  a  formal  denial  was  given  to  the  im- 
puted warlike  intentions  of  France.  The  general  impression 
produced  by  this  manifesto  was  that  the  Emperor  had  at 
last  been  diverted  from  his  purpose  by  the  various  manifes- 
tations which  he  had  seen  at  home  as  well  as  abroad,  and  that 
he  had  resolved  to  abandon  it  altogether.  Many,  however, 
refused  to  believe  in  this  happy  result,  and  thought  that  he 
was  only  trying  to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and 
endeavoring  to  gain  time.  All  things  considered,  I  incline 
to  believe  that  he  has  resolved  to  postpone  his  warlike  de- 
signs sine  die,  though  retaining  his  wish  to  employ  the  vast 
means  on  which  he  has  expended  so  much  money,  and  look- 
ing forward  to  some  pretext  which  the  chapter  of  accidents 
may  afford  him  to  execute  his  purpose. 

Strenuous  efforts  are  making  to  bring  about  an  under- 
standing and  agreement  between  the  Whig  leaders  as  to  op- 
posing the  Government  Bill,  in  which  nobody  is  so  active  as 
George  Lewis,  who  being  very  intimate  with  John  Russell, 
and  much  in  his  confidence,  and  at  the  same  time  still  on  a 
footing  of  an  adherent  of  Palmerston,  is  better  qualified 
than  any  one  to  form  a  link  between  the  two  and  to  produce 
a  mutual  accord.  John  Russell  has  drawn  up  certain  Reso- 
lutions which  he  intends  to  move  on  the  second  reading. 
These  Resolutions  have  been  shown  to  George  Grey  and  to 
Palmerston,  who  have  agreed  to  support  them,  and  it  may 
be  presumed  that  if  all  the  Whig  leaders,  or  even  most  of 
them,  take  this  course,  they  will  be  followed  by  the  majority 
of  the  rank  and  file.  The  Government  and  their  friends  are 
considerably  alarmed  at  this  hostile  demonstration,  and  the 
more  disappointed  because  they  had  been  led  to  believe  that 
Palmerston  intended  to  support  the  second  reading,  and  they 
knew  that  many  moderate  Whigs  were  inclined  to  take  the 
same  course.  Some  may  do  so  still,  but  if  the  rival  leaders 


1859.]  ANXIETY  TO  DEFEAT  THE  GOVERNMENT.  471 

can  agree  upon  an  attack  on  the  Bill,  though  they  may  be 
agreed  on  nothing  else,  it  is  certainly  probable  that  the  Gov- 
ernment  will  be  beaten.  Then  will  come  the  question  of 
dissolution  or  resignation.  This  will  probably  depend  on 
the  amount  and  composition  of  the  majority,  and  it  will  be 
a  knotty  point  for  Derby  to  decide  upon. 

Savernake,  March  9th. — I  met  George  Lewis  at  the 
Athenaeum  yesterday,  and  had  a  talk  about  the  state  of  affairs 
here.  He  told  me  that  the  whole  Liberal  party,  he  believed, 
would  support  John  Kussell's  Resolutions.  There  had  been 
considerable  doubt  at  first  whether  the  second  reading  of  the 
Bill  should  be  opposed  or  not,  but  upon  a  close  examination 
of  the  Bill  they  found  that  it  was  such  a  dishonest  measure 
that  it  could  not  be  allowed  to  pass,  and  therefore  it  was 
better  to  throw  it  out  at  once.  Palmerston  and  Lord  John 
are  now  on  very  good  terms.  Lord  John  had  sent  his 
Resolutions  to  Palmerston,  and  Palmerston  had  sent  him 
word  he  would  support  whatever  he  proposed.  Lewis 
thinks,  though  there  is  no  agreement  between  them  further 
than  this  with  regard  to  the  Reform  Bill,  that  if  this 
Government  falls,  and  the  Whigs  return  to  power,  means 
will  be  found  of  adjusting  the  rival  pretensions  of  the  two 
leaders,  and  getting  them  to  act  together.  To  effect  this, 
his  reliance  is  mainly  on  the  Queen,  who  he  thinks  may  and 
will  exert  her  influence  and  authority  for  this  end.  There 
is,  however,  a  notion  abroad  that  if  John  Russell  persists 
in  his  Resolutions,  the  Government  will  withdraw  the  first 
clause,  which  is  tantamount  to  withdrawing  the  Bill  itself. 
Lewis  believes  in  this  intention,  and  that  if  they  do  it  they 
will  become  so  unpopular,  and  incur  so  much  discredit,  that 
it  will  be  impossible  for  them  to  go  on  or  to  attempt  a  dis- 
solution. Another  notion  is  that  they  will  withdraw  the  Bill, 
and  endeavor  to  go  on  without  any  Bill  at  all,  trusting  to  the 
Opposition  not  daring  to  propose  a  vote  of  want  of  confi- 
dence, which  it  is  very  doubtful  if  they  could  carry.  The 
only  thing  clear  is  that  they  are  very  anxious  to  turn  the 
Government  out,  and  to  take  their  chance  of  the  conse- 
quences. Their  success  seems  not  at  all  unlikely,  but  when 
they  have  accomplished  their  object  their  embarrassments 
will  begin.  First  there  will  be  Lord  John  and  Palmerston, 
then  rembarras  des  richesses  of  the  numerous  candidates 
for  office,  and  settling  who  is  to  come  in  and  who  are  to  be 
thrown  overboard. 


472  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

March  15th. — Cowley  arrived  from  Vienna  on  Saturday, 
I  have  not  yet  seen  him,  but  Clarendon  told  me  yesterday 
that  he  brings  back  the  most  satisfactory  assurances  on 
the  part  of  Austria,  who  is  ready  to  give  every  pledge  of  her 
pacific  intentions,  and  to  come  to  any  agreement  with  France 
upon  the  withdrawal  of  both  their  forces  from  the  Papal 
States,  but  that  she  will  make  no  concessions  inconsistent 
with  her  rights  and  her  dignity,  or  which  could  seem  to 
damp  the  enthusiasm  now  prevailing  in  Germany  in  her  fa- 
vor ;  in  fact,  that  she  has  no  concessions  to  make.  Within 
the  last  few  days  the  symptoms  from  France  have  been  more 
menacing.  At  Paris  the  conviction  is  general  that  war  is 
meant,  and  I  am  obliged  to  believe  it  likewise.  The  resig- 
nation of  Prince  Napoleon  seems  to  have  been  a  mere  sham, 
and  his  intimacy  with  the  Emperor  as  close  as  ever.  There 
is  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  military  preparations  in 
France  are  suspended,  and  in  Piedmont  they  are  certainly 
going  on  actively. 

The  other  great  topic  of  interest,  viz.  the  Reform  Bill 
and  John  Russell's  Resolutions,  does  not  look  in  a  more 
satisfactory  state.  While  many  sensible  people  deprecate 
this  move  of  John  Russell's,  and  lament  that  Palmerston 
should  have  consented  to  support  it,  the  probability  seems 
that  it  will  be  carried,  but  the  greatest  uncertainty  prevails 
as  to  the  course  which  the  Government  will  adopt,  and 
whether  they  will  try  to  go  on,  dropping  their  Bill  altogether, 
or  continue  the  fight  with  its  remaining  clauses,  or  whether 
they  will  take  the  chance  of  a  dissolution.  It  is  now  clear 
enough  that  Derby  made  a  great  blunder  in  undertaking  to 
deal  with  the  question  of  Reform  at  all,  and  that  a  consistent 
Conservative  course  would  have  been  the  most  honorable 
and  the  wisest,  and  have  afforded  him  the  best  chance  of 
staying  in  office.  By  bringing  forward  a  measure  to  the 
principle  of  which  it  is  well  known  that  he  and  his  whole 
Government  and  party  are  in  their  hearts  adverse,  and  then 
trying  to  vitiate  the  principle  by  certain  contrivances  in  the 
details,  by  which  the  scruples  of  his  own  party  may  be 
obviated,  he  exposes  himself  to  the  charge  of  producing"  a 
dishonest  measure,  and  this  is  what  the  Whigs  urge  as 
their  ground  for  attacking  it  in  front  and  at  once.  This  is 
what  Lewis  said  to  me,  "  We  are  bound  to  defeat  a  measure 
which  is  so  dishonest  that  it  is  not  susceptible  of  such  im- 
provement in  Committee  as  would  warrant  our  passing  it." 


1859.]  LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL'S  RESOLUTIONS.  473 

The  conduct  of  the  Whigs,  however,  is  not  a  whit  more  hon- 
est. Their  allegation  is  a  mere  pretext,  and  their  real  mo- 
tive is  that  they  think  they  see  their  way  hack  to  office 
through  an  attack  upon  the  Government  Bill  ;  they  are  in- 
different to  the  consequences,  and  all  they  want  is  to  get  the 
coast  clear  for  themselves,  and  take  the  chance  of  settling 
the  difficult  questions  which  will  arise  as  to  the  formation 
of  a  Government  and  the  conditions  on  which  it  can  be 
formed.  All  this  appears  to  me  quite  as  dishonest  as  any- 
thing the  Government  have  done  or  are  doing.  Palmerston 
never  was  a  Reformer.  He  was  opposed  as  much  as  he  dared 
and  could  be  even  to  the  great  measure  of  1832,  which  all 
the  world  was  for.  When  he  brought  forward  a  measure  of 
his  own  two  or  three  years  ago,  he  did  it  without  sincerity 
or  conviction,  and  merely  for  a  party  object,  and  now  he  is 
uniting  with  John  Russell  without  any  real  agreement  with 
him  in  opinion,  and  with  full  knowledge  that  if  they  suc- 
ceed and  climb  into  office  on  the  ruins  of  the  Government 
Bill  he  will  be  obliged  to  propose  a  measure  much  stronger 
than  he  believes  to  be  either  necessary  or  safe.  Believing 
that  Palmerston  and  John  Russell  were  agreed  no  further 
than  upon  the  Resolutions  on  Monday  next,  I  thought  that 
a  difference  must  arise  between  them  (in  the  event  of  their 
coming  into  office)  on  the  Reform  Bill  they  should  produce, 
but  I  was  told  just  now  that  upon  this  point  they  are  already 
nearly  if  not  completely  agreed.  They  are,  however,  not 
yet  agreed  upon  the  great  question  of  the  Premiership,  or 
which  of  them  shall  go  to  the  House  of  Lords.  The  impa- 
tience and  confidence  of  Lord  John  seems  to  be  unbounded, 
and  in  spite  of  his  being  the  younger  by  seven  years,  his 
eagerness  to  be  in  office  again  much  more  intense  than 
that  of  Palmerston.  Although  this  is  such  a  miserable  Gov- 
ernment, both  discreditable  and  incompetent,  and  it  is  a 
misfortune  to  have  the  country  ruled  by  such  men,  I  cannot 
desire  the  success  of  such  selfish  and  unpatriotic  manoeuvres 
as  those  by  which  the  Whigs  are  endeavoring  to  supplant 
them,  and  consequently  I  regard  the  whole  state  of  affairs 
with  indescribable  disgust  and  no  small  apprehension.  I 
believe  the  country  to  be  in  nearly  equal  danger  from  Louis 
Napoleon  abroad  and  Mr.  Bright  at  home,  and  I  fear  that  there 
is  no  capacity  in  the  Government  to  cope  with  the  one,  and  no 
such  amount  of  wisdom  and  patriotism  among  the  chief  men 
of  all  parties  as  is  requisite  to  defeat  the  designs  of  the  other. 


474  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

March  IGth. — Cowley  called  on  me  yesterday  at  the 
Council  Office.  He  said  that  he  had  never  believed  there 
would  be  war,  and  he  did  not  expect  it  now ;  that  all  the 
agitation  and  turmoil  that  had  been  vexing  Europe  for  the 
last  three  months  were  to  be  attributed  to  the  conduct  of 
Cavour  and  his  attempts  to  drag  France  into  assisting 
Piedmont  in  her  aggressive  policy,  and  to  misunderstand- 
ings which  had  been  produced  by  the  strange  conduct  of  the 
French  Government,  the  imprudent  speech  of  the  Emperor 
to  Htlbner  on  January  1st,  and  the  ambiguous  manifesta- 
tions which  had  followed  it.  To  comprehend  all  these  things 
it  was  necessary  to  be  acquainted  with  the  whole  course  of 
Cavour's  policy  and  his  dealings  with  France,  and  to  under- 
stand the  peculiar  character  of  the  Emperor  and  the  motives 
and  impulses  by  which  he  is  actuated.  When  Austria  re- 
fused to  join  England  and  France  in  the  Eussian  War, 
Cavour  thought  that  an  opportunity  presented  itself  of 
which  he  might  take  advantage,  and  which  would  lead  to  a 
realisation  of  his  views  for  the  aggrandisement  of  Piedmont, 
and  he  offered  to  join  the  alliance  and  send  an  army  to  the 
Crimea.  This  offer  (as  Cowley  thinks  very  imprudently  and 
unfortunately)  was  accepted.  He  thinks  it  was  unwise,  be- 
cause the  assistance  of  Piedmont  was  not  required,  and  could 
not  have  any  material  effect  on  the  result  of  the  contest, 
while  it  was  sure  to  excite  hopes  and  expectations,  and  to 
give  rise  to  demands  which  would  be  afterward  found  very 
inconvenient  and  embarrassing.  Accordingly  Cavour  took 
the  earliest  opportunity  of  expressing  his  hopes  that  when 
peace  should  return  Sardinia  and  her  services  would  not  be 
overlooked.  General  expressions  of  goodwill  were  given, 
but  Cowley  cannot  answer  for  what  more  the  Emperor  may 
have  said. 

His  account  of  his  mission  does  not  quite  correspond 
with  what  I  had  before  heard  of  it,  and  is  an  additional  proof 
of  the  difficulty  of  arriving  at  truth.  He  told  me  that  he 
had  written  to  Malmesbury  and  told  him  he  thought  it  very 
expedient  to  send  somebody  to  Vienna  to  talk  to  Buol  and 
the  Emperor,  and  to  try  and  mediate  between  Austria  and 
France,  to  which  Malmesbury  had  replied  he  had  better  go 
himself,  as  nobody  else  would  be  so  likely  to  effect  the  object. 
The  consent  of  Buol  having  been  previously  obtained,  lie 
proposed  it  at  Paris,  where  his  services  were  gladly  accepted. 
He  had  already  spoken  very  openly  to  the  Emperor,  and 


1859.]  LORD  COWLEY'S  VIENNA  NEGOTIATION.  475 

told  him  very  plain  truths  as  to  his  position  and  his  conduct, 
and  when  he  went  he  told  his  Majesty  without  disguise 
what  his  intentions  were  and  his  wishes,  and  what  he  desired 
that  Austria  should  do.  The  Emperor  was  very  frank, 
totally  disdained  any  wish  to  make  war,  but  said  he  should 
like  Austria  to  do  certain  things,  which  amounted  to  full 
security  for  Piedmont  and  renunciation  of  any  unfair  and 
unjustifiable  predominance  in  Italy.  He  found  them  at 
Vienna  more  angry  than  alarmed  ;  suspicious,  but  not  un- 
reasonable ;  their  military  condition  so  good  and  powerful 
that,  believing  France  really  bent  on  attacking  them,  there 
was  a  very  general  feeling  that  it  was  better  war  should 
come  at  once  than  have  it  indefinitely  hanging  over  them, 
and  at  first  it  seemed  unlikely  that  they  would  return  any 
conciliatory  assurances  which  he  might  carry  back  to  France. 
At  last,  however,  he  got  them  to  say  what  he  thought  was  as 
much  as  could  be  expected  from  them,  and  what  ought  to 
satisfy  the  French  Government.  Since  he  left  Paris  (now 
three  weeks  ago  or  more)  he  has  not  had  a  line  from  thence, 
and  he  is  wholly  ignorant  of  the  march  of  affairs  during 
his  absence  ;  but  he  hopes  and  expects  to  find  a  pacific  dis- 
position, and  his  object  is  to  prevail  on  the  Emperor  to  put 
an  end  to  the  general  state  of  uncertainty  and  alarm  by  an- 
nouncing to  Sardinia  that  she  is  in  no  danger  from  Austria, 
and  that  therefore  no  assistance  from  France  will  be  neces- 
sary, and  she  may  safely  desist  from  her  warlike  prepara- 
tions. This  is  in  fact  the  only  way  by  which  the  crisis  can 
be  put  an  end  to,  and  if  the  Emperor  really  has  been  sincere 
in  his  professions  and  means  to  make  his  acts  correspond 
with  them,  he  will  forthwith  put  forward  some  clear  and  un- 
ambiguous declaration,  and  some  definite  communication  to 
Piedmont  which  will  leave  no  room  for  doubt  or  suspicion, 
and  restore  confidence  and  tranquillity  to  Europe  again. 

March  22d. — Yesterday  the  "Times"  announced  that  a 
Congress  had  been  agreed  upon,  which  was  believed,  so  the 
funds  rose  and  there  was  a  general  belief  that  a  solution 
was  at  hand,  but  it  turns  out  not  to  be  true.  The  Emperor 
wishes  for  one  as  a  means  by  which  he  may  back  out  of  his 
scrape,  which  Cowley  writes  is  now  his  object,  but  it  is  im- 
possible to  believe  that  Austria  will  listen  to  it,  and  Claren- 
don thinks  that  she  would  do  wrong  to  consent  to  it,  and 
that  we  should  get  into  a  scrape  by  being  a  party  to  it,  as  no 
'  reliance  whatever  can  be  placed  on  the  good  faith  or  honesty 


476  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CnAP.  XVH. 

of  France,  who  would  deceive  us  aud  Austria,  as  she  has 
often  done  before. 

Yesterday  the  Neapolitan  exiles  arrived  at  an  hotel  in 
Dover  Street  in  several  hack  cabs,  decorated  with  laurels,  and 
preceded  by  a  band  of  music.  I  did  not  see  the  men,  but 
saw  the  empty  cabs  ;  there  was  no  crowd. 

Nothing  could  be  more  uninteresting  than  the  first  even- 
ing of  the  debate  on  John  Russell's  Resolutions  last  night. 
Lord  March  told  me  in  the  morning  that  the  Government 
would  certainly  dissolve  as  soon  as  the  Resolutions  were  car- 
ried. Every  day  makes  the  folly  of  Derby  more  apparent  in 
bringing  in  any  Reform  Bill  at  all. 

March  21th.—  When  I  think  of  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832, 
and  compare  the  state  of  affairs  at  that  time  with  that  of  the 
present  time,  nothing  can  be  more  extraordinary.  Then 
the  interest  was  intense,  the  whole  country  in  a  fever  of 
excitement,  the  Press  rabid,  the  clamor  for  Reform  all  but 
universal,  party  running  tremendously  high,  no  doubt  or 
hesitation  about  individual  wishes  and  opinions,  and  each 
camp  perfectly  united  in  itself,  and  full  of  energy  and  zeal. 
In  this  condition  of  the  public  mind  and  of  politics  the  de- 
bates began  and  continued.  This  debate  has  begun  and 
seems  likely  to  continue,  how  differently  !  There  are  neither 
zeal  nor  union  on  one  side  or  the  other,  everybody  is  dis- 
satisfied with  the  state  of  affairs,  and  nobody  can  see  a  satis- 
factory issue  from  the  general  embarrassment.  There  have 
been  two  nights  of  debate,  and  as  yet  all  the  speaking  has 
been  one  way,  all  on  the  anti-Reform  side.  John  Russell 
was  flat,  and  Stanley,  who  replied  to  him,  actually  read  his 
speech,  which,  though  it  was  much  complimented  by  his  own 
friends,  seems  to  have  been  far  from  effective.  Horsman 
made  a  very  good  speech  the  first  night,  and  Bulwer  Lytton 
spoke  with  great  eloquence  and  effect  on  Tuesday,  far  better 
than  anybody  thought  he  could  speak,  and  the  Solicitor- 
General  made  a  magnificent  speech,  in  which  he  attacked 
John  Russell  with  great  vigor  and  complete  success.  The 
only  tolerable  speech  on  the  Opposition  side  was  Sidney  Her- 
bert's. Nobody  has  the  least  idea  what  course  the  Govern- 
ment will  take  of  the  three  open  to  them,  whether  they  will 
resign,  dissolve,  or  go  on  with  the  second  reading.  The  in- 
ference from  Stanley's  speech  was  that  they  will  dissolve,  but 
Lytton  and  Cairns  seemed  anxious  to  do  away  with  the  im- 
pression that  speech  had  made,  and  one  is  led  to  infer  from 


1859.]  DEBATE   ON  REFORM   BILL.  477 

what  they  said  that  the  Government  will  most  likely  proceed 
to  the  second  reading,  which  would  probably  be  their  wisest 
and  certainly  their  most  popular  course.  The  majority  of 
those  who  are  going  to  vote  for  the  Kesolutions  do  so  un- 
willingly, and  would  have  preferred  going  into  Committee, 
or  to  have  fought  the  battle  on  the  second  reading.  As  it  is, 
if  Government  do  not  throw  up  their  cards,  the  second  read- 
ing is  in  my  opinion  sure  to  pass,  and  not  improbably  the 
Bill  itself  with  great  alterations. 

The  state  of  foreign  affairs  is  as  uncertain  as  ever.  So 
incurable  is  the  distrust  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  that  the 
greatest  doubts  prevail  whether  he  means  peace  or  war,  and 
whether  even  this  Congress  which  he  is  trying  to  bring  about 
is  not  a  mere  dodge  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  time,  and  in 
order  to  extract  out  of  it  a  plausible  case  for  a  complete 
breach  with  Austria. 

Gladstone  is  come  back  from  Italy  completely  duped  by 
Cavour,  who  has  persuaded  him  that  Piedmont  has  no  am- 
bition or  aggressive  objects,  and  that  Austria  alone  is  guilty 
of  all  the  trouble  in  which  the  world  has  been  plunged.  He 
told  this  to  Aberdeen,  who  treated  his  delusions  and  his  cre- 
dulity with  the  utmost  scorn  and  contempt,  but  he  is  said  to 
have  found  John  Russell  more  credulous,  and  ready  to  accept 
Gladstone's  convictions. 

March  2Qtk. — The  debate  goes  on,  to  the  intense  disgust 
of  everybody,  though  enlivened  by  a  few  clever  and  telling 
speeches.  But  everybody  is  disgusted  with  the  whole  affair, 
from  which  all  see  that  no  good  can  come,  and  probably 
much  mischief  will  ensue.  The  Government  side  continues 
to  have  the  best  of  the  debate,  Horsman,  who  spoke  for  them, 
and  Lytton  and  Cairns  having  been  very  superior  to  all  the 
speakers  on  the  other  side.  On  Friday  Palmerston  spoke, 
with  great  vigor,  but  not  much  effect.  His  speech  was  very 
jaunty,  but  very  insincere.  When  he  said  that  he  cordially 
supported  the  Resolutions  of  his  noble  friend,  everybody  knew 
that  it  was  not  true,  that  he  really  disapproved  of  them,  and 
that  he  only  consented  to  go  with  Lord  John  in  order  to 
evince  his  willingness  to  make  up  their  political  difference, 
and  to  lend  himself  to  the  reunion  of  all  the  Whig  party;  but 
in  his  speech  he  said  enough  to  show  that  there  is  not  likely 
to  be  an  entire  or  lasting  agreement  between  them,  and  that 
the  two  Kings  of  Brentford  will  not  long  continue  to  smell  at 
the  same  nosegay.  The  Opposition  have  been  all  along  quite 


478  REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

confident  of  victory  on  the  Resolutions,  and  it  has  been  im- 
possible to  make  sure  of  the  intentions  of  the  Government  in 
the  event  of  their  being  beaten,  as  they  have  severally  held 
such  very  different  language  on  the  point. 

But  an  incident  has  occurred  which  is  very  likely  to  ex- 
tricate the  Government  from  their  difficulty,  and  of  which  I 
presume  they  will  avail  themselves.  Owen  Stanley  (brother 
of  Stanley  of  Alderley)  the  other  night  blurted  out,  without 
previous  concert  with  anybody,  a  notice  of  a  motion  of  want 
of  confidence  in  the  event  of  the  second  reading  not  passing. 
The  Opposition  are  unanimously  disgusted  at  this  piece  of  folly 
and  meddling,  while  the  Government  are  of  course  delighted 
at  such  a  plank  of  safety  being  held  out  to  them,  and  if  they 
use  it  dexterously,  they  may  completely  defeat  Lord  John 
and  Palmerston,  and  prolong  their  own  tenure  of  office  for 
some  time  at  least. 

April  1st. — The  great  debate  came  to  an  end  last  night. 
The  majority  was  greater  than  either  side  expected,  and  the 
Government  and  their  friends  were  sanguine  to  the  last  that 
they  should  win  by  a  few  votes.1  Although  there  was  a  great 
deal  of  tedious  speaking,  it  was  on  the  whole  a  very  able  and 
creditable  debate,  and  there  were  several  very  powerful 
speeches,  but  principally  on  the  side  of  the  minority.  Glad- 
stone's was  particularly  good,  and  Dizzy's  reply,  with  a  very 
effective  philippic  against  John  Russell,  was  exceedingly 
clever,  and  delivered  with  much  dignity  and  in  very  good 
taste.  Although  the  question  of  Reform  was  regarded  with 
so  much  indifference,  as  the  debate  proceeded  and  party  spirit 
and  emulation  waxed  hot,  the  interest  and  curiosity  became 
intense.  They  have  become  still  more  intense  to-day,  and 
the  town  is  in  a  state  of  feverish  anxiety  to  know  what  is 
going  to  happen,  and,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  there  are  a 
thousand  reports,  speculations,  and  guesses  afloat,  This 
morning  the  prevalent  idea  was  that  they  would  resign,  but 
this  evening,  and  since  Derby's  brief  notice  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  it  is  rather  that  they  will  dissolve.  Certainly  the 
Queen  might  very  well  refuse  her  consent  to  a  dissolution  if 
proposed  to  her,  and  this  would  of  course  compel  the  Govern- 
ment to  resign  ;  but  nobody  knows  whether  she  wishes  Derby 
to  stay  in,  or  would  prefer  to  take  the  chance  of  forming  an- 
other Ministry.  I  have  no  idea  that  happen  what  may  she 
• 

1  [The  numbers  were:  For  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill  291.  for  Lord  John 
Biuscll'H  Resolutions  330;  majority  against  the  Government  39.] 


1859.]  DUPLICITY   OF   THE  EMPEROR.  479 

will  send  for  Lord  John  Russell ;  but  no  doubt  she  knows  all 
that  has  recently  passed  between  him  and  Palmerston,  and 
about  the  formation  of  another  Government,  and  it  is  not 
impossible  that  she  may  shrink  from  being  plunged  into  the 
difficulties  which  would  attend  the  attempts  to  form  a  Gov- 
ernment in  which  they  were  to  divide  the  power  and  au- 
thority between  them. 

April  UJi. — The  report  yesterday  was  that  Derby  does 
not  mean  to  resign  or  dissolve,  or  to  go  on  with  the  present 
Bill,  but  perhaps  bring  in  a  fresh  one.  As  we  shall  hear  it 
all  this  evening,  it  is  useless  to  speculate  on  the  subject. 
The  Opposition  are  evidently  puzzled  what  to  do.  I  went  to 
Kent  House,  where  Lewis  said  the  Government  were  much 
mistaken  if  they  imagined  they  should  be  left  alone  ;  he  did 
not  know  what  would  be  done,  but  certainly  they  must  look 
to  be  attacked  in  some  shape  or  other.  Granville  in  the 
evening  took  the  opposite  line,  and  said  the  best_party  game 
would  be  to  let  them  alone.  Nothing,  however,  will  ever  in- 
duce John  Russell  to  keep  quiet. 

Clarendon  came  in,  and  we  talked  of  foreign  affairs.  He 
thinks  war  inevitable,  and  that  the  French  are  only  gain- 
ing time  to  complete  their  preparations.  I  said  I  thought 
Cowley  had  been  duped  by  the  Emperor,  but  he  thought  not. 
Cowley  had  all  along  seen  all  the  objections  to  the  proposed 
Congress  and  suspected  the  arriere  pensee  of  it,  but  said  it 
was  impossible  when  proposed  to  object  to  it,  as  the  Emperor 
would  put  forward  such  a  refusal  as  a  pretext,  and  say  that  it 
would  have  prevented  war.  Two  years  ago  he  had  a  reliance 
upon  the  Emperor  which  he  had  no  longer;  that  he  was 
completely  changed  now  from  what  he  was,  and  it  was  diffi- 
cult to  know  what  he  really  meant,  and  when  he  was  sin- 
cere or  the  reverse.  Clarendon  told  us  he  had  lately  seen 
Marliani,  an  old  acquaintance  of  his,  a  Spanish  Liberal  and 
friend  of  Cavour's.  Marliani  said  that  the  Italian  question 
was  ill  understood  in  England,  and  he  had  come  over  for  the 
express  purpose  of  seeing  Clarendon  and  talking  it  over  with 
him,  and  putting  before  him  a  paper  he  had  written  upon  it. 
The  conversation  was  curious.  Clarendon  told  him  he  was 
quite  mistaken  if  he  thought  the  Government  or  any  other 
Government  could  take  any  part  at  variance  with  the  exist- 
ing treaties,  or  that  the  country  would  allow  them  to  do  so, 
even  if  inclined.  He  then  asked  him  what  his  friend  Cavour 
meant  to  do  in  the  dilemma  in  which  he  had  got  himself 


480  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIL 

and  his  country,  and  expressed  very  strong  opinions  on  his 
conduct.  Marliani  replied  that  it  was  not  quite  just  to 
censure  Cavour  with  such  severity,  and  without  considering 
his  position,  that  during  his  whole  life  his  most  ardent 
desire  and  fixed  idea  was  that  of  purging  Italy  of  the 
Austrians  and  aggrandising  his  own  country,  and  now  when 
he  saw  before  him  the  probahle  realisation  of  his  fond  hopes, 
that  he  was  backed  up  and  encouraged  by  the  master  of 
300,000  men  in  the  game  he  was  playing,  and  taught  to 
rely  upon  that  aid,  could  it  be  wondered  at  that  he  should 
yield  to  the  seduction  ?  Clarendon  asked  what  would  happen 
if  the  Emperor  proved  faithless  to  him,  as  he  had  done  to 
others,  and  in  what  position  Cavour  would  find  himself. 
Marliani  replied  that  he  had  no  hesitation  in  telling  him 
what  he  thought  need  not  be  a  secret,  at  least  to  him,  as  he 
was  sure  Cavour  would  tell  Clarendon  himself  if  he  saw  him, 
and  that  Cavour  had  fully  made  up  his  mind  what  to  do.  If 
the  Emperor  ended  by  throwing  over  the  Italian  cause  and 
refused  to  go  to  war,  Cavour  would  resign,  the  King  would 
abdicate,  and  the  whole  correspondence  with  all  the  Emperor's 
letters  (of  which  they  had  an  immense  number)  would  be 
published  and  circulated  over  all  Europe  to  show  the  base- 
ness and  perfidy  of  the  man  in  whom  they  had  trusted,  and 
to  force  him  to*  hide  his  head  from  the  indignation  and  con- 
tempt of  the  world.  Everything  indicates  that,  whether 
from  fear  of  this  vindictive  explosion  or  because  he  thinks  it 
his  policy,  he  is  hastening  his  preparations,  has  renewed  his 
engagements  to  Cavour,  and  that  he  means  to  go  to  war  as 
soon  as  he  can. 


1859.]  DISSOLUTION   OF  PARLIAMENT.  481 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

The  Government  determine  to  dissolve  the  Parliament — Apathy  of  the  Country — Hopes  and 
Fears  as  to  the  War— The  Congress  a  Trick— Disraeli  on  the  approaching  Elections  — 
War  Declared — Mr.  Greville  resigns  the  Clerkship  of  the  Council — Ke.-ult  of  the  Elec- 
tions—Mistakes of  tbe  Austrian  Government— Policy  of  the  Opposition— Reconcilia- 
tion of  Lord  Palmerston  and  Lord  John  Kussell — The  Reconciliation  doubtful — Meet- 
ing of  the  Liberal  Party— Kesolut ion  of  the  Meeting — Debate  on  the  Resolution  of 
Want  of  Confidence— Defeat  of  Ministers — Lord  Derby  resigns — Lord  Granville  sent 
for  by  the  Queen— Lord  Granville  does  not  form  a  Government— Lord  Palmerston 
sent  for — Lord  }'alinerston's  Second  Administration — The  Queen  confers  the  Garter 
on  Lord  Derby — Successful  Progress  of  the  French  in  Italy — Causes  of  Lord  Gran- 
ville's  Failure — Lord  .lohn  claims  the  Foreign  Office— Lord  Clarendon  declines  to  take 
Office— Lord  Clarendon's  Interview  with  the  Queen— Mr.  Cobden  declines  to  take  Office 
— The  Armistice  of  Villafranca— Peace  Concluded — The  Terms  of  Peace— Position  of 
the  Pope— Disappointment  of  Italy— Conference  of  the  Emperors— Alleged  Sensitive- 
ness of  the  Emperor  Napoleon — Details  of  the  War — A  Visit  to  Ireland— Irish  National 
Education — Dublin — Howth  Castle — Waterford — Killarney— Return  from  Ireland — 
Numerous  Cabinets— A  Dispute  with  China— Lord  Palmerston  and  Lord  John  Russell 
— Lord  Clarendon  at  Osborne — Spain  and  Morocco — Tbe  Due  d'Anmale — Perplexity 
of  the  Emperor  Napoleon— The  Emperor  Napoleon  and  the  •'  Times." 

April  1th,  1859. — The  determination  of  the  Government, 
announced  in  both  Houses  on  Monday  evening,  took  the 
world  by  surprise.  Nobody  thought  there  would  be  a  disso- 
lution. Derby's  speech  was  very  bad,  much  below  his  usual 
level.  The  attack  on  John  Russell  which  formed  a  chief 
part  of  it  was  merely  a  rechauffe  of  that  of  Disraeli,  but 
very  inferior  to  it  in  every  respect.  Disraeli  in  the 
other  House  spoke  much  better,  and  with  more  taste  and 
temper.  The  Opposition  leaders  are  evidently  much  taken 
aback  ;  the  Derbyites  assert  that  they  have  reason  to  expect 
a  gain  of  forty  votes,  but  nobody  believes  it.  Many  think 
a  much  more  Radical  and  an  angry  Parliament  will  be 
returned,  but; there  is  no  excitement,  and  it  seems  to  me 
more  probable  that  those  are  right  who  think  the  relative 
proportions  will  not  be  materially  altered.  The  Whig  chiefs 
are  very  angry  with  John  Russell  for  committing  himself  as 
he  did  on  Monday  night  by  his  speech  and  announcement  of 
his  own  plan  of  Reform.  Great  attempts  were  made  to 
dissuade  him  from  doing  this,  but  he  would  not  listen  to 
reason.  Palmerston  made  a  speech  clearly  indicative  of 
disagreement  with  Lord  John,  though  with  a  semblance  of 
union.  The  Resolutions  on  one  side  and  the  Dissolution  on 
the  other  have  both  been  great  faults,  of  which  the  mis- 
chievous consequences  maybe  very  serious,  but  which  cannot 
be  made  manifest  till  we  see  the  result  of  the  election. 

April  Ibth. — I  have  been  reading  over  to  George  Lewis 
my  account  of  what  took  place  about  the  Reform  Bill  of 
21 


482  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

1832,  to  assist  him  in  reviewing  that  period  of  history,  and 
in  so  doing  it  is  impossible  not  to  be  struck  with  the  contrast 
between  the  public  excitement  which  prevailed  then  and 
the  apathy  and  absence  of  interest  which  we  witness  now. 
At  every  general  election  there  is  a  great  deal  of  bustle, 
activity,  party  zeal,  and  contention,  but  there  are  not  more 
of  these  now  than  on  ordinary  occasions,  if  anything  less. 
Both  parties  are  confident  that  they  shall  gain,  and  the 
Derbyites  are  making  great  efforts,  and  have  collected  a  very 
large  sum  of  money.  Derby  has  given  20,OOOZ.  to  the  fund, 
but  candidates  are  slack  in  coming  forward  with  the  prospect 
of  the  new  Parliament  not  lasting  many  months.  The  ques- 
tion of  peace  or  war  is  still  in  abeyance,  but  inclines  rather 
toward  war  ;  the  public  securities  oscillate  like  a  barometer, 
and  people  are  puzzled  and  unable  to  form  any  opinion. 

April  20th. — The  long  promised  statements  were  made 
in  both  Houses  on  Monday  night,  but  they  told  us  nothing 
that  was  not  already  known,  and  merely  expressed  hopes 
that  war  might  still  be  averted.  Disraeli  in  the  Commons 
was  more  sanguine  than  Malmesbury  and  Derby  in  the 
Lords.  Clarendon  and  Derby  both  made  excellent  speeches, 
the  former  particularly  ;  all  he  said  was  sound  and  true.  The 
most  striking  thing  in  both  Houses  was  the  extreme  caution 
and  reserve  of  the  speakers  on  both  sides,  and  particularly 
their  reticence  and  forbearance  about  France.  Not  one 
word  of  blame  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French  ;  no  more 
about  him,  his  sayings  and  doings,  than  about  the  Emperor 
of  Russia,  or  than  if  he  had  had  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  the  present  state  of  things.  This  was  probably  politic, 
but  it  was  lamentable  and  disgraceful  that  we  should  be 
obliged,  or  think  ourselves  obliged,  to  abstain  from  speaking 
the  truth,  for  fear  of  offending  this  rascally  adventurer,  who 
by  the  egregious  folly  and  cowardice  of  the  French  nation 
has  been  invested  with  such  an  awful  power  of  mischief,  and 
whom  neither  fear  nor  shame  deters  from  pursuing  his  own 
wicked  ends  at  the  expense  of  any  amount  of  misery  and 
desolation  which  he  may  inflict  upon  mankind.  One  cannot 
help  contrasting  the  extreme  delicacy  and  forbearance  ex- 
hibited toward  him  with  the  violence  and  abuse  which  were 
directed  against  the  Emperor  Nicholas  in  1854. 

I  met  Disraeli  yesterday  afternoon,  when  he  told  me  they 
had  got  such  satisfactory  news  from  the  Continent  that  he 
considered  the  affair  as  virtually  settled  and  the  danger  at 


1859.]  MR.   DISRAELI'S  EXPECTATIONS.  483 

an  end.  God  grant  it  may  be  so,  but  I  am  far  from  being 
satisfied  that  the  danger  is  over.  On  the  eve  of  great 
resolutions,  and  as  the  moment  of  taking  an  irrevocable  step 
draws  near,  the  actors  in  great  events  have  generally  some 
misgivings,  and  pause  upon  the  brink,  and  so  probably  will 
these  quasi-belligerents  do  now ;  but  I  believe  the  conces- 
sions which  France  expresses  herself  willing  to  make  to  our 
entreaties  to  be  a  part  of  her  game.  Clarendon  or  Derby 
said  that  if  Cowley  had  been  allowed  to  work  out  his  purpose 
of  mediation,  probably  all  would  have  been  settled,  and 
that  the  proposition  of  Russia  for  a  Congress  had  been  mis- 
chievous, and  only  involved  the  question  in  fresh  doubt  and 
delay.  But  it  appears  evident  that  this  was  a  French  trick, 
and  that  Russia  proposed  the  Congress  at  the  instigation  of 
France,  who  sought  it  for  the  purpose  of  delay,  and  most 
likely  in  order  to  extract  from  it  a  plausible  cause  of  quarrel. 
Derby  in  his  speech  attributed  a  great  deal  to  the  menacing 
and  disturbing  speech  of  the  King  of  Sardinia  in  opening  his 
Chambers,  but  nobody  said  a  word  of  Napoleon's  sortie  to 
the  Austrian  Minister  on  the  1st  January,  nor  was  any  allu- 
sions made  to  various  important  facts  which  were  well  known 
to  many  people  in  both  Houses.  No  reproaches  were  cast 
upon  Sardinia,  but  a  good  many  upon  Austria  ;  no  comment 
made  upon  the  flagrant  breach  by  Sardinia  of  the  treaties  ex- 
isting between  her  and  Austria,  and  of  the  forbearance  of  the 
latter  in  not  making  that  breach  a  casus  belli,  as  she  might 
well  have  done. 

I  went  to  a  Council  on  Monday  for  the  prorogation,  when 
I  had  some  conversation  with  Disraeli,  and  asked  him  what 
his  real  belief  was  as  to  their  prospects  in  the  election.  He 
said  there  was  so  much  luck  in  these  matters  that  it  was 
difficult  to  speak  positively,  but  that  he  had  endeavored  to 
ascertain  the  true  probabilities  of  the  result,  and  his  conclu- 
sion was  that  if  they  had  luck  they  should  gain  sixty  votes  ; 
and  what,  I  asked,  if  there  was  no  luck  on  one  side  or  the 
other  ?  Then,  he  said,  they  should  gain  forty.  I  told  him 
the  Opposition  calculators  did  not  believe  the  Government 
would  gain  at  all,  or  at  most  not  above  eight  or  ten,  if  so 
many,  and  asked  if  he  was  confident  they  should  gain  from 
twenty  to  thirty  anyhow.  He  said  from  the  day  of  their 
taking  office  they  had  looked  forward  to  a  dissolution,  that 
their  organization  was  excellent,  they  had  plenty  of  candi- 
dates and  of  money,  and  he  was  quite  confident  they  should 


484  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

gain  that  number  and  more  ;  he  added  that  there  was  in  no 
part  of  the  country  the  slightest  desire  for  Reform,  and  he 
had  altered  the  address  he  had  first  intended  to  put  forth,  in 
consequence  of  finding  what  the  prevailing  sentiment  was  on 
that  question.  I  suppose  they  hold  this  language  to  justify 
their  dissolution,  for  it  is  difficult  to  believe  they  can  really 
expect  such  results,  or  that  their  opponents,  who  tell  such  a 
different  story,  can  be  so  completely  mistaken. 

April  24:th,  Newmarket. — Disraeli's  information  on  Tues- 
day last,  when  I  met  him  at  Lady  Jersey's,  might  well  have 
warranted  me  in  believing  that  no  war  would  take  place,  but 
I  have  never  been  able  to  persuade  myself  that  this  calamity 
would  be  averted,  and  it  appears  that  my  apprehensions 
were  well  founded,  for  now  the  die  seems  to  be  really  cast, 
and  at  the  moment  when  I  am  writing  it  is  probably  actual- 
ly declared  and  begun.  Though  Austria  is  perfectly  justi- 
fied in  declining  to  wait  any  longer  while  France  is  maturing 
her  preparations,  and  cannot  justly  be  blamed  for  bringing 
the  affair  to  a  crisis,  she  is  certain  to  be  exposed  to  every 
sort  of  obloquy  and  misrepresentations  even  in  this  country, 
and  of  course  much  more  in  France. 

April  27th. — On  Monday  we  heard  that  the  Austrians 
had  sent  their  ultimatum  to  Sardinia,  and  there  was  a  com- 
plete panic  in  the  City.  Yesterday  we  were  informed  that 
she  had  given  fourteen  days'  grace  to  Sardinia,  and  every- 
thing was  up  again.  But  this  morning  we  were  undeceived, 
and  found  this  latter  report  had  no  foundation.  Meanwhile 
the  clamor  against  Austria  has  been  senseless  and  disgrace- 
ful ;  nothing  could  be  more  unworthy  than  Derby's  allusion 
to  her  in  his  speech  at  the  Mansion  House  dinner  on  Mon- 
day. It  was  a  claptrap,  and  meant  to  obtain  popularity  and 
assist  the  Ministerial  interest  at  the  election.  Nothing  has 
ever  disgusted  me  more  than  to  see  the  readiness  with  which 
everybody  finds  fault  with  Austria,  and  the  care  with  which 
they  avoid  any  notice  of  France,  not,  however,  that  this  can 
or  will  last.  What  sort  of  relations  we  shall  continue  to 
have  with  France  I  cannot  imagine.  We  have  been  treated 
in  a  manner  which  puts  an  end  to  the  possibility  of  any 
amicable  feelings  between  the  two  countries.  We  can  never 
trust  the  Emperor  again,  and  must  take  measures  for  our 
own  security  as  best  we  may  ;  but  unhappily  the  Indian  war 
has  so  materially  diminished  our  power  and  absorbed  our 
resources,  and  France  has  so  enormously  gained  upon  us  in 


1S59.]  WAR  IX  ITALY.  485 

point  of  naval  strength,  that  we  are  not  in  a  condition  to 
hold  the  language  and  play  the  part  that  befit  the  dignity 
and  the  honor  of  the  country.  We  can  revile  Austria  with 
impunity,  for  we  know  that  we  are  in  no  danger  of  an  attack 
from  her,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  she  has  so  much  need 
of  our  good  will  that  she  will  endure  our  taunts  and  re- 
proaches, and  not  quarrel  with  us  even  in  words.  It  was  a 
prophetic  saying  of  Mackintosh  forty  years  ago  at  Roehamp- 
ton  that  it  remained  to  be  proved  whether  the  acquisition 
of  our  Indian  Empire  was  in  reality  a  gain  to  us,  and  we 
must  hope  that  the  remark  will  not  be  illustrated  in  our 
days  by  seeing  England  herself  placed  in  danger  by  her  exer- 
tions to  retain  or  reconquer  India,  whose  value  is  so  prob- 
lematical and  of  which  nothing  is  certain  but  the  immense 
labor  and  cost  of  her  retention. 

May  14/A.  — Another  severe  fit  of  the  gout,  principally  in 
the  right  hand,  has  prevented  my  writing  a  line  for  the  last 
fortnight,  during  which  war  has  broken  out,  and  the  general 
election  has  been  begun  and  ended,  and,  what  is  most  im- 
portant to  myself,  I  have  resigned  my  office.  Hitherto  the 
war  and  the  election  have  equally  disappointed  the  expecta- 
tions they  gave  rise  to.  The  Austrians  committed  a  blun- 
der in  plunging  into  the  war,  and  have  not  taken  the  only 
advantage  such  a  measure  seemed  to  promise,  viz.  that  of 
overpowering  the  Sardinians  before  the  French  could  join 
them,  and  now  nobody  can  make  out  what  their  tactics  are 
or  when  and  where  the  contest  will  begin  in  earnest.  Mean- 
while we  are  taking  an  imposing  attitude  of  armed  and  pre- 
pared neutrality.  Disraeli's  anticipated  sixty  votes  have 
dwindled  down  to  a  gain  of  twenty,  but  Malmesbury  told 
Cowley  that  they  should  have  force  sufficient  to  maintain 
their  ground,  which  I  see  their  opponents  do  not  believe. 

May  Ylth. — The  elections  are  nearly  if  not  quite  over, 
and,  as  well  as  can  be  collected  from  the  conflicting  calcula- 
tions of  the  rival  parties,  they  present  a  gain  of  nearly  thirty 
for  the  Government.  With  this  they  evidently  hope  and 
their  opponents  fear  they  will  be  able  to  go  on  at  least  to 
the  end  of  the  session,  and  I  incline  to  think  so  likewise. 
Their  Government  is  miserably  weak  and  incapable,  their 
numbers  respectable,  but  their  staff  deplorable.  It  is  ex- 
pected they  will  propose  to  Lord  Elgin  to  take  Lyt ton's  place. 
The  general  election  has  been  eminently  satisfactory  in  this, 
that  it  has  elicited  the  completely  Conservative  spirit  of  the 


486  REIGN  OF  QUEEX  VICTORIA.          [CHAP.  XVIII. 

country.  Palmerston,  who  predicted  that  the  consequence 
would  DC  a  large  increase  of  Kadical  strength,  has  been  alto- 
gether mistaken.  It  may  be  added  (whether  this  is  a  good 
or  an  evil)  that  it  has  also  manifested  the  indifference  of  the 
country  to  all  parties  and  to  all  political  ties  and  connexions. 
In  the  last  general  election  the  cry  was  all  for  Palmerston, 
in  this  there  has  been  no  cry  for  anybody,  neither  for  Palm- 
erston nor  Derby,  and  less  than  all  for  John  Russell  or 
Bright.  And  yet  John  Russell  is  flattering  himself  he  shall 
have  an  opportunity  of  forming  a  Government,  and  talks  of 
his  regret  at  being  obliged  to  leave  out  so  many  of  his 
friends.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Catholics  have  supported 
the  Government,  and  that  they  have  done  so  under  orders 
from  Rome.  Archbishop  Cullen  is  there,  and  has  signified 
to  the  priests  the  pleasure  of  the  Pope  that  the  Derby  Gov- 
ernment should  be  supported.  Clarendon  told  me  this  yes- 
terday, and  that  the  reason  is  because  they  think  this  Gov- 
ernment more  favorably  inclined  to  Austria  than  any  other, 
especially  than  either  Palmerston  or  John  Russell  would  be. 
The  Papal  Government  have  never  forgiven  the  AVhigs  for 
the  Ecclesiastical  Titles  Bill,  and  this  accounts  for  the  other- 
wise strange  support  given  by  the  Catholics  to  those  who 
have  always  been  their  bitterest  enemies. 

The  war  still  languishes,  and  nobody  can  make  out  what 
the  Austrian  plans  are.  A  great  sensation  has  been  made 
by  the  retirement  of  Buol  and  the  appointment  of  Rechberg. 
The  first  report  was  that  it  was  a  sacrifice  made  to  appease 
the  resentment  of  Russia,  but  Clarendon  told  me  yesterday 
he  did  not  believe  this,  but  that  it  was  rather  to  satisfy  some 
of  the  German  Powers  whom  Buol  had  deeply  offended. 
Nothing  could  have  exceeded  the  stupid  blundering  and  mis- 
conduct of  the  Austrian  Government  during  the  last  few 
critical  weeks,  and  their  want  of  tact  toward  Prussia  and 
the  German  Powers.  The  Archduke  Albrecht  was  sent  to 
Germany  for  the  purpose  of  stirring  up  the  German  Powers, 
and  professedly  to  procure  such  a  demonstration  as  should 
be  the  means  of  preventing  war,  and  then,  while  the  Arch- 
duke was  still  at  Berlin,  they  blurted  out  their  ultimatum 
(which  was  a  declaration  of  war)  without  letting  Prussia 
know  what  they  were  about.  The  Archduke  was  obliged  to 
declare  his  own  ignorance  of  the  intentions  of  his  Govern- 
ment, and  Prussia  consequently  to  announce  her  disappro- 
bation of  the  measure  and  to  signify  the  same  to  France, 


1859.]  RESULT   OF  THE   ELECTIONS.  487 

which  was  just  what  suited  the  Emperor  Louis  Napoleon. 
I  hear  also  that  his  departure  from  Paris  was  accelerated  by 
the  necessity  of  repairing  as  speedily  as  possible  to  the  seat 
of  war,  in  order  to  quiet  the  dissensions  and  quarrels  which 
were  already  raging  between  the  French  generals.  Not  a 
very  promising  beginning  of  the  campaign.  This  used  to 
be  the  case  formerly  in  the  great  Napoleon's  time  wherever 
he  was  not  present.  His  presence  eilenced  these  quarrels, 
but  it  remains  to  be  seen  whether  this  man  will  have  equal 
authority  over  unruly  subordinates,  who  cannot  possibly  re- 
gard him  with  the  same  deference  with  which  the  old  mar- 
shals looked  up  to  their  mighty  master. 

Md.y  24th. — The  elections  are  all  over,  and  the  Opposi- 
tion leaders  are  already  busy  in  devising  the  means  of 
attacking  the  Government.  On  Friday  Palmerston  went 
to  Pembroke  Lodge,  and  had  a  long  conference  with  John 
Russell.  On  Sunday  there  was  a  gathering  there,  attended  by 
Granville,  George  Lewis,  Charles  Wood,  and  probably  others. 
The  question  immediately  to  be  decided  is  whether  an 
Amendment  shall  or  not  be  moved  to  the  Address.  A  very 
nice  point  of  political  strategy.  The  Whig  leaders  are  im- 
patient to  drive  the  Government  to  resignation,  without,  as 
I  believe,  knowing  how  they  are  to  form  a  Government 
likely  to  be  durable  and  strong.  As  matters  stand,  the 
Government  appear  to  be  too  strong  to  be  driven  out,  and 
not  strong  enough  to  count  upon  staying  in.  A  greater  fix 
can  hardly  be  seen. 

May  26th. — Palmerston  and  John  Russell  have  now 
made  up  all  their  differences,  and  have  come  to  a  complete 
understanding  and  agreement  on  all  points,  so  that  the 
schism  may  be  considered  at  an  end.  Upon  Reform,  upon 
foreign  policy,  upon  the  mode  of  opposition,  they  are  fully 
agreed,  and  even  upon  their  respective  personal  pretentious. 
Both  are  resolved  not  to  quit  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
Lord  John  himself  says  that  the  question  of  the  Primacy 
must  be  determined  by  the  Queen  herself,  and  that  whom- 
ever she  may  send  for  and  charge  with  the  formation  of  a 
Government  must  necessarily  be  Premier.  There  is  not  much 
doubt  that  this  will  be  Palmerston,  but  what  post  Lord  John 
would  require  for  himself  I  have  not  heard.  It  may  possibly 
be  the  Foreign  Office,  which  Palmerston  could  hardly  refuse 
to  him,  particularly  as  they  are  agreed  on  foreign  policy, 
and  Clarendon  is  not  inclined  to  share  their  opinion.  This 


488  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

reconciliation  will  be  very  favorable  to  Granville's  preten- 
sions, and  secure  to  him  the  lead  of  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
not  improbably,  at  some  not  very  distant  day,  lead  to  his 
being  Prime  Minister.  In  this  age  of  political  Methuselahs 
it  is  an  enormous  advantage  to  be  little  more  than  forty 
vears  old.  This  state  of  affairs  I  heard  at  Brooks's  from 
the  Duke  of  Bedford.  It  was  Lord  John  who  took  the  ini- 
tiative in  their  approaches  to  each  other.  He  wrote  to 
Palmerston,  on  which  Palmerston  repaired  to  Pembroke 
Lodge,  where  they  had  a  long  conversation,  with  the  result 
aforesaid.  Soon  afterward  I  met  Disraeli  in  the  street. 
He  did  not  appear  to  me  to  be  in  very  high  spirits,  and 
talked  of  the  position  and  chances  of  his  Government  with- 
out any  expressions  of  confidence,  though  without  despond- 
ence. He  said  he  hoped  that  they  would  move  an  Amend- 
ment to  the  Address,  as  it  was  better  to  fight  it  out  at  once 
and  bring  the  question  of  strength  to  a  crisis. 

May  29th. — It  seems  not  unlikely  that  the  Government 
may  be  after  all  relieved  from  the  immediate  danger  of  an 
Amendment  by  the  divisions  amongst  the  Opposition,  or 
rather  between  the  rival  leaders.  After  all  I  was  told  of  the 
meeting  between  Palmerston  and  Lord  John,  and  the  agree- 
ment they  had  come  to  on  all  the  important  points,  I  was 
astonished  at  hearing  on  Friday  evening  that  everything 
was  again  thrown  into  uncertainty  because  Lord  John  would 
not  say  what  he  intended  to  do.  On  the  important  question 
of  who  should  be  Premier  he  would  make  no  frank  state- 
ment. He  had,  indeed,  before  said  that  the  Queen  must 
decide  it,  and  the  man  she  sent  for  would  naturally  be  at 
the  head  of  the  Government ;  but  he  refused  to  say  whether, 
supposing  Palmerston  to  be  sent  for,  he  would  take  office  with 
and  under  him,  or  even  whether  he  would  sit  in  the  House 
of  Commons  on  or  behind  the  Treasury  Bench — in  short  he 
would  give  no  clear  and  positive  assurance  of  his  intentions. 
This  is  naturally  very  disgusting  to  the  Whigs,  and  throws 
everything  into  doubt  and  confusion.  The  Duke  of  Bedford 
is  to  go  down  to  him  and  tell  him  the  plain  tnith,  which  no 
one  else  would  venture  to  do,  pointing  out  to  him  the  effect 
of  his  conduct  on  the  sentiments  of  the  Liberal  party  and  on 
his  own  position,  with  regard  to  which  his  conduct  is  inde- 
fensible and  suicidal.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  any 
effect  will  be  produced  on  his  mind,  but  in  any  case  nothing 
can  look  more  hopeless  than  it  does,  or  promise  worse  for  the 


1859.]  A  MEETING  OF   THE  LIBERALS.  489 

future.  Even  though  Lord  John  should  consent  to  act 
under  Palmerston  (aud  nobody  expects  that  it  is  Lord  John 
for  whom  the  Queen  would  send),  there  seems  little  hope  of 
any  cordial  or  lasting  union  between  them,  or  of  his  being  sat- 
isfied with  any  position  in  which  he  might  consent  to  place 
himself,  for  his  mind  is  evidently  in  a  sour  and  jaundiced 
state.  The  majority  of  the  Whig  and  Liberal  party  who  are 
come  up  full  of  resentment  from  the  elections  are  certainly 
desirous  of  attacking  the  Government,  but  there  is  a  con- 
siderable number  of  them  who  are  averse  to  joining  in  any 
vote  of  want  of  confidence,  or  any  other  move  which  may 
turn  the  Government  out  without  first  being  assured  that 
another  Government  can  be  formed,  and  that  the  union  is 
sufficiently  complete  to  promise  that  such  new  Government 
would  be  strong  enough  to  maintain  itself  when  formed. 

June  6th. — As  I  was  at  Epsom  every  day  this  week,  I 
have  heard  nothing  of  what  has  been  going  on,  except  the 
fact  that  there  is  to  be  a  great  meeting  of  the  Liberals  at 
Willis's  Rooms  this  afternoon,  called  by  a  list  of  people  which 
includes  Palmerston  and  Lord  John  and  Miluer  Gibson, 
whose  signature  betokens  the  assent  of  the  Radicals  to  the 
object  of  it,  which  I  conclude  to  be  an  agreement  as  to  the 
attack  to  be  made  on  the  Government  to-morrow,  and  certain 
explanations  as  to  the  intentions  and  sentiments  of  the  Whig 
leaders.  I  see  that  there  are  many  dissentients  from  the 
course  that  is  going  to  be  adopted,  many  who  think  this  at- 
tempt to  oust  the  Government  at  once  neither  patriotic  nor 
politic.  Without  any  very  decided  opinion,  or  the  means  of 
forming  one,  I  am  rather  inclined  to  think  that  it  would  be 
better  to  leave  them  alone,  and  to  trust  to  their  furnishing 

food  cause  for  turning  them  out,  as  they  probably  will  do. 
'he  Government  does  not  appear  to  be  obnoxious  to  any 
serious  reproach  and  objection,  except  about  their  misman- 
agement of  foreign  affairs.  But  it  is  very  questionable 
whether  another  Government  might  not  give  us  a  policy 
equally  or  still  more  mischievous. 

June  1th. — The  meeting  of  the  Opposition  yesterday  at 
Willis's  Rooms  went  off  as  well  as  they  could  expect  or  de- 
sire. The  two  leaders  gave  the  required  assurances  that  each 
would  serve  under  the  other,  in  the  event  of  either  being  sent 
for.  There  was  a  general  concurrence  in  the  plan  of  attack- 
ing the  Government  at  once,  in  which  even  Bright  and  El- 
lice  joined,  the  former  disclaiming  any  desire  for  office  in 


490  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

his  own  person,  but  claiming  it  for  his  friends.  The  result 
promised  is  that  with  very  few  exceptions  all  the  opponents 
or  quasi-opponents  of  the  Government  will  unite  in  support- 
ing the  vote  of  want  of  confidence,  and  they  are  very  confi- 
dent of  success.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Derbyites  do  not 
despair  of  having  a  majority,  and  they  comfort  themselves 
with  the  certainty  that  the  division  must  be  so  close,  that 
the  suwessful  Whigs  will  be  able  to  form  no  Government 
which  will  have  a  certain  working  majority,  and,  not  im- 
possibly, that  the  majority  itself  may  be  turned  into  a  mi- 
nority by  the  events  of  the  re-elections.  This  is  not  very 
probable,  and  it  is  rather  more  likely  that  if  Palmerston 
forms  a  Government,  he  will  have  the  support  of  a  good 
many  of  those  who  will  vote  with  the  Government,  as  long  as 
they  remain  in.  There  were,  however,  some  rather  ominous 
manifestations  made  at  this  meeting.  It  seemed  to  be 
agreed  that  the  new  Government  should  embrace  not  only 
Whigs  and  Peelites,  but  "Advanced  Liberals,"  i.  e.,  the  fol- 
lowers of  Bright,  and  this,  besides  introducing  the  seeds  of 
disunion,  will  probably  frighten  away  the  Liberal  Conserva- 
tives, who  would  like  to  support  Palmerston,  inasmuch  as  a 
Government  so  formed  would  afford  little  security  for  the 
maintenance  of  Conservative  measures.  Then  Palmerston 
in  no  ambiguous  terms  announced  his  pro-Gallican  sym- 
pathies, and  the  neutrality  he  declared  for  in  every  possible 
case  which  he  could  contemplate,  together  with  his  desire  for 
a  cordial  union  with  France,  can  mean  nothing  but  that 
under  his  rule  England  should  look  quietly  on  while  France 
crushes  Austria,  and  accomplishes  all  her  ambitious  and  revo- 
lutionary objects.  That  this  policy  will  be  hateful  to  many 
who  will  be  his  colleagues  cannot  be  doubted,  but  what  is 
doubtful  is  whether  those  who  will  object  to  it  will  have 
virtue  and  firmness  enough  to  decline  office  rather  than  be 
parties  to  such  a  policy. 

June  §th. — There  is  great  excitement  about  this  debate 
and  the  probable  division,  and  equal  confidence  on  both 
sides  of  a  majority.  The  Opposition  is  the  favorite,  but 
their  friends  will  not  lay  any  odds.  Everybody  says  it  must 
be  very  close,  and  on  either  side  the  majority  will  not  ex- 
ceed ten.  On  the  first  night  Disraeli  made  a  capital  speech, 
and  nobody  else  on  their  side  would  speak  at  all.  This  was  a 
sort  of  manoeuvre  and  attempt  to  bring  about  a  division  that 
night,  for  they  found  out  that  seventeen  of  the  Opposition 


1859.]  RESIGNATION  OF  LORD  DERBY.  491 

had  not  taken  their  seats,  which  would  have  secured  a  ma- 
jority to  the  Government.  The  Whigs  therefore  refused  to 
divide,  and  put  up  one  man  after  another  to  keep  the  debate 
open,  and  eventually  obtained  an  adjournment.  Palmer- 
ston's  speech  was  in  accordance  with  his  declaration  at 
Willis's,  and  with  his  ancient  practice  ;  it  was  violently  pro- 
French  and  anti-Austrian,  and  it  was  full  of  gross  falsehoods 
and  misrepresentations,  which  he  well  knew  to  be  such.  In 
his  seventy-fifth  year,  and  playing  the  last  act  of  his  political 
life,  he  is  just  what  he  always  was. 

June  12th. — After  a  not  very  remarkable  debate,  the 
division  yesterday  n  orning  gave  a  majority  of  thirteen  to 
the  Opposition,  which  was  more  than  either  side  expected.1 
Derby  resigned  at  eleven  o'clock,  and  the  Queen  immediately 
after  marked  her  sense  of  his  conduct  by  sending  him  an 
extra  Garter  in  an  autograph  letter.  Much  to  his  own  sur- 
prise she  sent  for  Granville  (and  for  nobody  else)  and  charged 
him  with  the  formation  of  a  Government.  What  passed  be- 
tween Her  Majesty  and  him  I  know  not,  but  he  accepted 
the  commission  and  has  been  busy  about  it  ever  since.  How 
he  is  to  deal  with  Palmerston  and  Lord  John,  and  to  make 
such  a  project  palatable  to  them  I  cannot  imagine.  What 
the  Queen  has  done  is  a  very  significant  notice  to  them  of 
her  great  reluctance  to  have  either  of  them  at  the  head  of 
affairs,  and  it  cannot  but  be  very  mortifying  to  them  to  be 
invited  to  accept  office  under  a  man  they  have  raised  from 
the  ranks,  and  who  is  young  enough  to  be  son  to  either,  and 
almost  to  be  grandson  of  the  elder  of  the  two.  Nor  will  the 
mortification  be  less,  after  they  have  both  so  publicly  avowed 
their  expectations  that  one  or  other  of  them  must  be  sent 
for,  and  their  having,  in  what  they  consider  a  spirit  of  self- 
sacrifice,  consented  to  serve  under  each  other,  but  without 
ever  saying  or  dreaming  that  it  could  be  necessary  to  say 
they  would  take  office  under  any  third  party.  Nobody,  in- 
deed, has  ever  thought  of  the  possibility  of  any  but  one  of 
them  being  called  upon  by  Her  Majesty,  and  the  only  ques- 
tion has  been  which  it  would  be. 

June  13th. — Lord  Granville  told  me  yesterday  evening 
what  had  passed,  and  that  his  mission  was  at  an  end,  and 
Palmerston  engaged  in  forming  a  Government.  The  account 

1  [The  Amendment  to  the  Address,  implying  a  want  of  confidence  in  Minis- 
ters, was  moved  by  the  Marquis  of  Hartfngton.  The  votes  on  the  division 
were :  For  the  amendment  323,  against  it  310.] 


492 


REIGN   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA. 


[CnAp.  XVIII. 


of  it  all  appears  in  the  " Times"  this  morning  quite  cor- 
rectly. Granville  was  rather  disappointed,  but  took  it  gayly 
enough,  and  I  think  he  must  have  been  aware  from  the  first 
of  the  extreme  difficulty  of  his  forming  a  Government  which 
was  to  include  these  two  old  rival  statesman.  Palmerston 
had  the  wisdom  to  accede  at  once  to  Granville's  proposal, 
probably  foreseeing  that  nothing  would  come  of  Granville's 
attempt,  and  that  he  would  have  all  the  credit  of  his  com- 
plaisance and  obtain  the  prize  after  all.  The  transaction 
has  been  a  very  advantageous  one  for  Granville,  and  will  in- 
evitably lead  sooner  or  later  to  his  gaining  the  eminence 
which  he  has  only  just  missed  now,  which  would  have  been 
full  of  difficulties  and  future  embarrassments  at  the  present 
time,  but  will  be  comparatively  easy  hereafter.  Lord  John's 
conduct  will  not  serve  to  ingratiate  him  with  the  Queen,  nor 
increase  his  popularity  with  the  country.1 

June  26th. — All  the  time  that  the  formation  of  the  new 
Government  was  going  on  I  was  at  a  cottage  near  Windsor 
for  the  Ascot  races,  and  consequently  I  heard  nothing  of  the 
secret  proceedings  connected  with  the  selection  of  those  who 
come  in,  and  the  exclusion  of  those  who  belonged  to  Palmer- 
ston's  last  Government,  nor  have  I  as  yet  heard  what  passed 
on  the  subject.8  The  most  remarkable  of  the  exclusions  is 
Clarendon's,  who  I  was  sure  when  the  Foreign  Office  was 
siezed  by  John  Kussell,  would  take  nothing  else  ;  and  of  the 

1  [It  was  the  refusal  of  Lord  John  Russell  to  serve  under  Lord  Granville 
which  rendered  the  formation  of  a  Cabinet  by  that  statesman  impossible.  At 
the  same  time  Lord  John  Russell  expressed  his  willingness  to  serve  under  Lord 
Palmerston  on  condition  of  his  taking  the  department  of  Foreign  Attain*.] 

*  [Lord  I'almerston's  second  Administration  consisted  of  the  following  mem- 
bers : 

First  Lord  of  the  Treasury 

Lord  Chancellor 

Lord  President  . 

Jy>rd  Privy  Seal 

Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 

Home  Secretary 

Foreign  Secretary 

Colonial  Secretary 

War  Secretary    . 

Indian  Secretary 

Duchy  of  Lancaster    . 

Postmaster  General    . 


Admiralty  .... 
Board  of  Trade  . 
Lord-Lieutenant  of  Ireland 
Irish  Secretary 


Viscount  Palmerston. 
Lord  Campbell. 
Earl  Granville. 
Duke  of  Argyll. 
Mr.  Gladstone. 
Sir  George  C.  Lewis. 
Lord  John  Russell. 
Duke  of  Newcastle. 
Mr.  Sidney  Herbert. 
Sir  Charles  Wood. 
Sir  George  Grey. 
Earl  of  Elgin. 
Duke  of  Somerset. 
Mr.  Milner  Gibson. 
Earl  of  Carlisle. 
Mr.  Cardwell. 


This  Administration  lasted  until  the  death  of  Lord  Palmerston  on  October  18, 
1865.] 


1859.]  SUCCESSFUL  PROGRESS  OF  THE  FRENCH  IX  ITALY.    493 

admissions,  Gladstone's,  who  has  never  shown  any  good  will 
toward  Palmerston,  and  voted  with  Derby  in  the  last  division. 
This  Government  in  its  composition  is  curiously,  and  may 
prove  fatally,  like  that  which  Aberdeen  formed  in  1852,  of  a 
very  Peelite  complexion,  and  only  with  a  larger  proportion 
of  Radicals,  though  not  enough,  it  is  said,  to  satisfy  their 
organs,  and  Bright  is  displeased  that  he  has  not  been  more 
consulted,  and  probably  at  office  not  having  been  more 
pressed  upon  him.  It  is  still  very  doubtful  whether  Cobden 
will  accept  the  place  offered  to  him. 

The  Tories  are  full  of  rancor,  and  express  great  confi- 
dence that  this  Government  will  not  last,  and  that  they  shall 
all  be  recalled  to  power  before  the  end  of  the  year.  Derby 
had  a  large  gathering  at  Salisbury's  house,  when  he  made 
them  a  speech  recommending  union  and  moderation,  the 
first  of  which  recommendations  they  seem  more  likely  to 
adopt  than  the  second.  The  affair  of  his  Garter  was  in  this 
wise.  On  resigning  he  wrote  to  the  Queen  and  besought 
her  to  bestow  Red  Ribbons  on  Malmesbury  and  Pakington. 
She  wrote  him  an  answer  acceding  to  his  request,  and  adding 
that  she  could  not  allow  him  to  retire  a  second  time  from 
her  service  without  conferring  upon  him  a  mark  of  her 
sense  of  his  services,  and  she  therefore  desired  him  to  accept 
the  Garter,  though  none  was  vacant.  He  told  me  this,  and 
said  it  was  the  only  way  in  which  he  could  have  taken  it,  as 
he  never  should  have  given  it  to  himself,  and  I  believe  if  a 
vacancy  had  occurred  he  meant  to  have  given  it  to  the  Duke 
of  Hamilton. 

While  we  have  been  settling  our  Government  for  good  or 
for  evil,  the  war  has  continued  to  pursue  its  course  of  unin- 
terrupted success  of  the  Allies,  and  unless  something  almost 
miraculous  should  occur,  the  Austrian  dominion  in  Italy 
may  be  considered  as  at  an  end.  The  sentiments  of  people 
here  are  of  a  very  mixed  and  almost  contradictory  character, 
for  they  are  on  the  whole  anti-Austrian,  anti-French,  and 
though  more  indulgent  than  they  deserve  to  the  Sardin- 
ians, not  favorable  to  them.  The  most  earnest  and  gen- 
eral desire  is  that  we  should  keep  out  of  the  melee,  and  any 
termination  of  the  war  would  be  hailed  with  gladness,  be- 
cause we  should  thereby  be  relieved  from  our  apprehensions 
of  being  involved  in  it.  We  should  not  be  sorry  to  see  the 
Austrians  driven  out  of  Italy  for  good  and  all,  though  most 
people  would  regret  that  the  Emperor  Louis  Napoleon  should 


404  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

be  triumphant,  and  that  such  a  course  of  perfidy,  falsehood, 
and  selfish  ambition  should  be  crowned  with  success.  The 
Austrians  deserve  their  fate,  for  nothing  can  exceed  the  folly 
of  their  conduct,  first  in  rushing  into  the  war,  and  thereby 
playing  the  whole  game  of  their  adversaries,  and  secondly 
in  placing  in  command  men  evidently  incapable,  and  who 
have  committed  nothing  but  blunders  since  the  first  day  of 
the  campaign. 

June  21th. — Yesterday  I  went  to  Kent  House,  where  I 
found  Clarendon  and  his  sister  alone,  and  we  had  a  long 
talk,  in  the  course  of  which  he  told  me  all  that  had  passed 
(especially  with  regard  to  himself)  about  the  formation  of 
the  Government.  Although  he  spoke  very  good-naturedly 
about  Granville  and  his  abortive  attempt,  I  saw  clearly  that 
he  thought  Granville  had  been  in  the  wrong  to  undertake  it, 
and  that  he  ought  at  once  to  have  told  the  Queen  it  was 
impossible,  and  have  declined  it.  Though  Palmerston  had 
given  a  qualified  consent  to  act  with  him,  it  was  with  evident 
reluctance,  and  he  had  guarded  it  by  saying  it  must  be  sub- 
ject to  his  approbation  of  the  way  m  which  the  Government 
was  composed.  Lord  John's  consent  was  still  more  qualified, 
and  he  annexed  to  it  a  condition  which  at  once  put  an  end 
to  the  attempt.  This  was,  as  I  had  suspected,  that  he 
should  be  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons.  To  this  Palm- 
erston refused  to  agree,  and  so  the  whole  thing  fell  to  the 
ground.  Granville,  by  Clarendon's  advice,  at  once  reported 
his  failure  to  the  Queen,  gave  her  no  advice  as  to  whom  she 
should  send  for,  and  of  her  own  accord  she  sent  for  Palmer- 
ston. 

Previously  to  this,  and  I  think  before  the  vote,  Palmerston 
and  Clarendon  had  discussed  the  probability  of  Palmerston's 
forming  a  Government,  when  Palmerston  told  him  he  should 
expect  him  to  return  to  the  Foreign  Office.  As  soon  as 
Palmerston  had  been  with  Her  Majesty,  he  went  off  to  Pem- 
broke Lodge,  and  saw  Lord  John  ;  told  him  all  that  had 
happened,  and  that  he  would  of  course  take  any  office  he 
pleased.  Lord  John  said,  "I  take  the  Foreign  Office." 
Palmerston  said  he  had  contemplated  putting  Clarendon 
there  again,  enumerating  his  reasons  and  Clarendon's  claims, 
but  that  if  he  insisted  on  the  Foreign  Office  as  a  right,  he 
must  have  it.  Lord  John  said,  "I  do  insist  on  it,"  and  so 
it  was  settled. 

I  ousrht  to  have  inserted  that  when  Palmerston  and  Clar- 


1859.]  LORD   CLARENDON'S  INTERVIEW  ^Yr^H  THE   QUEEN.  495 

endon  talked  the  matter  over  at  first,  Clarendon  begged  him 
not  to  think  of  him,  and  that  if,  as  was  probable,  John  Rus- 
sell  desired  the  Foreign  Office,  he  must  give  it  him,  for  if 
he  did  not,  or  even  made  any  difficulty,  an  immediate  breach 
would  be  the  consequence,  and  John  Russell  would  get  up  a 
case  against  Palmerston  which  would  be  very  embarrassing. 
Palmer-ton  at  first  said  be  should  certainly  insist  on  Claren- 
don's not  being  put  aside  to  please  Lord  John,  but  in  the  ' 
end  Clarendon  persuaded  him  not  to  adhere  to  that  resolu- 
tion. After  all  was  settled  there  was  a  small  gathering  at 
Cambridge  House,  when  Palmerston  told  Clarendon  that  he 
might  have  the  choice  of  any  other  office,  but  Clarendon 
replied  that  he  was  not  conversant  with  Colonial,  Indian,  or 
AVar  affairs,  and  he  would  not  take  an  office  for  which  there 
would  be  many  candidates,  while  he  much  preferred  being 
out,  and  Palmerston  would  not  have  half  offices  enough  to 
satisfy  the  demands  for  them.  Palmerston  said  he  would 
not  take  this  as  his  last  word,  and  the  next  day  the  Queen 
sent  for  Clarendon,  by  Palmerston's  own  desire,  to  try  and 
persuade  him  to  take  office.  He  went  to  Buckingham  Pal- 
ace and  had  an  audience,  or  rather  interview,  of  three  hours 
with  Her  Majesty  and  the  Prince,  in  which  she  treated  him 
with  the  most  touching  kindness  and  confidence,  and  ex- 
hausted all  her  powers  of  persuasion  to  induce  him  to  join 
the  Government,  but  he  was  firm  and  would  not.  She  then 
said,  in  the  event  of  a  vacancy  of  the  Foreign  Office,  "  You 
must  promise  me  you  will  take  it,"  to  which  he  replied, 
"  Your  Majesty  knows  I  would  do  anything  in  the  world  for 
your  service  ;  but  you  must  allow  me,  in  any  case  which  may 
occur,  to  exercise  my  own  discretion  under  the  circum- 
stances, and  to  rest  assured  that  I  shall  in  every  case  be  actu- 
ated solely  by  a  desire  to  do  what  is  best  for  your  Majesty, 
and  most  conducive  to  your  pleasure  and  interest."  The 
Queen  talked  to  Clarendon  of  the  publication  in  the  "Times" 
with  much  indignation,  and  said,  "Whom  am  I  to  trust? 
These  were  my  own  very  words."  Clarendon,  however,  en- 
deavored to  convince  her  that  the  article  had  in  fact  (how- 
ever indecorous  it  might  appear)  been  eminently  serviceable 
to  her,  inasmuch  as  it  negatived  any  suspicion  of  intrigue  or 
underhand  dealing  in  any  quarter,  and  represented  her  own 
conduct  in  a  manner  to  excite  universal  approbation.  lie 
dilated  on  this  in  a  way  which  made  great  impression  both 
on  the  Prince  and  on  her,  and  ultimately  satisfied  her  that 


496  REIGN  OF  QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

all  had  been  for  the  best,  thereby  acting  a  very  good-natured 
part  and  a  very  wise  one. 

July  ±th. — Cobden  has  declined  to  take  office,  though  he 
was  advised  by  his  friends  to  accept,  and  he  approves  of 
Milner  Gibson  and  Charles  Villiers  having  joined  the  Gov- 
ernment. The  reasons  he  gives  are  that  he  has  always  been 
a  strenuous  opponent  of  Palmerston,  and  that  his  conduct 
will  be  liable  to  reproach  in  taking  office  under  him,  that  he 
has  been  the  advocate  of  economy  and  low  establishments, 
and  would  find  himself  obliged  to  act  very  inconsistently,  or 
to  oppose  his  colleagues  in  a  policy  respecting  which  popular 
opinion  would  be  against  him  ;  but  he  expresses  great  satis- 
faction with  Palmerston,  who  he  says  is  a  much  better  fellow 
than  he  was  aware  of,  and  he  means  to  give  the  Government 
all  the  support  in  his  power.  These  reasons  do  not  seem 
sufficient  for  his  not  joining,  which  he  had  better  have  done. 
Granville  laments  Clarendon's  having  declined  to  take  office 
as  a  Secretary  of  State,  and  that  he  will  not  be  in  the  Cabi- 
net to  throw  into  the  scale  of  foreign  policy  his  political 
weight.  I  said  I  knew  nothing  of  his  motives,  but  assuming 
that  he  did  not  see  foreign  affairs  in  the  same  light  as  Palm- 
erston and  John  Russell,  he  would  be  placed  in  an  awkward 
position  before  long.  Granville  said  this  might  be  true,  but 
he  thought  before  very  long  he  would  be  at  the  Foreign 
Office  again.  What  he  meant  by  that  I  do  not  know. 

July  12th. — On  Friday  morning  the  world  was  electrified 
by  reading  in  the  "Times"  that  an  armistice  had  been 
agreed  upon  between  the  belligerent  Emperors  in  Italy,  and 
the  subsequent  announcement  that  they  were  to  have  "a  per- 
sonal meeting  yesterday  morning,  and* the  armistice  to  last 
for  five  weeks  (till  August  loth),  led  to  a  pretty  general  con- 
clusion that  peace  would  be  the  result.1  The  Stock  Ex- 
change take  the  same  view,  for  everywhere  and  in  all  securi- 
ties there  has  been  a  great  rise.  I  saw  Geerge  Lewis  on  Sun- 
day and  asked  him  if  th'e  Government  had  any  intelligence, 
when  he  told  me  that  the  only  thing,  besides  what  had  ap- 
peared in  the  papers,  was  that  France  had  proposed  to  us 
to  interpos°  our  mediation  on  the  basis  of  Austria  giving  up 
everything,  and  Prussia  had  made  the  same  proposal  on 
the  basis  of  Austria  giving  up  nothing,  both  which  pro- 
posals we  had  very  naturally  declined. 

1  [The  battle  of  Solferino  was  fought  on  June  24,  nnd  an  armistice  between 
the  Emperors  of  France  and  Austria  was  signed  at  Villafranca  on  July  7.] 


1859.]  PEACE  CONCLUDED.  497 

July  13th. — "We  had  scarcely  had  time  to  begin  discuss- 
ing and  speculating  on  the  probable  results  of  the  armistice, 
before  the  news  of  peace  being  actually  concluded  burst 
upon  us.  As  yet  we  have  only  the  great  fact  itself  and  the 
skeleton  of  the  arrangement,  and  we  shall  probably  be  for 
some  time  without  materials  for  judging  as  to  the  merits  of 
the  Treaty  of  Peace  and  its  probable  consequences,  but  the 
first  impressions  and  the  first  ideas  that  present  themselves 
may  be  worth  recording.  There  is  no  denying  that  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  has  played  a  magnificent  part,  and  what- 
ever we  may  think  of  his  conduct,  and  the  springs  of  his 
actions,  he  appears  before  the  world  as  a  very  great  char- 
acter.1 Though  he  can  lay  no  claim  to  the  genius  and  intel- 
lectual powers  of  the  first  Napoleon,  he  is  a  wiser  and  a  so- 
berer man,  with  a  command  over  himself  and  a  power  of 
self-restraint,  and  consequently  of  moderation  in  pursuit  of 
objects,  which  the  other  did  not  possess,  and  therefore  while 
the  towering  genius  of  the  uncle  led  him  on  through  mag- 
nificent achievements  and  stupendous  vicissitudes  to  his  ruin, 
it  appears  highly  probable  that  the  better  regulated  mind 
and  the  habitual  prudence  of  the  nephew  will  preserve  him 
from  the  commission  of  similar  errors,  and  render  his  career 
somewhat  less  splendid,  but  more  durable  and  infinitely  more 
beneficial  to  his  country. 

With  regard  to  the  present  affair,  the  first  thing  we  must 
be  struck  with  is  the  way  in  which  the  King  of  Sardinia  has 
been  treated.  Napoleon,  indeed,  tosses  him  a  large  share  of 
the  spoils,  but  not  only  was  he  not  admitted  to  the  Con- 
ference which  led  to  peace,  but  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  consulted  upon  it  any  more  than  any  of  the  French 
generals  ;  the  only  notice  that  was  taken  of  the  King  (so 
far  as  we  know)  being  that  he  was  ordered,  upon  the  conclu- 

1  [The  conclusion  of  the  peace  after  the  battle  of  Solferino  -was  creditable  to 
the  Emperor  Napoleon,  but  was  no  indication  of  a  great  character.  His  motives 
were  that  he  haa  not  the  means  of  undertaking  a  sieire  of  the  creat  fortresses  of 
the  Quadrilateral,  and  that  if  the  war  had  hcen  prolonged  it  was  not  improbable 
that  the  forces  of  the  Germanic  Confederation,  including  Prussia,  would  have 
taken  the  field  against  France.  He  therefore  acted  wisely  in  terminating  the 
war,  and  it'  the  Austrian*  had  withdrawn  within  the  Quadrilateral  and  refused 
to  treat,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  might  have  been  placed  in  great  difficulties. 
As  it  was,  he  broke  his  engagement  to  Cavour  to  liberate  Italy  from  the  Alps  to 
the  sea,  and  to  Kossuth  to  support  a  Hungarian  insurrection.  Italy  eventually 
owed  the  liberation  of  Venice,  not  to  France,  but  to  Prussia,  as  the  reward  tor 
Ler  combined  action  with  that  Power  in  the  war  of  1866. 

Cf.  the  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  peace  was  concluded  in  Lord 
Malmcsbury's  "  Autobiography,"  vol.  ii.  p.  200.] 


498  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIIL 

sion  of  the  armistice,  to  desist  from  the  siege  of  Peschiera. 
I  had  heard  before  that  the  Emperor  was  extremely  dis- 
gusted with  his  ally  and  Cavour,  and  at  all  that  the  latter 
had  said  and  done,  at  the  proclamations  and  other  docu- 
ments he  had  put  forth,  and  at  the  audacious  manner  in 
which  that  Government  had  annexed  every  scrap  of  terri- 
tory they  could  lay  their  hands  on,  and  assumed  the  gov- 
ernment of  every  State  that  they  could  manage  to  revolu- 
tionize, and  all  without  the  sanction  and  concurrence  of  the 
Emperor.  Nothing  is  more  likely  than  that  the  Italian 
War  will  not  be  closed  without  much  bickering  and  heart- 
burning between  the  two  allies,  and  that  the  King  and  his 
Cavour  will  find,  in  spite  of  all  they  are  to  obtain,  that  they 
will  have  no  bed  of  roses  to  repose  upon  after  their  fatigues 
and  labors.1 

Then,  so  far  as  we  can  judge  of  the  settlement,  it  seems 
one  that  is  likely  to  give  more  offence  and  disappointment 
than  satisfaction  to  the  bulk  of  the  Italian  people,  and  to 
imagine  that  affairs  will  relapse  or  resolve  themselves  into 
a  peaceable  and  quiescent  state  is  a  mere  delusion.  What 
passed  between  the  two  Emperors  we  may  perhaps  never 
know,  though  the  effects  of  their  interview  may  one  day 
becomes  dangerously  apparent ;  but  it  is  not  unreasonable  to 
conjecture  that  Napoleon  exerted  all  his  arts  and  blandish- 
ments to  make  a  friend  of  Francis  Joseph,  and  to  persuade 
him  that  a  cordial  alliance  with  France  would  be  more  ad- 
vantageous to  him  than  one  with  England,  and  he  might 
with  every  appearance  and  much  of  the  reality  of  truth 
tell  him  that  England  had  done  nothing  for  him  ;  that 
neither  the  Government  nor  the  nation  had  any  sympathies 
with  Austria,  whom,  so  far  from  assisting,  they  had  gladly 
seen  defeated  in  Italy ;  and  that  the  forbearance  of  the 
Emperor  in  leaving  Austria  in  possession  of  any  part  of  Italy 
would  be  unpalateable  to  Palmerston  and  John  Russell,  and 
generally  unpopular.  One  cannot  but  suspect  that  an  alli- 
ance was  at  least  projected,  if  not  formed,  between  the  three 
great  despotic  Powers,  France,  Austria,  and  Russia,  for  the 
purpose  of  domineering  over  Europe,  and  dealing  with  the 
several  States  according  to  their  pleasure,  or  the  pleasure  of 
France,  and  with  the  ultimate  object  of  attacking,  weaken- 
ing, and  humbling  England. 

1  [M.  de  Cavour  bitterly  resented  the  prompt  conclusion  of  peace,  and  for  a 
time  quitted  the  Ministry  of  which  he  was  the  head.] 


1859.]  THE  CONFERENCE  OF  THE  EMPERORS.  499 

Of  all  the  provisions  of  this  treaty  that  which  regards 
the  sovereignty  of  the  Pope  is  the  most  curious  and  seems 
the  most  difficult  to  carry  out ;  it  is  indicative  of  the  ne- 
cessity under  which  the  Emperor  thinks  he  is  placed  of  dis- 
arming the  hostility  and  consulting  the  prejudices  of  the 
Catholic  party  and  the  Church  in  France.  Whether  the 
Pope  will  accept  the  temporal  office  assigned  to  him  may  be 
doubted,  but  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  his  supremacy 
will  not  be  willingly  accepted  and  acknowledged  by  the 
Italians  generally,  to  whom  the  Papal  rule  is  already  odious.1 
One  cannot  but  feel  glad  at  the  deep  mortification  and  dis- 
appointment which  will  overtake  the  Eepublicans  and  So- 
cialists, the  Mazzinis,  Garibaldis,  Kossuths,  et  hoc  genus 
omne,  at  a  pacification  so  ruinous  to  all  their  hopes  and  de- 
signs. Clarendon  told  me  he  believed  the  account  in  the 
"  Times  "  of  the  compact  between  the  Emperor  and  Kossuth, 
and  nothing  is  more  likely  than  that  at  the  beginning  of  the 
contest  he  employed  Kossuth  in  the  way  stated,  and  gave 
him  all  sorts  of  promises,  and  when  he  found  he  could  do 
everything  sine  tali  auxilio,  and  that  he  had  a  stronger  in- 
terest in  making  friends  with  Austria,  he  threw  Kossuth 
over  without  scruple  or  hesitation.  This  is  exactly  the 
course  he  would  be  likely  to  follow.2 

July  loth. — The  news  of  the  peace  took  everybody  so 
much  by  surprise,  that  people  had  no  time  to  arrange  their 
thoughts  upon  it ;  but,  in  the  midst  of  the  general  satisfac- 
tion that  the  war  is  over,  it  is  already  apparent  that  there  is 
an  explosion  of  disappointment  and  resentment  to  come. 
All  the  Italian  sympathisers  here  are  in  despair,  Palmerston 
is  much  dissatisfied,  and  the  anti-Austrian  Press  is  indignant. 
The  King  of  Sardinia  has  not  openly  testified  any  ill-humor, 
and  has  published  an  Address  to  his  new  Lombard  subjects 
in  a  joyful  style,  but  it  is  impossible  he  should  not  deeply 
feel  and  resent  the  contemptuous  way  in  which  he  has  been 
treated  by  his  Imperial  ally,  and  the  resignation  of  Cavour 
is  a  clear  manifestation  of  Ms  feelings  on  the  subject. 

When  it  was  announced  that  an  interview  was  to  take 
place  between  the  two  Emperors,  everybody  predicted  that 
the  elder  of  the  two  would  have  as  much  success  in  diplo-" 

1  [It  was  proposed  by  the  Sovereigns  to  place  the  Pope  at  the  head  of  an 
Italian  Confederation — a  wild  scheme,  which  entirely  failed.] 

»  [This  was  so.  The  details  of  Ros«iUh's  negotiations  with  the  Emperor 
have  been  published  by  Kossuth  himself  in  his  memoirs.] 


500  REIGN  OF  QtTEEX  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

macy  over  his  rival  as  he  had  already  obtained  in  arms,  but 
the  result  does  not  appear  to  bear  out  that  expectation, 
though  we  do  not  yet  know  what  the  real  motives  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  were  in  concluding  such  an  extraordinary 
peace.  Granville  told  me  that  at  this  interview  the  Austrian 
Emperor  had  taken  a  very  high  line,  and  shown  little  dis- 
position to  concession.  He  said  to  Napoleon,  "  You  have 
conquered  Lombard y,  and  I  do  not  contemplate  making  any 
attempt  to  recover  it.  I  am  therefore  quite  ready  to  cede  it 
to  you,  and  you  will  deal  with  it  as  you  please.  I  have 
nothing  to  say  to  the  King  of  Sardinia,  and  make  no  conces- 
sions to  him.  With  regard  to  Venetia,  and  the  country  of 
which  I  remain  in  possession,  I  have  nothing  to  concede  or 
to  offer,  all  that  I  mean  to  retain,  but  I  have  no  objection  to 
my  Venetian  dominions  forming  part  of  the  Italian  Confed- 
eration." They  appear  to  have  had  a  vast  deal  of  conversation 
and  discussion,  for  they  are  said  to  have  been  together  for 
above  twelve  hours.  What  they  talked  about  it  would  be 
interesting  to  know,  but  which  tney  will  neither  of  them  tell 
us.  The  field  for  speculation  is  as  wide  as  can  well  be.  How 
the  settlement  of  Italy  is  to  be  accomplished,  how  the  Italians 
are  to  be  contented,  and  how  peace  in  that  country  is  to  be 
permanently  secured,  are  questions  enough  to  puzzle  the 
acutest  politicians. 

We  congratulate  ourselves  at  having  kept  entirely  clear 
both  of  the  war  and  the  peace,  but  no  doubt  Palmerston  is 
mortified,  and  I  think  England  generally  will  be  provoked 
that  changes  of  such  importance  should  have  been  made 
without  any  consultation  or  even  communication  with  us. 

The  friends  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  say  that  they  be- 
lieve his  motive  for  making  peace  on  any  terms  he  could  get 
to  have  been  principally  that  he  was  so  shocked  and  disgust- 
ed at  the  fearful  scenes  of  pain  and  misery  that  he  had  to 
behold  after  the  battle  of  Solferino,  in  addition  to  the  other 
battle-fields,  and  at  the  spectacle  of  thousands  of  killed  and 
wounded  presented  to  his  eyes,  that  his  nerves  could  not  bear 
it.  Lady  Cowley  told  me  that  he  was  so  tender-hearted  that 
he  could  not  bear  the  sight  of  pain,  much  less  being  the  cause 
of  inflicting  it,  and  she  had  seen  him  quite  upset  after  visit- 
ing hospitals  at  the  sufferings  he  had  witnessed  there,  which 
of  course  are  not  to  be  compared  with  the  horrible  scene  of 
a  battle-field.  It  is  impossible  to  say  that  this  may  not  be 
true,  wholly  or  in  part ;  it  is  impossible  to  account  for  human 


1859.]  THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN.  501 

idiosyncrasies ;  but  it  is  quite  certain  that  the  man  who  is 
said  to  shrink  with  horror  from  the  sight  of  suffering  does 
not  scruple  to  inflict  it  in  quite  as  bad  a  form  when  he  does 
not  himself  witness  the  infliction.  He  has  hundreds  and 
thousands  of  people  torn  from  their  families,  and  without 
form  of  trial  or  the  commission  of  any  crime  sends  them  to 
linger  or  perish  in  pestilential  climates,  when  he  fancies  it 
his  interest  to  do  so,  and  for  their  sufferings  he  evinces  no 
pity  or  any  nervous  sensations. 

August  7th. — I  have  found  it  impossible  to  collect  any- 
thing to  record  in  this  book  for  the  last  month  almost.  The 
session  is  drawing  to  a  close,  having  glided  on  without  diffi- 
culty for  the  Government,  and  almost  without  opposition. 
The  Election  Committees  have  made  great  havoc  in  Palmer- 
ston's  small  majority,  having  unseated  no  less  than  seven 
Liberal  members.  I  am  told,  perhaps  on  no  good  authority, 
that  Palmerston,  John  Russell,  and  Gladstone  are  anxious 
to  join  in  a  Congress  to  mix  themselves  up  in  the  settlement 
of  Italian  affairs,  but  that  they  cannot  have  their  way,  the 
majority  of  the  Cabinet  being  opposed  to  it,  and  the  House 
of  Commons  and  the  country  (as  represented  by  the  Press) 
being  decidedly  against  any  such  reference.1 

I  met  Edward  Mildmay  the  other  day,  who  gave  me  some 
account  of  his  own  personal  experiences  during  the  last 
Italian  campaign,  when  he  was  attached  to  the  Austrian 
Army.  He  confirmed  all  previous  accounts  of  the  excellence 
of  that  army  and  the  incompetency  of  its  chiefs  ;  that  noth- 
ing could  have  saved  the  French  Army  at  Magenta  if  the 
Austrians  had  been  tolerably  commanded  ;  that  Giulai,  who 
had  never  seen  any  service,  had  been  allowed  to  retain  the 
command  by  the  influence  of  General  Griinne,  whose  friend 
he  is,  and  that  the  indignation  and  disgust  of  the  army  at 
having  been  thus  sacrificed  to  Court  favor  and  partiality  had 
been  extreme.  He  told  me  that  at  Solferino  the  Austrian 
loss  was  (within  a  fraction  of)  20,000,  the  French  19,000, 
and  the  Sardinians  9,000  men  ;  Benedek  is  the  ablest  of  the 
Austrian  generals,  and  if  he  had  had  the  command  probably 

1  [I  think  it  was  at  this  time  that  Lord  Palmerston  and  Lord  John  Russell 
proposed  to  the  Cabinet  that  England  should  enter  into  a  Treaty  of  Alliance 
witn  France  and  Sardiniaj  but  the  proposal  was  negatived  by  their  colleagues. 
The  feelings  of  these  Ministers,  however,  speedily  changed  when  the  cession  of 
Savoy  and  Nice,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  brought  about,  were  known, 
and  their  language  became  so  hostile  that  it  gave  great  offence  to  the  Emperor 
Napoleon.  See  Lord  ilalmesbury,  "  Autobiography,"  vol.  ii.  p.  225.J 


502  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

affairs  would  have  taken  a  very  different  turn.  Mildmay  has 
no  douht  that  peace  was  much  more  necessary  to  the  French 
than  to  the  Austriaus,  and  he  still  believes  that  if  the  war 
had  continued  the  tide  of  victory  would  have  been  rolled 
buck,  as  the  latter  had  90,000  fresh  troops  coming  into  line. 
It  is  probably  better  as  it  is  than  if  the  Austrians  had  re- 
covered all  their  losses  :  the  Emperor  Napoleon  seems  likely 
to  be  satisfied  with  his  military  exploits,  and  to  be  really 
intending  to  revert  to  his  peaceful  policy.  He  is  certainly 
doing  all  he  can  to  persuade  the  world  that  such  is  his  in- 
tention, and  there  seems  a  disposition  here  to  take  him  at 
his  word. 

Viceregal  Lodge,  Phoenix  Park,  August  2%d. — I  have  at 
last  accomplished  the  object  I  have  desired  for  so  many  years, 
and  find  myself  in  Ireland.  I  have  seized  the  first  oppor- 
tunity of  being  my  own  master  to  come  here.  I  left  Lon- 
don the  week  before  last,  and  went  to  Nun  Appleton,  thence 
to  Grimstone,  and  on  Saturday  I  came  here,  railing  through 
York  and  Manchester  to  Holyhead  ;  crossed  over  on  a  beau- 
tiful evening,  with  sea  as  smooth  as  glass,  but  it  was  too 
dark  to  see  the  Bay  of  Dublin.  Most  hospitably  received  by 
Lord  Carlisle,  and  very  comfortably  lodged.  Passed  the  day 
in  Dublin  yesterday  ;  twice  at  church,  in  the  morning  at 
Christ  Church,  afternoon  St.  Patrick's,  attracted  by  the 
celebrity  of  the  choir  and  the  performance  of  the  cathedral 
service,  which  was  finely  done,  though  the  best  voices  (three 
brothers  Robinson)  were  absent.  I  am  greatly  struck  by  the 
fineness  of  the  town  of  Dublin,  and  of  the  public  buildings 
especially. 

Dublin,  August.  23d. — On  Monday  morning  the  Lord- 
Lieutenant  went  to  pay  his  first  visit  since  his  return  to 
the  National  School  and  took  me  with  him.  I  was  much 
gratified  at  the  sight,  with  the  appearance  of  the  chil- 
dren and  their  intelligence.  There  was  a  grand  gather- 
ing of  Commissioners  and  others  to  meet  Carlisle,  but  no 

Catholics  except  Lord  Bellew  and  Dean ,  who  alone  of 

all  the  Catholic  ecclesiastics  has  had  courage  and  resolution 
to  adhere  to  the  system.  Not  one  Catholic  Bishop  now  re- 
mains on  the  board,  Bishop  Denver  was  the  last  to  resign, 
which  it  is  believed  he  did  reluctantly,  but  it  seems  that  the 
rule  of  their  Synod  is,  that  when  a  majority  has  decided, 
those  who  are  in  the  minority  give  in  their  adhesions,  and 
produce  unanimity.  The  National  System  is  apparently  in 


1869.]  A  VISIT  TO  IRELAND.  503 

the  crisis  of  its  fate,  and  a  desperate  struggle  is  being  made 
by  the  Popish  clergy  to  destroy  it,  while  the  ultra-Protes- 
tants will  join  them  (for  different  reasons  and  with  different 
objects)  for  the  same  end.  I  earnestly  hope  these  factions 
will  fail.  The  most  encouraging  circumstance  is  found  in 
the  return  which  was  given  me  of  the  "  Central  Model 
Schools,"  in  which  the  number  of  pupils  seeking  admission 
is  1,179,  an  evident  proof  of  the  popularity  of  the  system, 
and  that  up  to  this  time  the  priests  have  not  been  able  to 
deter  their  flocks  from  giving  their  children  its  benefits. 
This  return  is  sufficiently  interesting  to  be  copied  into  this 
journal  : — 

Males  Females  Infants 

Number  of  pupils  on  roll        .         .         .     564  447  375 

Pupils  in  attendance       .         .         .         .     436  348  311 

Seeking  admission          ....     203  866  110 

Carlisle  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm  by  both 
pupils  and  teachers.  After  this  we  went  to  the  Hill  of 
Killinie,  whence  there  is  a  grand  panoramic  view  of  the 
Bay  of  Dublin  and  the  surrounding  country,  arid  then  to 
my  old  friend  Lady  Campbell1  (Pamela  Fitz-Gerald),  whose 
beautiful  daughters  are  as  well  worth  seeing  as  anything  in 
Ireland. 

Dublin,  August  24dh. — Yesterday  in  the  morning  a  re- 
view in  the  Phoenix  Park,  after  which  Bagot  took  me  to 
Howth  Castle,  which  I  was  curious  to  see,  but  it  is  not  very 
remarkable,  though  very  ancient.  It  has  a  modernized  ap- 
pearance, and  is  a  comfortable  house,  said  to  be  the  oldest 
inhabited  house  in  Ireland,  and  one  of  the  towers  of  fabulous 
antiquity.  I  remarked  that  the  hall  door  was  left  open,  ac- 
cording to  the  traditional  obligation.  One  of  the  Ladies  St. 
Lawrence  told  me  the  story  as  follows  :  An  old  woman,  "the 
Granawhile,"  came  to  the  castle  and  asked  for  hospitality  or 
alms,  and  was  refused  and  driven  away.  She  was  the  wife 
of  a  pirate.  On  the  seaside  she  found  the  young  heir  with 
his  nurse,  whom  she  seized  and  carried  off.  Afterward  she 
brought  the  boy  back,  and  consented  to  restore  him  on  con- 
dition that  henceforward  no  beggar  should  be  refused  admit- 
tance, that  the  hall  door  should  be  kept  continually  open, 
and  that  at  dinner  a  place  should  be  kept  and  a  plate  laid 
for  any  stranger  who  might  appear.  The  beggars  are  kept 

1  [Lady  Campbell  was  the  daughter  of  Pamela  and  Lord  Edward  Fitz- 
Gerald.  J 


504  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIIL 

away  by  not  being  admitted  through  the  lodge  gates ;  the 
hall  door  is  open,  but  there  is  another  door  behind  it,  and 
the  vacant  place  has  by  degrees  fallen  into  disuse.  I  know 
not  how  old  the  story  is,  but  there  is  enough  to  show  that  it 
had  a  foundation  of  some  sort,  and  that  it  retains  a  relic  in 
the  customs  of  the  family.  On  returning  to  Dublin  I  went 
to  see  Trinity  College,  and  the  beautiful  museum  erected  a 
few  years  ago.  Dublin  is,  for  its  size,  a  finer  town  than 
London,  and  I  think  they  beat  us  hollow  in  their  public 
buildings.  We  have  no  such  squares  as  Merrion  Square,  nor 
such  a  street  as  Sackville  Street. 

Bessborough,  August  26th. — I  came  here  on  Wednesday 
vid  Kilkenny.  A  very  nice  place,  comfortable,  and  in  as 
good  order  as  any  place  in  England.  People  apparently  well 
off,  and  cottages  clean  and  not  uncomfortable. 

August  28th. — Went  yesterday  to  Waterford ;  pretty  good 
town,  but  looking  very  foreign.  They  showed  me  a  hill,  to 
which  it  is  said  Cromwell  advanced,  but  found  the  town  too 
strong  to  be  attacked  ;  hence  Waterford  has  been  called  the 
Urbs  invicta.  I  doubt  the  story,  for  he  would  have  stormed 
Waterford  easily  enough  if  he  had  chosen.  Saw  the  National 
School ;  a  very  good  establishment,  boys  absent  on  holidays, 
but  a  very  civil  intelligent  master,  a  Roman  Catholic.  The 
clergy  of  neither  persuasion  will  come  near  the  school,  ex- 
cept the  Dean  of  Waterford,  who  still  supports  it.  Went 
on  to  Curraghmore,  a  vast  and  magnificent  park,  but  a  mean 
house. 

August  31st. — Went  on  Tuesday  to  Woodstock  ;  very 
pretty  place,  and  in  admirable  trim.  Weather  changing, 
and  I  fear  I  shall  see  Killarney  in  rain  and  cold. 

Viceregal  Lodge,  September  Qth. — Went  to  Muckrosson 
Thursday  last ;  passed  three  days  there  in  exquisite  enjoy- 
ment of  the  beautiful  scenery  of  Killarney ;  weather  was 
perfect,  and  I  went  over  and  round  all  the  lakes  ;  returned 
here  on  Monday,  and  went  yesterday  to  the  Curragh. 

Jervaulx  Abbey,  Sunday,  September  11th. — Crossed  over 
from  Kingstown  to  Holyhead  on  Thursday  last ;  beautiful 
passage.  Passed  the  last  day,  Wednesday,  in  Dublin  with 
William  Fitzgerald  seeing  the  town.  He  took  me  over  the 
old  Leinster  House,  now  the  Royal  Institution,  and  then  to 
the  Bank  to  see  the  Old  House  of  Lords  ;  a  fine  room,  exactly 
as  it  was,  and  what  was  the  House  of  Commons,  now  com- 
pletely altered  and  not  retaining  a  vestige  of  the  famous 


1859.]  NUMEROUS  CRBINETS.  505 

locality  where  Flood  and  Grattan  and  Plunkett  once  shook 
the  walls  with  their  eloquence.  I  left  Ireland  with  regret, 
for  I  spent  seyeral  very  happy  days  there,  interested  and 
amused  even  more  than  I  expected,  and  treated  with  great 
kindness  and  hospitality.  Went  from  Holyhead  to  Man- 
chester, and  on  to  Worsely  to  sleep  ;  came  here  on  Friday. 
The  old  Abbey  is  very  picturesque,  and  very  perfect  as  a 
ruin.  It  reminds  me,  place  and  all,  of  Bolton  Abbey. 

London,  September  26th. — I  stayed  three  days  at  Jervaulx, 
then  to  Doncaster,  Bretby,  and  to  town.  All  the  Ministers 
in  London,  having  passed  their  lives  during  the  last  fortnight 
in  the  railway  or  in  Cabinets,  which  have  been  very  numerous, 
as  well  they  may,  for  they  have  plenty  to  occupy  them  in  the 
Italian,  Chinese,  and  American  questions,  all,  in  their  several 
ways  and  degrees,  extremely  embarrassing.  I  have  not  the 
slightest  conception  what  our  Government  are  doing  about 
the  Italian  question,  but  I  suppose  trying  to  keep  well  with 
Napoleon  III.,  and  to  obtain  good  terms  for  the  Italian 
Duchies.  At  present  it  looks  as  if  a  Congress  would  be  got 
together  to  untie  this  complicated  knot,  but  I  fear  we  are 
not  likely  to  play  in  it  a  part  which  will  be  consistent  with 
our  principles,  or  creditable  to  our  national  character,  and  I 
wish  we  could  abstain  from  having  anything  to  do  with  it. 
The  incident  about  the  American  Boundary  is  awkward,  but 
I  feel  confident  it  will  be  amicably  settled. 

The  Chinese  affair  is  the  most  serious,  and  one  can  see 
no  solution  of  it  that  is  not  full  of  objections  and  embarrass- 
ments.1 In  the  first  place  it  looks  at  present  very  much  as 
if  our  case  was  a  bad  one.  We  had  no  business  to  go  with 
an  armament  and  force  our  way  up  the  river,  and  even  if  we 
were  upon  any  ground  justified  in  such  an  extreme  measure, 
it  was  to  the  last  degree  impolitic  and  unwise  to  exercise 
such  a  right.  The  object  for  which  Bruce  was  sent  to  China 
was  to  conclude  a  peace,  and  to  establish  amicable  relations 
with  the  Chinese  Government,  and  it  might  have  occurred 
to  him  that  the  employment  of  force,  even  if  it  was  ever  so 
successful,  must  infallibly  defeat  his  object.  It  required  no 

1  [Mr.  Bruce  having  been  detained  in  his  mission  to  Pekin,  which  was  of  a 
pacinc  character,  A<lmir:il  Hope  made  an  attempt  to  force  the  passage  by  r  - 
ducinjr  the  torts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho.  The  attack  failed,  with  a  lo'ss  of 
nearly  400  men  killed  and  wounded  in  the  storming  party  and  the  gunboats. 
The  "Plover"  and  "Lee"  gunboats  grounded,  and  the  "'Cormorant"  was  *o 
damaged  by  the  enemy's  fire  that  she  sank  soon  afterward.  The  whole  pro- 
ceeding was  injudicious  and  disastrous.] 
22 


506  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.          [CHAP.  XVIII. 

great  sagacity  to  perceive  that  the  arrival  at  Pekin  of  a 
victorious  Ambassador,  who  had  forced  his  way  to  the  capital 
at  the  head  of  an  imposing  force,  would  not  serve  to  make 
his  reception  a  friendly  one,  or  to  establish  permanent  har- 
monious relations  between  the  English  and  the  Chinese 
Governments.  As  long  as  there  was  a  possibility  of  procur- 
ing access  to  Pekin  by  peaceful  means  and  by  negotiation,  it 
would  have  been  better  to  be  patient  and  to  wait  any  time 
than  to  employ  force  ;  and  besides  the  political  objections 
that  seem  conclusive  against  the  adoption  of  such  a  course, 
it  seems  highly  probable  that  no  such  force  as  that  which 
we  employed  on  this  occasion  could  have  been  pushed  on 
into  the  Heart  of  the  country  without  imminent  danger  of 
its  being  cut  off  and  eventually  destroyed.  The  mere  fact 
of  destroying  again  the  Peiho  forts  would  be  deemed  by 
the  Chinese  as  the  renewal  of  the  war,  and  the  perpetrator 
of  the  outrage  would  not  have  been  received  in  the  sacred 
character  of  an  Ambassador,  but  would  have  been  looked  on 
as  an  invader,  and  treated  accordingly.  This  is  the  first 
view  of  the  question  which  presents  itself.  Then  comes  that 
of  vindicating  our  honor,  and  retrieving  the  disaster  we  have 
suffered,  which  involves  the  necessity  of  rushing  into  war 
again  and  scattering  havoc  and  desolation  through  the  coun- 
try, massacring  thousands  of  people  who  can  make  no  effect- 
ual resistance  to  our  power,  and  making  territorial  conquests, 
which  will  only  embarrass  us,  and  which  we  shall  have  more 
difficulty  in  getting  rid  of  than  we  shall  have  in  making  their 
acquisition.  In  short,  we  are  going  to  be  engaged  in  a  con- 
test in  which  failure  will  be  disgraceful,  and  success  will  be 
inconvenient,  and  to  place  additional  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
that  good  understanding  which  it  is  so  much  our  interest  to 
establish  with  China.  Nor  are  our  difficulties  diminished 
by  the  fact  of  being  connected  with,  and  therefore  more  or 
less  dependent  on  the  French,  and  in  a  less  degree  with  the 
Russians  and  the  Americans  in  this  unfortunate  contest. 
This  local  and  accidental  alliance  impairs  our  freedom  of 
action,  and  of  necessity  introduces  delays  and  complications 
of  all  sorts  into- the  affair. 

October  19th. — Nearly  a  month  and  nothing  to  record, 
besides  the  events  of  the  day,  of  which  I  know  nothing  more 
than  the  newspapers  report.  I  only  take  up  my  pen  now 
because  Clarendon  called  on  me,  and  it  is  worth  while  to 
recollect  the  little  he  told  me  during  a  very  short  visit.  I 


1859.]  LORD  CLARENDON  AT  OSBORNE.  507 

had  not  seen  him  since  his  visit  to  Osborne  in  the  summer, 
and  he  began  by  giving  me  an  account  of  it.  The  Queen  was 
delighted  to  have  him  with  her  again  and  to  have  a  good 
long  confidential  talk  with  him,  for  it  seems  she  finds  less 
satisfaction  in  her  intercourse  with  either  Palmerston  or 
Lord  John.  The  relations  of  these  two  are  now  most  inti- 
mate and  complete,  and  Palmerston  has  obtained  an  entire 
influence  and  authority  over  Lord  John,  who  only  sees  with 
his  eyes  and  without  anv  contest  submits  to  be  entirely 
guided  and  controlled  by  Palmerston.  The  jeu  of  the  thing 
is  rather  amusing.  Palmerston,  who  is  thoroughly  versed  in 
foreign  affairs  (while  Lord  John  knows  very  little  about 
them),  in  everv  important  case  suggests  to  Lord  John  what 
to  do.  Lord  John  brings  it  before  the  Cabinet  as  his  own 
idea,  and  then  Palmerston  supports  him,  as  if  the  case  was 
new  to  him. 

But  to  return  to  the  Queen  and  Clarendon.  He  was  un- 
fortunately attacked  by  gout  and  confined  to  his  room.  He 
was  sitting  there  with  Lady  Clarendon,  when  Lady  Gains- 
borough came  in  and  told  him  that  she  was  desired  by  the 
Queen  to  beg  he  would  if  possible  move  into  the  next  room 
(the  Lady-in-waiting's  room)  and  establish  himself  there  ; 
that  the  Queen  would  come  in,  when  all  the  ladies  present 
were  to  go  away  and  leave  her  tete-a-tete  with  him.  All  this 
was  done,  and  she  remained  there  an  hour  and  a  half,  talk- 
ing over  everything,  pouring  all  her  confidences  into  his 
ears,  and  asking  for  his  advice  about  everything.  He  said 
he  had  endeavored  to  do  as  much  good  as  he  could  by  smooth- 
ing down  her  irritation  about  things  she  did  not  like.  As  an 
example,  he  mentioned  that  while  the  Prince  was  with  him 
a  box  was  brought  in  with  a  despatch  from  Lord  John,  which 
the  Prince  was  to  read.  He  did  so  with  strong  marks  of 
displeasure,  and  then  read  it  to  Clarendon,  saying  they  could 
not  approve  it,  and  must  return  it  to  Lord  John.  Claren- 
don begged  him  not  to  do  this,  that  it  was  not  the  way  to 
deal  with  him,  and  it  would  be  better  to  see  what  it  con- 
tained that  really  was  good  and  proper,  and  to  suggest  emen- 
dations as  to  the  rest.  He  persuaded  the  Prince  to  do  this, 
advised  him  what  to  say,  and  in  the  end  Lord  John  adopted 
all  the  suggestions  they  had  made  to  him.  On  another  oc- 
casion the  Queen  had  received  a  very  touching  letter  from 
the  Duchess  of  Parma  imploring  her  protection  and  good 
offices,  which  she  sent  to  Lord  John  desiring  he  would 


508  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

write  an  answer  for  her  to  make  to  it.  He  sent  a  very 
short,  cold  answer,  which  the  Queen  would  not  send.  She 
asked  Clarendon  to  write  a  suitable  one  for  her,  which  he 
did,  but  insisted  that  she  should  send  it  to  Lord  John  as  her 
own.  She  did  so,  Lord  John  approved,  and  so  this  matter 
was  settled. 

Newmarket,  October  2lst. — Clarendon  told  me,  and  has 
since  written  to  me,  that  Government  regard  in  a  very  seri- 
ous light  the  approaching  war  between  Spain  and  Morocco, 
which  they  think  will  have  the  effect  of  putting  Gibraltar  in 
peril  j1  that  Spain  is  playing  the  part  of  catspaw  to  France, 
who  wants  to  get  possession  of  Morocco,  giving  Tangier  to 
Spain,  which  would  give  her,  and  France  through  her,  the 
command  of  both  sides  the  Straits,  and  as  we  depend  upon 
Tangier  for  supplies  to  Gibraltar,  it  would  be  difficult  for  us 
to  hold  the  place  when  this  scheme  is  accomplished.  He 
writes  to-day  :  "  No  news  to-day  except  that  things  look  very 
fishy  with  Spain  and  Morocco,  and  I  suspect  we  are  going  to 
be  vigorous,  which,  though  it  may  be  expedient,  may  also  be 
productive  of  much  trouble." 

He  was  lately  at  Broadlands,  and  had  much  talk  with 
Palmerston,  who  was  very  friendly  and  confidential,  told  him 
everything,  and  appeared  very  anxious  to  have  his  opinions 
and  advice.  He  says  that  Palmerston's  hatred  of  Austria 
amounted  to  a  monomania,  and  this  of  course  produces  a 
divergence  between  the  present  policy  of  France  and  ours. 
He  talked  about  America.  When  Clarendon  was  lately  at 
Clumber  he  discussed  that  affair  with  the  Duke  of  Newcastle 
and  offered  to  write  to  Buchanan,  with  whom  it  seems  he 
is  in  correspondence,  and  say  to  him  what  it  is  desirable 
should  be  said,  unofficially;  and  he  suggested  that  he  should 
hold  out  to  Buchanan  the  prospect  of  a  visit  from  the  Prince 
of  Wales,  who  it  seems  is  going  to  Canada  some  time  or  other. 
This  the  Duke  mentioned  at  the  Cabinet,  where  the  proposal 
was  highly  approved,  but  when  it  was  broached  to  the  Queen, 
Her  Majesty  objected  to  anything  being  said  about  the  Prince 
of  Wales  going  to  the  United  States,  so  it  fell  to  the  ground.* 

1  [On  October  22,  Spain  declared  war  on  Morocco,  on  the  ground  that  further 
territory  was  required  for  the  protection  of  her  settlements  on  the  North  African 
coast.  Tetuun  was  captured  by  the  Spaniards  on  February  4,  I860,  and  ] 
was  signed  on  April  27  ?  the  Emperor  of  Morocco  paying  an  indemnity  of  twenty 
million  piastres.  Marshal  O'Donnell,  who  had  commanded  the  expedition,  was 
created  Duke  of  Tetuan.] 

»  [Whatever  may  have  been  the  objection  to  the  mention  of  the  Prince  of 


1859.]  A  VISIT  FROM  CLARENDON.  509 

London,  October  3Qtk. — Clarendon  came  to  town  yesterday 
morning  on  his  way  to  Windsor  and  called  here.  He  told 
me  that  we  were  going  to  send  a  representative  to  the  Con- 
gress, and  I  was  not  a  little  surprised  to  perceive  that  he 
would  not  be  at  all  disinclined  to  go  there  himself.  He  did 
not  indeed  say  so,  but  unless  I  am  greatly  deceived  this  is  in 
his  mind,  though  not  without  feeling  the  difficulty  of  his 
acting  with  John  Russell.  Clarendon  says  that  the  prepara- 
tions going  on  in  France  are  on  the  most  enormous  scale, 
and  can  have  no  object  but  one  hostile  to  this  country,  and 
that  the  feeling  against  England  is  fomented  by  the  Govern- 
ment and  extending  all  over  France.  He  is  persuaded  that 
the  fixed  purpose  of  Louis  Napoleon  is  to  humble  this 
country,  and  deprive  her  of  the  great  influence  and  author- 
ity she  has  hitherto  exercised  over  the  affairs  of  Europe. 
He  is  bent  upon  getting  us  to  take  part  in  the  Congress,  and 
that  in  order  to  persuade  us  he  will  pretend  to  be  entirely 
agreed  with  us  in  opinion,  and  only  wishing  to  concert  the 
most  proper' means  of  carrying  out  our  common  objects,  and 
when  he  has  thus  cajoled  us  into  a  participation  he  will 
throw  us  over,  and  place  us  under  the  necessity  of  agreeing 
to  what  we  disapprove,  or  of  putting  ourselves  en  disaccord 
with  all  Europe.  He  told  me  that  John  Russell  is  supposed 
on  the  Continent  to  be  the  implacable  enemy  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  and  this  will  be  a  great  disqualification  for  his 
acting  at  a  Congress  mainly  composed  of  Catholic  Powers  ; 
that  this  opinion,  which  is  rife  in  Ireland,  is  propagated  all 
over  the  world,  and  that  the  recollections  of  the  Durham 
Letter  and  the  Ecclesiastical  Titles  Bill  are  still  as  strong 
as  ever.1 

November  18th. — Last  week  at  the  Grove  to  meet  the  Due 
d'Aumale,  who  is  one  of  the  most  enlightened  and  agreeable 
Princes  I  ever  met,  very  simple  and  natural,  and  full  of 
information  and  knowledge  of  all  sorts. 

Wales's  visit  to  the  United  States  at  this  moment,  the  project  did  not  fall  to  the 
pround,  for  on  July  9  in  the  following  year  (I860)  the  Prince  started  on  a  visit 
to  Canada  and  the  United  States,  accompanied  by  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  where 
he  was  entertained  by  President  Buchanan  on  October  25.] 

1  [The  Congress  which  it  was  proposed  to  hold  had  reference  to  the  affairs 
of  Italy,  which  were  extremely  perplexing  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  himself. 
But  Lord  Clarendon's  apprehensions  were  certainly  unfounded,  for  it  deserves 
to  be  remarked  that  about  this  time  negotiations  were  opened  between  the 
Emperor  and  Mr.  Cobden  for  a  commercial  treaty,  which  was  intended  to 
strengthen,  and  did  strengthen,  the  amiable  and  pacific  relations  ot  France  and 
England.] 


510  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

I  do  not  remember  to  have  gathered  anything  particu- 
larly interesting  from  Clarendon  in  our  various  conversations, 
except  that  in  the  event  of  our  consenting  to  join  the  Con- 
gress he  would  not  be  unwilling  to  go  to  it,  and  that  he 
thinks  he  might  -be  able  to  effect  an  arrangement.  This 
confidence  has  in  great  measure  been  produced  by  a  letter 
from  Cowley  which  he  showed  me,  containing  an  accour.t 
of  his  visit  to  Biarritz  and  his  communications  with  the 
Emperor.  He  said  he  had  resolved  not  to  say  a  word  to 
His  Majesty  of  Italian  affairs,  thinking  the  Emperor  would 
abstain  from  talking  of  them  to  him,  but  as  soon  as  they 
met  he  began  to  talk,  and  went  at  length  into  the  whole 
subject.  The  upshot  was  that  he  found  the  Emperor  in 
such  a  state  of  perplexity  and  embarrassment,  and  so  fully 
conscious  of  the  scrape  into  which  he  had  got  himself,  that 
he  did  not  know  what  to  do  or  which  way  to  turn  ;  his 
object  evidently  is  to  get  us  to  help  him  out  of  his  difficulty, 
and  Clarendon  thinks  that  he  should  be  able  to  draw  him 
into  such  measures  as  we  could  support  if  the'  matter  was 
well  managed. 

A  day  or  two  ago  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  whom  I  have  not 
seen  or  communicated  with  for  a  long  time,  called  on  me. 
He  told  me  one  curious  anecdote,  which  he  had  heard  from 
his  brother.  Persigny  called  on  Lord  John  one  day,  and 
told  him  he  was  come  in  strict  confidence  to  show  him  the 
letter  which  the  Emperor  had  written  to  the  King  of  Sardinia, 
but  which  he  must  not  mention  even  to  his  own  colleagues, 
except  of  course  to  Palmerston.  Lord  John  promised  he 
would  not,  and  a  day  or  two  after  he  read  the  letter  in  the 
"Times."  He  sent  for  Persigny  and  asked  for  an  explana- 
tion. Persigny  said  he  could  not  explain  it,  but  would  write 
to  Walewski.  John  Russell  also  wrote  to  Cowley,  who  spoke 
to  Walewski  about  it.  Walewski  declared  he  could  not 
account  for  it,  and  that  it  must  have  been  sent  from  Turin, 
and  he  would  write  to  that  Court  to  complain  of  the  indiscre- 
tion and  would  also  speak  to  the  Emperor.  He  went  to  the 
Emperor,  told  hinrwhat  had  passed,  and  showed  him  what 
he  proposed  to  write  to  Turin,  when  the  Emperor  said  :  "  No, 
don't  write  at  all,  take  no  notice  of  the  publication.'  The 
fact  is,  I  sent  the  letter  myself  to  the  *  Times '  Correspond- 
ent." It  was  Mocquard  who  took  it  to  him.  A  most  extraor- 
dinary proceeding,  and  showing  the  extreme  difficulty  of 
all  diplomatic  dealing  between  the  two  Governments.  The 


1859.]  PROSPECTS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT.  511 

Emperor  is  by  way  of  being  indignant  with  the  "  Times,"  and 
never  fails  to  pour  forth  complaints  and  abuse  of  the  paper 
to  whomever  he  converses  with.  He  did  so,  for  instance,  to 
Cobden,  to  whom  he  gave  an  audience  at  Paris.  But  who 
can  tell  whether  this  is  not  a  pretence  and  a  deceit,  and 
whether  he  may  not  all  the  time  have  a  secret  understand- 
ing with  the  "  Times"  ?  Such  a  supposition  would  seem  to 
be  inconsistent  with  their  articles  and  his  conduct,  and  the 
comments  of  the  former  upon  the  latter  ;  but  how  difficult 
it  is  to»form  any  certain  judgment  upon  a  policy  so  tortuous 
as  his,  and  upon  designs  so  close  and  councils  so  crooked  ! 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Prospects  of  the  Government  and  of  the  Opposition— Mr.  Disraeli's  commanding  Position 
— Preparation' of  a  Reform  Bill — A  Congress — Death  of  Macau  lay — The  Affairs  of  Italy 
— Policy  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon — The  Commercial  Treaty  with  France — M.  de 
Cavour  resumes  Office— Opening  of  Parliament — Negotiation  ot  the  Commercial  Treaty 
— The  Emperor  a  Free  Trader — Perplexity  of  Italian  Affairs — Moderation  of  Lord 
Derby — Opposition  to  the  Commercial  Treaty— The  Reform  Bill  of  I860 — Tory  Oppo- 
sition to  Reform — Mr.  Gladstone's  great  Budget  Speech — Opposition  to  the  Treaty 
and  the  Budget — Triumph  of  Mr.  Gladstone — The  Italian  Correspondence — Demo- 
cratic Opinions  of  Mr.  Gladstone — Introduction  of  the  Reform  Bill — The  Annexation 
of  Savoy  and  Nice— Annexation  of  Tuscany  to  Piedmont— The  Denouement  of  the 
Plot— Complete  Apathy  of  the  Country  as  to  Reform— Lord  Derby  declines  to  inter- 
fere— Lord  John's  adverse  Declaration  to  France— Consequences  of  Lord  John's  Speech 
against  France — Our  Position  in  Europe — Anecdote  of  the  Crimean  War— Designs  of 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  in  1858 — Lord  Palmerston's  Distrust  of  Napoleon  III. — Lord 


—    -Oppos 

to  the  Repeal  of  the  Paper  Duties— Coolness  with  France— Garibaldi's  Expedition- 
Lord  Palmerston  attacks  the  Neapolitan  Minister — The  Paper  Duties  Bill  rejected  by 
the  Lords — The  Reform  Bill  withdrawn — Lord  Palmerston  adjusts  the  Difference  be- 
tween the  two  Houses — Mr.  Gladstone  supported  by  the  Radicals — Mr.  Senior's  Con- 
versations in  Paris — A  Letter  from  the  Speaker — Mr.  Cobden's  Faith  in  the  Emperor 
Napoleon — Conclusion  of  these  Journals. 

London,  December  25th,  1859. — The  Government  are  get- 
ting ready  for  the  session  which  is  near  at  hand,  Palmerston 
with  his  usual  confidence,  but  Granville,  who  is  not  naturally 
desponding,  and  who  I  dare  say  represents  the  feeling  of  his 
colluagues,  is  conscious  of  the  want  of  that  strength  and 
security  which  a  commanding  majority  alone  can  give,  and, 
without  thinking  the  danger  great  or  imminent,  anticipates 
the  possibility  of  their  being  defeated  on  some  vital  question. 
The  Opposition,  conscious  of  their  numerical  force,  but  any- 
thing but  united,  profess  the  most  moderate  views  and  in- 


512  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

tentions.  Derby  professed  at  Liverpool  to  have  no  wish 
to  turn  out  the  Government  or  to  come  into  office  himself. 
Disraeli  himself  told  me  that  he  and  all  his  party  desired 
the  Reform  question  to  be  settled  quietly,  and  that  if  the 
Government  only  offered  them  such  a  Bill  as  they  could  pos- 
sibly accept,  they  should  be  ready  to  give  them  every  assist- 
ance in  carrying  it  through.  Since  this,  Walpole  has  made 
a  formal  communication  to  Granville  (through  Henry  Len- 
nox) of  his  and  Henley's  disposition  to  the  above  mentioned 
end.  We  are  told,  moreover,  that  a  great  number'of  the 
Conservative  party  will  not  only  support  a  fair  and  moderate 
Reform  Bill,  but  support  the  Government  generally,  not  so 
much,  however,  from  wishing  well  to  the  Government  as 
from  their  antipathy  to  Disraeli  and  their  reluctance  to  see 
him  in  power  again.  That  they  will  join  in  carrying  through 
a  safe  and  moderate  Reform  Bill  is  no  doubt  true,  but  it  is 
not  probable  that  the  division  among  them  and  the  hostility 
to  Disraeli  will  last  long,  or  continue  a  moment  after  the 
appearance  of  any  prospect  of  the  return  of  the  Conserva- 
tive party  to  power. 

Disraeli  raised  himself  immensely  last  year,  more,  per- 
haps, with  his  opponents  and  the  House  of  Commons  gener- 
ally than  with  his  own  party,  but  it  is  universally  acknowl- 
edged that  he  led  the  House  with  a  tact,  judgment,  and 
ability  of  which  he  was  not  before  thought  capable.  While 
he  has  thus  risen,  no  rival  has  sprung  up  to  dispute  his  pre- 
eminence. Walpole  and  Henley  are  null,  and  it  is  evident 
that  the  party  cannot  do  without  Disraeli,  and  whenever  Par- 
liament meets  he  will  find  means  of  reconciling  them  to  a 
necessity  of  which  none  of  them  can  be  unconscious,  and  I 
have  no  doubt  that  whenever  any  good  opportunities  for 
showing  fight  may  occur  the  whole  party  will  be  found  united 
under  Disraeli's  orders. 

With  regard  to  the  Reform  Bill,  it  is  being  proposed  by  a 
large  committee  of  the  Cabinet,  but  George  Lewis  has  the 
chief  management  of  it.  The  state  of  public  opinion  admits, 
indeed  compels,  the  utmost  moderation,  but  hitherto  the 
anticipated  difficulty  has  been  the  sort  of  pledge  which  John 
Russell  foolishly  gave  last  year  with  reference  to  the  fran- 
chise, to  which  it  has  been  supposed  he  must  consider  himself 
bound.  But  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  is  not  taking 
any  active  part  in  the  concoction  of  this  Bill,  probably  on 
account  of  his  being  so  absorbed  in  foreign  affairs,  and  under 


1859.]  A  CONGRESS  PROPOSED.  513 

these  circumstances  we  may  not  unreasonably  expect  that 
a  fair  Bill  will  be  produced,  and  the  question  eventually 
settled. 

The  question  of  still  greater  and  more  pressing  interest  is 
that  of  the  Congress.  The  nomination  of  Hudson  met  with 
such  opposition  in  the  Cabinet  that  it  was  not  pressed,  and 
Lord  Wodehouse  was  named  instead.  He  is  a  clever  man, 
well  informed,  speaks  French  fluently,  and  has  plenty  of  cour- 
age and  aplomb  ;  his  opinions  are  liberal,  but  not  extravagant. 
Clarendon,  who  had  him  down  at  The  Grove,  was  pleased 
and  satisfied  with  him.  Granville  is  much  contrarie  that 
Clarendon  himself  has  not  been  asked  to  go,  thinking  justly 
that  he  would  have  much  more  "Weight  than  any  other  man, 
and  would  be  far  more  likely  to  conduct  our  affairs  in  the 
Congress  with  credit  and  success ;  but  Clarendon  now  tells 
me  he  certainly  would  not  have  gone  if  it  had  been  proposed 
to  him.  My  own  conviction  was  that  he  would  have  accepted 
a  proposal,  and  though  for  many  reasons  he  would  not  have 
liked  such  a  mission,  I  think  he  is  somewhat  mortified  that 
it  was  not  offered  to  him. 

The  recent  appearance  of  the  pamphlet  of  "  Le  Pape  et  le 
Congi^s," 1  which  has  produced  such  a  sensation  and  so  much 
astonishment,  has  no  doubt  been  a  great  thing  for  us,  and 
rendered  our  diplomatic  course  much  more  easy  and  promis- 
ing. Clarendon  writes  to  me  :  "  This  last  pamphlet  of  the 
Emperor's  is  important  and  I  am  sure  authentic,  as  it  is 
simply  a  development  of  what  I  have  heard  twenty  times 
from  his  own  lips.  It  ought  of  course  to  have  been  reserved 
for  the  Congress,  but  as  far  as  we  are  concerned  it  is  well 
timed."  It  was  a  bold  but  a  clever  stroke  of  policy  to  give 
notice  to  the  whole  world  of  the  sentiments  and  intentions 
with  which  the  Emperor  enters  the  Congress,  and  it  renders 
a  good  understanding  and  joint  action  between  France  and 
England  feasible  and  perhaps  easy,  unless  Palmerston  spoils 
everything  by  some  obstinate  and  extravagant  pretensions 

1  [The  object  of  the  Congress  proposed  by  the  Emperor  Napoleon  was  to  ex- 
tricate himself  from  the  embarrassments  in  which  he  was  placed  bv  the  terms 
of  the  Peace  of  Villafranca  with  reference  to  the  affairs  of  Italy.  T*he  proposal 
to  establish  a  Confederation  of  the  Italian  States  was  found  to  be  impracticable, 
and  the  unification  of  Italv  was  a  more  difficult  problem  than  the  conquest  and 
cession  to  Piedmont  of  the  Milanese  territory.  M.  de  Cavour  was  the  only 
statesman  who  contemplated  the  entire  realisation  of  this  vast  scheme,  which 
was  at  last  accomplished  by  revolutionary  means,  without  the  concurrence  of 
France.  His  views  were  shared  and  supported  by  Lord  Palmerston,  Lord  John 
Russell,  and  Mr.  Gladstone.] 


514  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

which  he  may  insist  on  his  plenipotentiaries  bringing  for- 
ward. But  if  he  should  be  so  ill  advised,  I  believe  that  he 
would  meet  with  an  insuperable  resistance  in  his  own  Cabinet 
and  at  Court,  and  that  Cowley  certainly,  perhaps  Wodehouse 
also,  would  decline  being  made  the  instruments  of  such  a 
vicious  and  mischievous  policy. 

January  2d,  1860. — The  death  of  Macaulay  is  the  ex- 
tinction of  a  great  light,  and  although  every  expectation 
of  the  completion  of  his  great  work  had  long  ago  vanished, 
the  sudden  close  of  his  career,  and  the  certainty  that  we 
shall  have  no  more  of  his  History,  or  at  most  only  the 
remaining  portion  of  King  William's  reign  (which  it  is 
understood  he  had  nearly  'prepared  for  publication),  is  a 
serious  disappointment  to  the  world.  His  health  was  so 
broken  that  his  death  can  hardly  create  any  surprise,  but 
there  had  been  no  reason  lately  to  apprehend  that  the  end 
was  so  near.  I  have  mentioned  the  circumstance  of  my 
first  meeting  him,  after  which  we  became  rather  intimate  in 
a  general  way,  and  he  used  frequently  to  invite  me  to  those 
breakfasts  in  the  Albany  at  which  he  used  to  collect  small 
miscellaneous  parties,  generally  including  some  remarkable 
people,  and  at  which  he  loved  to  pour  forth  all  those  stores 
of  his  mind  and  accumulations  of  his  memory  to  which  his 
humbler  guests,  like  myself,  used  to  listen  with  delighted 
admiration,  and  enjoy  as  the  choicest  of  intellectual  feasts. 
I  don't  think  he  was  ever  so  entirely  agreeable  as  at  his  own 
breakfast  table,  though  I  shall  remember  as  long  as  I  live 
the  pleasant  days  I  have  spent  in  his  society  at  Bowood, 
Holland  House,  and  elsewhere.  Nothing  was  more  remark- 
able in  Macaulay  than  the  natural  way  in  which  he  talked, 
never  for  the  sake  of  display  or  to  manifest  his  superior 
powers  and  knowledge.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  free  from 
any  assumption  of  superiority  over  others,  and  seemed  to  be 
impressed  with  the  notion  that  those  he  conversed  with 
knew  as  much  as  himself,  and  he  was  always  quite  as  ready 
to  listen  as  to  talk.  "  Don't  you  remember  ?"  he  was  in  the 
habit  of  saying,  when  he  quoted  some  book  or  alluded  to 
some  fact  to  listeners  who  could  not  remember,  because  in 
nineteen  cases  out  of  twenty  they  had  never  known  or 
heard  of  whatever  it  was  he  alluded  to.  I  do  not  believe 
anybody  ever  left  his  society  with  any  feeling  of  mortifica- 
tion, except  that  which  an  involuntary  comparison  between 
his  knowledge  and  their  own  ignorance  could  not  fail  to 


I860.]  DEATH   OF   MACAULAY.  515 

engender.  For  some  years  past  I  had  seen  little  or  nothing 
of  Macaulay.  His  own  health  compelled  him  to  abstain  in 
great  measure  from  going  into  the  world.  He  bought  a 
house  at  Campden  Hill,  from  which  he  rarely  stirred,  and  to 
which  he  never  invited  me,  nor  did  I  ever  call  upon  him 
there.  I  have  often  regretted  the  total  cessation  of  our 
intercourse,  but  what  else  could  be  expected  from  the 
difference  of  our  habits,  pursuits,  and  characters  ?  I  have 
only  recently  read  over  again  the  whole  of  his  "History  of 
England  "  with  undiminished  pleasure  and  admiration, though 
with  a  confirmed  opinion  that  his  style  is  not  the  very  best, 
and  that  he  is  not  the  writer  whom  I  should  be  most 
desirous  to  imitate  :  but  what  appears  to  me  most  admirable 
and  most  worthy  of  imitation  in  Macaulay  is  the  sound  moral 
constitution  of  his  mind,  and  his  fearless  independence  of 
thought,  never  sacrificing  truth  to  any  prejudice,  interest, 
or  preconceived  opinion  whatever.  Above  all  he  was  no 
hero  worshipper,  who  felt  it  incumbent  on  him  to  minister 
to  vulgar  prejudices  or  predilections,  to  exalt  the  merits 
and  palliate  the  defects  of  great  reputations,  and  to  consider 
the  commission  of  great  crimes,  or  the  detection  of  mean 
and  base  motives,  as  atoned  for  and  neutralised  by  the 
possession  of  shining  abilities  and  the  performance  of  great 
actions.  Macaulay  excited  much  indignation  in  some 
quarters  by  the  severity  with  which  he  criticised  the  con- 
duct and  character  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  and  the 
Quakers  bitterly  resented  his  attacks  upon  Penn.  He  was 
seldom  disposed  to  admit  that  he  had  been  mistaken  or 
misinformed,  and  I  thought  he  was  to  blame  in  clinging  so 
tenaciously  to  his  severe  estimate  of  Penn's  conduct  after 
the  vindication  of  it  which  was  brought  forward,  and  the 
production  of  evidence  in  Penn's  favor,  which  might  have 
satisfied  him  that  he  had  been  in  error,  and  which  probably 
would  have  done  so  in  any  case  in  which  his  judgment  had 
been  really  unbiassed.  I  always  regretted,  not  for  the  sake 
of  Penn's  memory,  but  for  the  honor  of  Macaulay  himself, 
that  he  would  not  admit  the  value  and  force  of  the  exculpa- 
tory evidence,  and  acknowledge,  as  he  very  gracefully  might, 
the  probability  at  least  of  his  having  been  in  error.  But  the 
case  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  is  very  different,  and 
reflects  the  highest-  honor  on  his  literary  integrity  and 
independence.  Undazzled  by  the  splendor  of  that  great 
man's  career  and  the  halo  of  admiration  which  had  long 


516  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

surrounded  his  name,  he  demonstrated  to  the  whole  world 
of  what  base  clay  the  idol  was  made  and  how  he  had  abused 
for  unworthy  ends  the  choice  gifts  which  Nature  had 
bestowed  upon  him.  Macaulay  no  doubt  held  that  in  pro- 
portion to  the  excellence  of  his  natural  endowments  was  his 
moral  responsibility  for  the  use  or  abuse  of  them,  and  he 
would  not  allow  Blenheim  and  Ramillies  to  be  taken  as  a  set- 
off  against  his  hypocrisy,  perfidy,  and  treason.  Macaulay's 
History  is  the  best  ethical  study  for  forming  the  mind  and 
character  of  a  young  man,  for  it  is  replete  with  maxims 
of  the  highest  practical  value.  It  holds  up  in  every  page 
to  hatred  and  scorn  all  the  vices  which  can  stain,  and  to 
admiration  and  emulation  all  the  virtues  which  can  adorn,  a 
public  career.  It  is  impossible  for  any  one  to  study  that 
great  work  without  sentiments  of  profound  admiration  for 
the  lessons  it  inculcates,  and  they  who  become  thoroughly 
imbued  with  its  spirit,  no  matter  whether  they  coincide  or 
not  with  his  opinions,  will  be  strengthened  in  a  profound 
veneration  for  truth  and  justice,  for  public  and  private 
integrity  and  honor,  and  in  a  genuine  patriotism  and  desire 
for  the  freedom,  prosperity,  and  glory  of  their  country. 

January  7th. — In  a  letter  from  Clarendon  yesterday  from 
The  Grove  he  says  :  "Cowley  came  over  here  last  night.  I 
had  a  long  talk  with  him  ;  he  is  low  and  unhappy,  and  does 
not  see  his  way  out  of  the  labyrinth  ;  he  is  not  for  the  Con- 
gress meeting  now,  but  still  does  not  think  we  should  aban- 
don the  Emperor  altogether  in  his  Italian  policy.  The  fact 
is,  we  are  in  a  great  difficulty.  If  we  had  from  the  first 
taken  the  wise  part  of  saying  that  as  we  had  had  nothing  to 
do  with  the  war  or  the  peace,  and  should  therefore  not  in- 
terfere with  the  arrangements  the  Emperor  thought  proper 
to  make,  we  should  now  be  on  velvet ;  but  from  the  moment 
we  knew  of  the  Villafranca  arrangement  we  have  been 
thwarting  the  Emperor,  and  goading  him  on  further  than  he 
wished  to  go,  and  encouraging  the  Italians  to  persist  in  their 
own  ideas,  till  at  last  when  he  does  what  we  want,  and  is 
prepared  to  throw  over  the  Pope  and  asks  to  be  backed  by 
us,  it  is  rather  awkward  to  break  away  and  declare  we  only 
wanted  the  credit  of  recommending  a  fine  liberal  policy,  but 
that  we  don't  mean  to  be  at  any  trouble  or  expense  about 
it."  All  this  is  undoubtedly  true,  but  it  is  the  old  inveterate 
habit  of  Palmerston's  policy,  united  with  John  Russell's 
crotchets,  which  has  brought  it  to  this  pass.  Palmerston  has 


I860.]  THE  AFFAIRS  OF  ITALY.  517 

always  been  Conservative  at  home  and  Revolutionary  abroad, 
and  the  gratification  of  a  silly  spite  against  Austria  has  al- 
ways been  paramount  to  any  other  consideration  and  object. 
While  the  enemies  of  the  late  Government  accused  them, 
very  unjustly  as  the  documentary  evidence  has  shown,  of 
having  unduly  favored  Austria  during  the  recent  conflict, 
and  therefore  having  been  neutral  only  in  name,  it  is  true 
that  the  present  Government,  i.  e.,  Palmerston  and  John  Rus- 
sell, have  gone  out  of  their  way  to  interfere  in  an  underhand 
manner,  and  have  been  constantly  patting  on  the  back  the 
insurgent  Italians,  and,  as  Clarendon  says,  urging  the  Em- 
peror to  go  further  than  he  wishes,  or  than  he  can  do  con- 
sistently with  the  engagement  he  has  entered  into.  When 
Cowley  was  here  some  months  ago,  I  remember  his  telling 
me  that  one  day  when  he  met  Cavour,  either  at  Compiegne 
or  Paris,  I  forget  which,  when  it  was  the  question  of  the 
Congress  before  the  war,  Cavour  said  to  him,  "  So  you  are 
going  to  have  a  Congress."  "Yes,"  said  Cowley,  "thanks 
to  you  and  all  you  have  been  doing  in  Italy."  "Thanks  to 
me!  "  cried  Cavour,  "  I  like  that ;  why  don't  you  say  thanks 
to  your  own  Minister  at  Turin,  to  Sir  James  Hudson,  who 
has  done  ten  times  more  than  ever  I  did  ?  " 

Hatchford,  January  12th. — Clarendon  writes  to  me  (on 
the  10th)  :  "  Cowley  dined  here  on  Saturday  and  did  the 
same  at  Pembroke  Lodge  on  Sunday.  He  is  on  very  good 
terms  with  John  Russell,  but  hardly  understands  what  he 
would  be  at,  and  for  the  good  reason  probably  that  Johnny 
does  not  know  himself.  There  is  a  Ministerial  crisis  going 
on  at  this  moment  about  Italy,  the  three  confederates  want- 
ing of  course  to  do  more  than  the  sober-minded  majority  can 
agree  to.  I  suppose  it  will  be  decided  at  the  Cabinet  to-day, 
and  that  some  middle  course  will  be  discovered,  as  I  shall  not 
believe,  till  it  is  a  fait  accompli,  that  Palmerston  will  allow 
the  Government  to  break  up  on  a  question  which  will  not 
carry  the  country  with  him.  The  people  dislike  Austria  and 
wish  well  to  the  Italians,  but  they  want  not  to  interfere  in 
the  affairs  of  either,  and  I  doubt  if  they  would  give  a  man 
or  a  shilling  to  help  Palmerston  in  blotting  Austria  out  of 
the  map  of  Europe  and  giving  Sardinia  a  much  larger  slice 
of  the  map.  That  twofold  object  amounts  to  monomania 
now  with  Palmerston,  and  I  believe  he  would  sacrifice  office  to 
attain  it,  which  is  the  highest  test  of  his  sincerity.  The  three 
confederates  are  Palmerston,  John  Russell,  and  Gladstone. 


518  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

London,  January  2Zd. — For  the  last  three  weeks  the 
sayings  and  doings  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  have  occupied 
all  thoughts  in  every  part  of  Europe,  and  he  has  wellnigh 
recovered  in  this  country  the  confidence  and  popularity  which 
had  been  exchanged  for  distrust,  suspicion,  and  alarm.  It 
would  really  look  as  if  the  sole  or  at  least  the  main  object 
of  his  policy  was  to  conciliate  English  opinion  and  to  ingra- 
tiate himself  with  the  present  Government ;  and  he  certainly 
has  exhibited  great  courage  and  above  all  a  boundless  confi- 
dence in  his  own  power  and  authority  in  his  own  country. 
There  was  a  time  when  he  paid  great  court  to  the  Catholic 
clergy  in  France,  and  it  was  supposed  that  his  motive  in  re- 
taining the  French  troops  in  Kome  (which  it  was  known  he 
very  much  disliked)  was  his  apprehension  lest  their  with- 
drawal should  expose  the  Pope's  person  or  Government  to 
danger,  which  the  clergy  in  France  would  not  readily  forgive 
him  for  doing.  When  he  made  peace  with  Austria  he  still 
evinced  a  desire  to  uphold  the  dignity  and  authority  of  the 
Pope,  and  therefore  nobody  was  the  least  prepared  for  the 
pamphlet  of  "The  Pope  and  the  Congress."  It  fell  like  a 
thunderbolt,  striking  terror  into  the  minds  of  all  the  Papal 
supporters  and  adherents,  and  filling  with  joy  all  revolted 
Italy,  and  with  a  more  sober  satisfaction  all  the  Liberals  and 
ultra- Protestants  here. 

We  had  hardly  recovered  from  our  amazement  at  this 
great  change  in  the  foreign  policy  of  France,  when  we  were 
still  more  astonished  and  pleased  by  the  publication  of  the 
Emperor's  letter  to  Fould,  in  which  he  announced  his  inten- 
tion to  change  the  whole  commercial  policy  of  France,  and 
to  make  her  a  country  of  Free  Trade.  In  thus  confronting 
at  once  the  Clerical  body  and  the  Protectionist  interest  in 
France,  he  has  certainly  acted  with  enormous  boldness  and 
reliance  on  his  own  interest  and  power,  and  it  will  be  very 
interesting  to  see  whether  the  success  of  his  policy  corre- 
sponds with  its  audacity.  The  Commercial  Treaty  has  been 
in  great  measure  the  work  of  Cobden,  who  went  over  to  Paris 
under  the  wing  of  Michel  Chevalier  and  with  letters  to  Cow- 
ley,  who  introduced  him  to  everybody  who  could  be  of  use 
to  him  in  his  endeavors  to  forward  a  Free-Trade  policy. 
The  scheme  seems  to  have  been  arranged  between  the  Emper- 
or and  Fould  without  the  knowledge  or  participation  of  any 
of  the  other  Ministers.  Cobden  had  no  mission,  but  he  re- 
ported his  progress  home,  and  as  an  acknowledgement  of  his 


I860.]  OPENING  OF  PARLIAMENT.  519 

exertions  he  is  to  be  made  joint  Plenipotentiary  with  Cowley 
in  signing  the  Commercial  Treaty. 

The  return  of  Cavour  to  power  looks  as  if  there  was  a 
secret  understanding  between  France  and  England  that  the 
King  of  Sardinia  should  be  permitted  to  consummate  the 
annexation  of  all  the  revolted  provinces  to  his  dominions  ; 
for  this  object,  which  Palmerston  has  so  much  at  heart,  he 
would  gladly  consent  to  the  transference  of  Savoy  to  France, 
which  most  people  think  will  take  place  ;  but  everything  is 
still  and  must  be  for  some  time  in  the  greatest  uncertainty 
in  North  Italy,  the  only  thing  apparently  certain  being  that 
the  Dukes  will  not  recover  their  Duchies,  and  still  less  the 
Pope  his  Romagna, 

January  2±th. — To-day  Parliament  opens,  and  everything 
promises  a  prosperous  session  for  the  Government.  So  little 
spirit  is  there  in  the  Opposition,  that  very  few  of  them  are 
expected  to  make  their  appearance,  and  Disraeli,  under  the 
pretext  of  a  family  affliction,  gives  no  dinner  ;  but  the  prob- 
able cause  of  this  is  not  the  death  of  his  sister,  which  hap- 
pened two  months  ago,  but  his  own  uncertainty  as  to  whom 
he  should  invite,  and  who  would  be  disposed  to  own  political 
allegiance  by  accepting  his  invitation.  Such  is  the  disor- 
ganized state  of  that  party. 

Clarendon  called  on  mo  yesterday,  and  told  me  various 
things  more  or  less  interesting  about  passing  events,  about 
Cobden  and  the  Commercial  Treaty.  Cobden  went  over  to 
Paris  with  letters  from  Palmerston  to  Cowley,  begging  Cow- 
ley  would  give  him  all  the  aid  he  could  in  carrying  out  his 
object  of  persuading  the  leading  people  there  to  adopt  Free 
Trade  principles,  saying  he  went  without  any  mission  and  as 
"  a  free  lance."  Cowley  did  what  he  could  for  him,  and  he 
went  about  his  object  with  great  zeal,  meanwhile  putting 
himself  in  correspondence  with  Gladstone,  who  eagerly 
backed  him  up,  but  all  this  time  nothing  was  said  to  the 
Cabinet  on  the  subject.  At  length  one  day  Walewski  sent 
for  Cowley,  and  asked  him  whether  he  was  to  understand 
that  Cobden  was  an  agent  of  the  British  Government,  and 
authorized  by  it  to  say  all  he  was  saying  in  various  quarters. 
Cowley  denied  all  knowledge  of  Cobden's  proceedings,  but 
wrote  a  despatch  to  John  Russell  stating  what  had  occurred, 
and  at  the  same  time  a  private  letter,  saying  he  did  not  know 
whether  he  would  wish  such  a  despatch  to  be  recorded,  and 
therefore  to  number  it  and  place  it  in  the  Foreign  Office,  or 


520  REIGN  OF  QTTEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

put  it  in  the  fire  as  he  thought  fit.  John  Russell  accepted 
the  despatch,  and  at  the  same  time  told  him  he  might  en- 
dorse whatever  Cobden  did  in  the  matter  of  commercial  en- 
gagements. 

Clarendon  said  that  when  he  was  at  Paris  four  years  ago 
for  the  Congress,  the  Emperor  one  day  said  to  him,  "  I  know 
you  are  a  great  Free  Trader,  and  I  suppose  you  mean  to  take 
this  opportunity  of  advancing  Free  Trade  principles  here 
as  far  as  you  can."  Clarendon  said  certainly  such  was  his 
intention,  when  the  Emperor  said  he  was  happy  to  be  able 
to  take  the  initiative  with  him  on  this  subject,  and  that  be 
would  tell  him  that  it  had  just  been  settled  in  the  Council  of 
State  that  a  great  change  in  their  commercial  and  prohibitive 
system  should  be  proposed  to  the  Chambers,  which  it  was  his 
intention  to  carry  out  as  as  soon  as  possible.  But  not  long 
after  the  Emperor  renewed  the  subject,  and  told  him  ho 
found  the  opposition  so  strong  to  his  contemplated  measures 
and  the  difficulties  so  great,  that  he  had  been  obliged  to 
abandon  them  for  the  present,  and  as  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  the  elements  of  opposition  will  be  found  as 
strong  now  as  they  were  then,  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that 
His  Majesty  will  be  able  now  to  do  all  he  wishes  and  has 
announced.  It  has  already  been  stated  in  the  French  papers 
that  something  is  to  be  done  to  meet  the  objection  or  allay 
the  apprehensions  of  the  French  Protectionists,  and  Claren"- 
don  tninks  it  very  doubtful  whether  the  Commercial  Treaty, 
which  will  confer  advantages  on  France  immediately  without 
any  reciprocal  ones  to  us  for  eighteen  months  to  come,  will 
be  received  with  much  favor  here,  especially  as  the  loss  to 
our  revenue  will  require  the  imposition  of  fresh  taxes  to  a 
considerable  amount. 

We  discussed  the  Italian  question,  and  he  said  the  Em- 
peror is  in  a  constant  state  of  doubt  and  perplexity,  one 
while  inclining  to  the  Congress,  and  another  to  leaving  affairs 
to  be  settled  without  one.  Granville  told  me  last  night 
there  appears  a  chance  of  the  Pope's  consenting  to  enter 
the  Congress  with  the  expectation  of  being  supported  there 
by  a  majority  of  the  Powers,  and  deriving  considerable 
benefit  from  such  support.  The  Emperor  Napoleon,  too, 
now  shows  some  signs  of  drawing  closer  to  Austria  again, 
while  Austria  is  quite  determined  never  to  consent  to  any  of 
the  schemes  of  revolution  and  annexation  which  France  and 
England  are  intent  upon  carrying  out.  Apponyi  told  Claren- 


I860.]  MODERATION  OF  LORD  DERBY.  521 

don,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  that  they  were  ruined,  and  quite 
unable  to  take  any  active  part,  but  tnat  in  the  way  of  passive 
resistance  they  might  still  do  a  great  deal,  and  that  they 
should  not  only  refuse  with  the  greatest  perseverance  to  set 
their  hands  to  any  paper  acknowledging  the  new  state  of 
things,  but  that  they  should  solemnly  protest  against  it  on 
every  occasion  and  in  every  way  in  their  power.  Austria 
therefore  never  will  consent  to  the  annexation  of  Central 
Italy  to  Piedmont,  and  if  it  takes  place  in  spite  of  her  re- 
monstrances and  in  direct  violation  of  the  conditions  of  Vil- 
lafranca  and  Zurich,  she  will  not  only  refuse  her  recognition, 
but  proclaim  her  intention  of  biding  her  time,  with  a  view 
to  avail  herself  of  future  possible  contingencies  to  redress  the 
wrongs  of  which  she  may  justly  complain.  I  asked  Claren- 
don if  he  did  not  think  it  possible  a  mezzo  termine  might  be 
effected  by  which  France  and  Austria  might  again  be  put 
d'accord,  France  saying,  "  I  would  carry  out  the  stipulations 
of  Zurich  if  I  could,  but  you  see  it  is  impossible.  Still  I 
will  not  consent  to  arrangements  obnoxious  to  you  and  in 
direct  violation  of  them,  such  as  the  annexations  to  Pied- 
mont ;  let  us  recur  to  the  formation  of  a  Central  Italian  in- 
dependent State."  Clarendon  said  this  had  been  his  own 
idea,  and  he  still  thought  it  was  not  impossible  that  such  a 
compromise  should  be  effected.  It  is  hardly  possible  to 
doubt  that  if  Cavour  succeeds  in  annexing  to  Piedmont  all 
the  Central  Italian  States,  a  very  short  time  will  elapse  be- 
fore war  will  break  out  again  between  Sardinia  and  Austria, 
and  that  Austria  will  have  to  relinquish  her  Venetian  pos- 
sessions or  fight  for  their  retention. 

January  21th. — The  session  opened  with  great  appear- 
ance of  quiet  and  prosperity  for  the  Ministers,  which  noth- 
ing that  passed  the  first  night  in  either  House  threatened  to 
disturb.  Derby  made  a  very  good  and  moderate  speech. 
When  he  left  office  the  Queen  entreated  him  not  to  use  the 
power  he  seemed  to  have  from  the  nearly  balanced  state  of 
parties  to  upset  this  Government,  urging  the  great  objections 
there  were  to  eternal  changes,  and  she  repeated  the  same 
thing  to  him  when  he  was  at  Windsor  on  a  visit  not  long 
ago.  Derby  expressed  his  entire  concurrence  with  her,  and 
he  promised  to  act  in  conformity  with  her  wishes,  and  he  has 
entirely  done  so.  Nothing  could  be  more  temperate  and 
harmless  than  the  few  remarks  he  made  on  Tuesday  night, 
but  leaving  himself  quite  unfettered  on  every  point. 


522  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

In-  the  meantime  there  is  apparently  a  strong  feeling 
of  doubt  and  quasi-hostility  getting  up  against  the  Com- 
mercial Treaty,  and  it  looks  as  if  the  English  and  French 
Governments  would  both  have  great  difficulties  in  the  mat- 
ter. Public  opinion  here  remains  suspended  till  the  Treaty 
is  produced,  and  till  we  are  informed  what  the  immediate 
sacrifices  may  be  that  we  shall  have  to  make  for  it,  and 
what  are  the  prospective  advantages  we  obtain  in  return. 
The  French  Protectionists  are  more  impatient  and  have 
begun  to  pour  out  their  complaints  and  indignation  without 
waiting  to  see  the  obnoxious  Convention.  Thiers  is  said  to 
be  furious.  So  far  from  any  Commercial  Treaty  like  this 
cementing  the  alliance,  and  rendering  war  between  the  two 
countries  more  difficult,  it  is  much  more  likely  to  inflame 
the  popular  antipathy  in  France,  to  make  the  alliance  itself 
odious,  and  render  the  chances  of  war  between  the  two 
countries  more  probable.  In  maturing  his  scheme  Louis 
Napoleon  has  given  it  all  the  appearance  of  a  conspiracy, 
which  is  in  accordance  with  his  character  and  his  tastes. 
The  whole  thing  was  carried  on  with  the  most  profound 
secrecy,  and  the  secret  was  confined  to  a  very  few  people, 
viz.  the  Emperor  himself,  Fould,  Rouher  (Minister  of  Com- 
merce), Michel  Chevalier,  and  Cobden.  All  the  documents 
were  copied  by  Madame  Rouher,  and  Rouher  was  so  afraid 
that  some  guesses  might  be  made  if  he  was  known  to  be 
consulting  books  and  returns  that  were  preserved  in  the 
Library  of  the  Council  of  State,  that  he  never  would  look 
at  any  of  them,  and  made  Chevalier  borrow  all  that  he  had 
occasion  to  refer  to.  Now  the  Emperor  springs  this  Treaty 
upon  his  reluctant  Chambers  and  the  indignant  Protectionist 
interest.  His  manner  of  doing  the  thing,  which  he  thinks 
is  the  only  way  by  which  it  can  be  done  at  all,  naturally  adds 
to  the  resentment  the  measure  excites.  They  feel  themselves 
in  a  manner  taken  in.  The  objections  here  are  of  a  different 
kind  and  on  other  grounds,  but  Gladstone  kept  his  design 
nearly  as  close  as  the  Emperor  did,  never  having  imparted  it 
to  the  Cabinet  till  the  last  moment  before  Parliament  met. 
I  do  not  know  how  the  Cabinet  looked  at  it,  only  that  they 
were  not  unanimous. 

While,  however,  it  seems  at  least  doubtful  how  the 
Government  will  fare  when  they  produce  this  Treaty,  it 
appears  certain  that  they  will  get  into  a  scrape  with  their 
Reform  Bill.  I  had  imagined  from  all  I  heard  that  the 


I860.]  THE  REFORM  BILL  OF   I860.  533 

Government  were  certain  to  bring  forward  a  measure  so 
moderate  as  to  insure  the  support  or  at  least  prevent  the 
opposition  of  the  Conservatives,  or  certainly  of  a  large  pro- 
portion of  them.  Everything  rendered  this  probable.  The 
assurances  conveyed  to  the  Government  by  Walpole,  the"  pro- 
fessions of  Disraeli,  the  apathy  of  the  country,  and  the  total 
failure  of  Bright's  attempts  to  get  up  the  steam,  all  encour- 
aged them  to  take  this  course,  and  the  Duke  of  Bedford  told 
ine  Lord  John  was  not  so  tied  and  bound  by  his  declarations 
last  year  that  he  would  not  concur  in  any  moderate  measure 
that  the  Cabinet  might  frame.  A  few  days  ago,  however, 
I  asked  Clarendon  what  the  Bill  would  be,  and  he  alarmed 
me  by  his  reply  that  "  it  would  be  as  bad  as  possible,"  John 
Russell  having  insisted  upon  the  franchise  being  in  accord- 
ance with  his  pledges,  and  upon  his  consistency  being  entire- 
ly preserved.  This  meant  of  course  a  61.  franchise,  which 
everybody  denounces  as  full  of  mischief  and  danger. 

Just  now  Henry  Lennox  came  to  me  and  told  me  that  all 
the  dissensions  and  jealousies  of  the  Conservative  party  and 
the  Carlton  Club  had  been  suddenly  appeased,  and  that  from 
being  split  into  little  sections  and  coteries,  squabbling  among 
themselves  and  forming  plots  to  oust  Disraeli,  and  elevate 
one  man  or  another  in  his  place,  they  were  suddenly  re- 
united as  one  man  in  opposition  to  the  Bill  that  they  hear  is 
to  be  offered  to  them,  and  that  Disraeli  will  be  higher  than 
ever  in  their  confidence  and  support.  The  Government 
estimate  their  majority  at  four,  leaving  out  of  calculation 
the  Irish  Catholics,  who  will  probably  all  vote  against  them 
on  every  question,  and  the  Conservatives  boast  of  having  320 
men  who  will  cling  together  with  immoveable  constancy  in 
opposition  to  the  6J.  clause.  That  they  will  be  able  to  carry 
it  under  these  circumstances  seems  impossible.  Lord  John 
is  himself  to  bring  on  the  Reform  Bill.  The  best  thing  that 
could  happen  (unless  they  are  warned  in  time  and  alter 
their  measure)  would  be  that  he  should  be  beaten  on  the 
Gl.  franchise,  go  out  upon  it  and  the  rest  stay  in  ;  but 
whether  they  would  think  themselves  bound  to  stand  or  fall 
with  him  and  break  up  the  Government  for  his  sake,  I  have 
at  present  no  idea.  The  Queen  would  no  doubt  do  all  in  her 
power  to  induce  Palmerston  to  let  him  go,  replace  him, 
and  carry  on  the  Government  without  him.  His  loss  would 
be  a  gain  in  every  possible  way,  and  the  Government  would 
be  strengthened  instead  of  being  weakened  by  his  absence, 


524  REIGX  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

even  though  he  should  throw  himself  into  the  arms  of 
Bright  and  join  him  in  a  Eadical  opposition  to  his  former 
colleagues. 

Bath,  February  15th. — When  I  left  London  a  fortnight 
ago  the  world  was  anxiously  expecting  Gladstone's  speech 
in  which  he  was  to  put  the  Commercial  Treaty  and  the 
Budget  before  the  world.  His  own  confidence  and  that  of 
most  of  his  colleagues  in  his  success  was  unbounded,  but 
many  inveighed  bitterly  against  the  Treaty,  and  looked  for- 
Avard  with  great  alarm  and  aversion  to  the  Budget.  Claren- 
den  shook  his  head,  Overstone  pronounced  against  the 
Treaty,  the  "  Times  "  thundered  against  it,  and  there  is 
little  doubt  that  it  was  unpopular,  and  becoming  more  so 
every  day.  Then  came  Gladstone's  unlucky  illness,  which 
compelled  him  to  put  off  his  expose,  and  made  it  doubtful 
whether  he  would  not  be  physically  disabled  from  doing 
justice  to  the  subject.  His  doctor  says  he  ought  to  have 
taken  two  months'  rest  instead  of  two  days'.  However,  at 
the  end  of  his  two  days'  delay  he  came  forth,  and  consensu 
omnium  achieved  one  of  the  greatest  triumphs  that  the 
House  of  Commons  ever  witnessed.  Everybody  I  have 
heard  from  admits  that  it  was  a  magnificent  display,  not  to 
be  surpassed  in  ability  of  execution,  and  that  he  carried  the 
House  of  Commons  completely  with  him.  I  can  well  believe 
it,  for  when  I  read  the  report  of  it  the  next  day  (a  report  I 
take  to  have  given  the  speech  verbatim)  it  carried  me  along 
with  it  likewise.  For  the  moment  opposition  and  criticism 
were  silenced,  and  nothing  was  heard  but  the  sound  of  praise 
and  admiration.  In  a  day  or  two,  however,  men  began  to 
disengage  their  minds  from  the  bewitching  influence  of  this 
great  oratorical  power,  to  examine  calmly  the  different  parts 
of  the  wonderful  piece  of  machinery  which  Gladstone  had 
constructed,  and  to  detect  and  expose  the  weak  points  and 
objectionable  provisions  which  it  contained.  I  say  it,  for, 
as  the  Speaker  writes  to  me,  it  must  be  taken  as  a  whole  or 
rejected  as  a  whole,  and  he  adds  the  first  will  be  its  fate. 

Clarendon,  who  has  all  along  disapproved  of  the  Treaty, 
wrote  to  me  that  Gladstone's  success  was  complete,  and 
public  opinion  in  his  favor.  He  says,  "  I  expect  that  the 
London  feeling  will  be  reflected  from  the  country,  so  that 
there  will  be  no  danger  of  rejection,  though  I  think  that  the 
more  the  whole  thing  is  considered,  the  less  popular  it  will 
become.  The  no-provision  for  the  enormous  deficit  that  will 


I860.]  MR.  GLADSTONE'S  BUDGET.  525 

exist  next  year  will  strike  people,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  the 
Budget  is  made  up  of  expedients  for  the  present  year.  The 
non-payment  of  the  Exchequer  bonds  is  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  a  loan  ;  the  war  tax  on  tea  and  sugar,  the  windfall 
of  the  Spanish  payment,  the  making  the  maltsters  and  hop- 
growers  pay  in  advance,  &c.,  are  all  stopgaps.  If  anybody 
proposes  it,  I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  an  additional  \d.  In- 
come Tax  in  place  of  the  war  duties  was  accepted  by  Glad- 
stone. He  has  a  fervent  imagination,  which  furnishes  facts 
and  arguments  in  support  of  them  ;  he  is  an  audacious  in- 
novator, because  he  has  an  insatiable  desire  for  popularity, 
and  in  his  notions  of  government  he  is  a  far  more  sincere  Ke- 
publican  than  Bright,  for  his  ungratified  personal  vanity 
makes  him  wish  to  subvert  the  institutions  and  the  classes 
that  stand  in  the  way  of  his  ambition.  The  two  are  con- 
verging from  different  points  to  the  same  end,  and  if  Glad- 
stone remains  in  office  long  enough  and  is  not  more  opposed 
by  his  colleagues  than  he  has  been  hitherto,  we  shall  see  him 
propose  a  graduated  Income  Tax."  These  are  only  objec- 
tions to  the  Budget,  and  speculations  (curious  ones)  as  to 
the  character  and  futurity  of  Gladstone. 

In  another  letter  he  says  :  "Gladstone  made  a  fair  de- 
fence of  the  Treaty,  though  there  are  things  in  it  which  de- 
serve the  severest  criticism  and  will  get  it,  such  as  tying  our- 
selves down  about  the  exportation  of  coal  (which  is  a  muni- 
tion of  war),  letting  in  French  silks  free  while  ours  are  to 
pay  thirty  per  cent.,  and  establishing  a  differential  duty  of 
nearly  fifty  per  cent,  in  favor  of  light  French  wines  against 
the  stronger  wines  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  for  that  will  be 
the  operation  of  the  Treaty."  Since  all  this  was  written 
there  has  been  a  meeting  of  the  Conservative  party,  and  I 
hear  this  morning  that  Derby  has  decided  to  take  the  field 
with  all  his  forces  with  a  Resolution  against  the  condition 
about  the  exportation  of  coal,  and  confining  himself  to  that, 
which  will  very  likely  be  carried.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
publicans  and  licensed  victuallers  appear  to  be  in  arms 
airainst  that  part  of  the  Budget  which  more  immediately  in- 
terests them,  and  are  waging  a  fierce  war  in  the  Press  by 
their  paper,  the  "  Morning  Advertiser,"  so  that  in  spite  of 
his  great  triumph  and  all  the  admiration  his  eloquence  and 
skill  elicited,  it  is  not  all  sunshine  and  plain  sailing  with  his 
measures.  Delane  writes  to  me  that  Gladstone  will  find  it 
hard  work  to  get  his  Budget  through,  that  Peel  when  he 


526  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

brought  forward  his  Budget  had  a  majority  of  ninety,  all  of 
which  he  required  to  do  it,  whereas  Palraerston  cannot  com- 
mand a  majority  of  nine. 

London,  February  22d. — I  returned  to  town  on  Monday. 
The  same  night  a  battle  took  place  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, in  which  Gladstone  signally  defeated  Disraeli,  and 
Government  got  so  good  a  majority  that  it  looks  like  the 
harbinger  of  complete  success  for  their  Treaty  and  their 
Budget.  Everybody  agrees  that  nothing  could  be  more 
brilliant  and  complete  than  Gladstone's  triumph,  which  did 
not  seem  to  be  matter  of  much  grief  to  many  of  the  Con- 
servative party,  for  I  hear  that  however  they  may  still  act 
together  on  a  great  field-day,  the  hatred  and  distrust  of 
Disraeli  is  greater  than  ever  in  the  Conservative  ranks,  and 
Derby  himself,  when  he  heard  how  his  colleague  had  been 
demolished,  did  not  seem  to  care  much  about  it.  They  say 
that  he  betrays  in  the  House  of  Commons  a  sort  of  con- 
sciousness of  his  inferiority  to  Gladstone,  and  of  fear  of  en- 
countering him  in  debate. 

February  26th. — On  Friday  night  Gladstone  had  another 
great  triumph.  He  made  a  splendid  speech,  and  obtained 
a  majority  of  116,  which  puts  an  end  to  the  contest.  He 
is  now  the  great  man  of  the  day,  but-  these  recent  proceed- 
ings have  strikingly  displayed  the  disorganized  condition  of 
the  Conservative  party  and  their  undisguised  dislike  of  their 
leader.  A  great  many  of  them  voted  with  Government  on 
Friday  night,  and  more  expressed  satisfaction  at  th'e  result 
being  a  defeat  of  Disraeli.  The  Treaty  and  Budget,  though 
many  parts  of  both  are  obnoxious  to  criticism  more  or  less 
well  founded,  seem  on  the  whole  not  unpopular,  and  since 
their  first  introduction  to  have  undoubtedly  gained  in  pub- 
lic favor.  This  fact  and  the  state  of  the  Opposition  prove 
the  impossibility  of  any  change  of  Government.  Gladstone, 
too,  as  he  is  strong,  seems  disposed  to  be  merciful,  and  has 
expressed  his  intention  of  taking  fairly  into  consideration 
the  various  objections  that  may  be  brought  forward,  and  to 
consent  to  reasonable  alterations  when  good  cases  are  made 
out  for  them.  There  seems  no  doubt  that  his  great  meas- 
ures were  not  approved  by  the  majority  of  the  Cabinet,  but 
the  malcontents  do  not  seem  to  have  been  disposed  to  fight 
much  of  a  battle  against  the  minority,  which  included  both 
Palmerston  and  Lord  John. 

It  is  curious  how  this  great  question  has  thrown  into  the 


I860.]  ME.  GLADSTONE'S  SUCCESS.  527 

background  all  the  questions  about  Italy  and  foreign  policy, 
in  regard  to  which  public  interest  seems  to  be  for  the  moment 
suspended,  while  Italian  affairs  are  at  a  dead  lock.  It  would 
be  very  inconsistent  with  the  Emperor's  character  if  he  had 
given  up  his  design  of  appropriating  Savoy,  but  he  has 
certainly  postponed  it,  and  will  probably  employ  his  versatile 
imagination  in  weaving  some  fresh  web  by  means  of  which 
he  may  get  it  into  his  power.  I  have  been  reading  the 
Italian  Blue  Book,  which  is  a  creditable  compilation.  John 
Russell's  positions  are  not  unsound,  but  he  is  too  controver- 
sial in  his  tone,  and  though  he  treats  Austria  with  a  decent 
consideration,  and  in  no  unfriendly  spirit,  he  might  as  well 
have  avoided  arguing  with  Count  Eechberg  upon  points 
and  principles  on  which  it  was  impossible  they  should  ever 
agree.  Throughout  this  compilation  the  embarrassment  and 
perplexity  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  are  conspicuous,  and  the 
difficulties  into  which  he  got  himself  by  his  vacillations  and 
incompatible  objects  and  obligations.  His  desire  to  adhere 
to  the  engagements  he  contracted  at  Villafranca  is  obvious 
throughout,  and  the  advice  he  gave  the  Pope  seems  to  have 
been  the  best  possible,  and  given  in  all  sincerity.1 

February  27th. — Gladstone  is  said  to  have  become  subject 
to  much  excitement,  and  more  bitter  in  controversy  in  the 
House  of  Commons  than  was  his  wont.  The  severeVorking 
of  his  brain  and  the  wonderful  success  he  has  obtained  may 
account  for  this,  and  having  had  his  own  way  and  triumphed 
over  all  opposition  in  the  Cabinet,  it  is  not  strange  that  he 
should  brook  none  anywhere  else.  He  has  not  failed  to 
show  a  little  of  the  cloven  foot,  and  to  alarm  people  as  to  his 
future  designs.  Clarendon,  who  watches  him,  and  has  means 
of  knowing  his  disposition,  thinks  that  he  is  moving  toward 
a  Democratic  union  with  Bright,  the  effect  of  which  will  be 
increased  Income  Tax  and  lowering  the  estimates  by  giving 
up  the  defences  of  the  country,  to  which  Sidney  Herbert  will 
never  consent,  and  already  these  old  friends  and  colleagues 
appear  to  be  fast  getting  into  a  state  of  antagonism.  Aber- 
deen told  Clarendon  that  they  would  never  go  on  together, 
and  he  thought  Sidney  Herbert  would  retire  from  the  Cabinet 

1  [The  Emperor  told  Metternich  the  other  day  that  he  had  made  one  great 
mistake,  which  he  had  never  ceased  to  regret,  that  immediately  after  \  illa- 
franca  he  ought  to  have  marcted  100,000  men  into  Tuscany  on  the  plea  of  em- 
barking them  at  Leghorn,  and  continued  to  occupy  the  country  till  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Grand  Duke  was  accomplished,  but  that  he  had  never  contemplated 
the  invincible  resistance  of  the  whole  population. — C.  C.  G.j 


528  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

before  the  end  of  the  session.  This  of  course  implies  that 
Gladstone's  policy  is  to  be  in  the  ascendant,  and  that  he  is 
to  override  the  Cabinet. 

There  has  been  a  dispute  about  the  introduction  of  the 
Reform  Bill.  Lord  John's  colleagues  wished  him  to  defer 
bringing  it  on,  till  more  progress  had  been  made  in  the 
fiscal  and  commercial  measures,  and  represented  the  incon- 
venience of  having  the  two  discussions  going  on  at  the  same 
time,  but  nothing  would  induce  him  to  postpone  it,  and  for 
the  absurd  reason  that  he  wanted  to  bring  in  this  Bill  on 
the  same  day  on  which  he  had  introduced  the  great  Reform 
Bill  in  1831,  and  to  this  fanciful  object  he  insisted  on 
sacrificing  all  others. 

Hatchford,  March  1th. — Lord  John  Russell  brought  in 
his  Reform  Bill  last  week  without  exciting  the  smallest 
interest,  or  even  curiosity,  amid  profound  indifference  in 
the  House  and  in  the  country.  His  measure  was  very  mod- 
erate, and  his  speech  temperate.  It  produces  no  enthusiasm, 
or  satisfaction,  or  alarm.  It  will  probably  pass  without  any 
violent  debates,  and  perhaps  with  very  slight  alterations. 
If  the  opponents  should  succeed  in  making  some,  Lord  John 
is  not  prepared  to  adhere  obstinately  to  his  measure,  but  will 
come  to  terms.  It  was  settled  that  no  discussion  should 
take  place  at  the  time,  and  nobody  was  inclined  for  any.  It 
hardly  delayed  the  progress  of  Gladstone's  measures,  so  we 
heard  no  more  complaints  of  Lord  John's  pertinacity  in 
bringing  it  on  upon  March  1st. 

The  Treaty,  the  Budget,  and  the  Reform  Bill  had  thrown 
foreign  affairs  into  the  background,  but  the  interest  in 
them  was  suddenly  aroused,  and  speedily  absorbed  every 
other,  by  the  Emperor's  speech  and  M.  Thouvenel's  despatch- 
es all  so  mortifying  and  provoking  to  us.  Up  to  this  moment 
Palmerston  had  been  highly  elated,  and  he  and  Lord  John 
had  been  exulting  in  the  fancied  glory  of  being  the  Libera- 
tors of  Italy,  and  of  having  procured  the  complete  success 
of  their  own  objects.  As  Clarendon  wrote  to  me,  "The 
Emperor  must  greatly  enjoy  the  helplessness  of  Europe,  and 
in  feeling  that  he  may  do  just  what  he  likes  with  perfect 
impunity.  Russia  is  crippled,  Austria  rotten,  Germany  dis- 
united, and  England,  though  growling,  occupied  in  gnawing 
the  Treaty  bone  he  has  tossed  to  her.  All  must  submit  to 
the  laws  made  known  to  them  through  the  *  Moniteur.' ' 
If  it  were  not  so  melancholy  to  see  the  miserable  figure  which 


I860.]  THE   DENOUEMENT   OF   THE   PLOT.  529 

England  cuts  in  all  this,  it  would  be  amusing  to  see  it  happen 
regnante  Palmerston,  and  after  all  his  incurable  meddling 
and  blustering  to  see  him  obliged  to  eat  so  much  dirt.  He 
may  (though  probably  he  does  not)  think  he  has  lived  too 
long  to  be  reserved  at  the  last  period  of  his  political  career 
for  such  mortification.  The  Emperor  said  to  somebody, 
"  L'Europe  boudera,  nais  ne  fera  rien,"and  he  is  quite  right. 
We  seem  to  have  arrived  at  the  last  act  of  the  Italian  drama, 
but  it  is  still  very  uncertain  how  the  denouement  will  be 
worked  out  and  what  the  Emperor's  final  will  and  pleasure 
will  be.  The  Eomagna  seems  to  present  the  greatest  diffi- 
culty; all  the  rest  will  find  a  tolerably  easy  solution.  France 
will  take  what  she  wants  of  Savoy  and  give  the  rest  to  Switz- 
erland, who  upon  those  conditions  is  desirous  of  annexation, 
and  Piedmont  does  not  seem  to  care  much  about  it.  In  this 
way  the  question  of  Savoy  will  be  settled,  if  not  by  general 
consent,  at  least  with  general  acquiescence  and  without  any 
opposition. 

March  9th. — After  all  it  is  not  improbable  that  Palmer- 
ston will  have  the  gratification  of  seeing  Tuscany  annexed  to 
Sardinia.  Cavour  has  taken  the  line  which  Clarendon  and 
I  agreed  that  he  would  very  likely  do,  and  sets  France  and 
Austria  at  defiance.  We  have  seen  France  and  Sardinia 
joined  in  making  war  upon  Austria,  and  now  we  have  France 
and  Austria  joined  in  diplomacy  against  Sardinia.  Nothing 
can  be  more  curious  than  to  see  the  unravelling  of  this  web. 
Next  week  the  Italian  States  will  severally  vote  their  an- 
nexation to  Sardinia,  or  their  separate  existence.  If,  as  is 
almost  certain,  the  former  is  their  decision,  the  King  will 
accept  their  resolution,  and  Piedmontese  troops  will  march 
into  Tuscany.  Then  we  shall  see  what  the  Emperor  Napo- 
leon will  do,  and  what  he  will  permit  Austria  to  do. 

Savernake,  March  18th. — The  affair  of  Savoy  has  been 
summarily  settled  by  the  will  of  the  Emperor  and  the  con- 
nivance of  Cavour.  The  whole  affair  now  appears  to  have 
been  a  concerted  villainy  between  these  worthies,  which  as 
the  plot  has  been  developed  excites  here  the  most  intense 
disgust  and  indignation.  The  feeling  is  the  stronger  because 
we  have  no  choice  but  that  of  sulky  and  grumbling  acqui- 
escence. The  one  redeeming  point  in  the  French  act  of 
violence  was  the-apparent  respect  paid  to  Treaties  and  to  the 
claims  of  Switzerland,  Thouvenel  having  only  the  other  day 
said  that  Faucigny  and  Chablais  should  be  ceded  at  once 

23 


530  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

to  Switzerland  ;  and  now  we  hear  that  nothing  of  the  kind 
is  to  be  done,  and  that  France  seizes  everything.1  It  is  in 
vain  that  the  Houses  of  Parliament  are  advised  to  cease  bark- 
ing, as  they  certainly  do  not  mean  to  bite,  and  that  the 
" Times"  recommends  silence  and  moderation;  such  enor- 
mities as  are  unblushingly  exhibited  to  the  world  excite  an 
indignation  which  breaks  through  every  restraint,  and  people 
will  not  hold  their  peace,  happen  what  may.  The  Opposition 
have  turned  the  current  of  their  wrath  upon  our  Govern- 
ment, and  have  proved  clearly  enough  that  they  had  ample 
and  timely  notice  of  the  Emperor's  intentions,  and  that 
nevertheless  they  continued  to  urge  with  all  their  might  that 
policy  which  was  certain  to  lead  to  the  annexation  of  Savoy. 
That  the  Emperor  and  Cavour  have  been  plotting  together 
seems  now  quite  certain,  but  we  are  still  ignorant,  and  may 
perhaps  ever  remain  so,  of  the  details  of  their  delusive 
operations. 

The  three  great  subjects  which  have  occupied  public 
attention  all  this  year  have  been  the  Italian  and  its  branches, 
Gladstone's  Treaty  and  Budget,  and  the  Reform  Bill.  Up 
to  the  present  time  the  two  6rst  have  absorbed  all  interest, 
and  the  new  Reform  Bill  has  been  received  with  almost  com- 
plete apathy,  nobody  appearing  to  know  or  care  what  its 
effects  would  be,  and  most  people  misled  by  an  apparent 
show  of  moderation  and  harmlessness  in  its  details.  But  in 
the  course  of  the  last  week  the  "Times"  set  to  work,  in  a 
series  of  very  able  articles,  to  show  the  mischievous  and  dan- 
gerous effects  that  the  proposed  franchise  will  produce,  and 
these  warnings,  supported  by  ample  statistical  details,  have 
begun  to  arouse  people  from  their  indifference  and  to  create 
some  apprehensions.  I  am  informed  that  John  Russell 
framed  his  Bill  in  utter  ignorance  of  these  important  details, 
and,  with  the  mixture  of  levity  and  obstinacy  which  has 
always  distinguished  him,  has  plunged  the  country  into  this 
dilemma  for  the  sake  of  his  own  selfish  and  ambitious  objects. 
But  what  is  incomprehensible  is  that  in  such  a  numerous 

1  [It  is  within  my  own  knowledge  than  M.  Thouvencl  expressed  at  that  time 
the  desire  of  the  Emperor  to  do  anything  he  could  to  help  Lord  Palmerston,  and 
accordingly  he  proposed,  unofficially,  to  surrender  and  annex  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  Faucigny  district,  down  to  the  Fort  dc  1'Ecluse,  in  the  Jura,  to 
the  Canton  of  Geneva,  provided  tlie  British  Government  would  assent  to  the 
acquisition  by  France  ot  the  rest  of  Savov.  Lord  Palmerston  rejected  the  pro- 
posal, saying  to  the  person  who  conveyed  it  to  him,  u  We  shall  shame  them  out 
of  it.»-H.  1L] 


I860.]  LORD   DERBY   DECLINES   TO   INTERFERE.  531 

Cabinet  as  the  present,  and  containing  many  men  who  cer- 
tainly once  had  strong  Conservative  opinions,  he  should  not 
have  met  with  a  more  strenuous  opposition,  and  have  been 
forced  to  alter  his  most  obnoxious  propositions,  and  I  think 
those  who  were  better  informed  than  Lord  John,  and  saw 
whither  his  plan  of  Reform  was  leading  them,  are  more  to 
blame  than  himself.  It  is  impossible  to  meet  with  any  man 
who  approves  of  this  Bill,  and  who  does  not  ahhor  the  idea 
of  any  Reform  whatever.  All  say  that  if  the  members  voted 
by  ballot  there  would  be  almost  unanimity  against  it,  and 
yet  such  is  the  disorganized  state  of  the  Conservative  party, 
and  such  the  want  of  moral  courage  and  independence  gen- 
erally, that  this  Bill  will  most  likely  pass  unaltered. 

The  prevailing  hope  is  that  the  House  of  Lords  will 
amend  it,  but  Derby  told  somebody  (I  think  it  was  Claren- 
don) that  if  those  who  dreaded  the"  mischief  of  the  measure 
in  the  House  of  Commons  had  not  the  courage  and  honesty 
to  oppose  it  there  and  correct  it,  the  House  of  Lords  should 
not,  so  far  as  his  influence  went,  incur  the  odium  of  doing 
the  work  which  the  House  of  Commons  ought  itself  to  do. 
Lyndhurst  told  me  the  other  day  that  Derby  had  told  Lady 
Lyndhurst  he  was  so  disgusted  with  the  state  of  affairs  at 
home  and  abroad,  that  he  had  serious  thoughts  of  withdraw- 
ing from  public  life,  and  Clarendon  told  me  that  an  eminent 
Conservative,  who  had  begged  not  to  be  quoted,  had  said 
that  he  knew  Derby  was  violently  discontented  with  Disraeli, 
and  prepared  to  dissolve  their  political  connection. 

Wells,  March  21st. — I  came  here  from  Savernake  on 
Monday.  On  Friday  last  in  the  House  of  Lords  the  Com- 
mercial Treaty  and  Budget,  but  the  latter  especially,  were 
powerfully  assailed  by  Grey,  Overstone,  and  Derby,  and  very 
considerably  damaged  in  argument,  but  probably  in  nothing 
else.  The  Government  are  as  weak  in  the  Lords  as  the  Op- 
position are  in  the  Commons,  where,  however,  Disraeli  seems 
to  have  made  a  very  good  speech  against  the  Reform  Bill  on 
Monday  night. 

Torquay,  March  28/A. — The  past  week  has  been  remark- 
able for  the  speech  in  which  John  Russell  denounced  in  strong 
language  the  conduct  of  France,  declared  that  we  could  no 
longer  trust  her.  and  that  we  must  renew  our  intimacies 
with  the  other  Powers.  Whether  all  this  was  sincere  and 
meant  all  it  seems  to  do  is  yet  to  be  discovered.  The  week 
was  near  being  still  more  remarkable,  for  the  Reform  Bill  was 


532  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

within  an  ace  of  falling  to  the  ground  by  the  House  being 
counted  out  in  the  midst  of  a  debate.  This  would  have 
been  very  ridiculous,  but  would  have  been  hailed  with  delight 
by  the  House  of  Commons,  and  without  dissatisfaction  by 
the  country.  Clarendon  writes  to  me  in  a  strain  of  bitter 
hostility  to  the  Bill  and  disgust  at  everything,  complains  of 
the  general  apathy  and  the  impossibility  of  rousing  any  spirit 
of  opposition  to  what  all  abhor.  Derby  told  him  that  if 
twenty-five  or  even  twenty  Liberals  would  take  the  lead  in 
opposing  this  Bill,  the  whole  Conservative  party  would  sup- 
port them.  Clarendon  wrote  to  me  when  I  was  at  Bath  that 
the  time  would  probably  come  when  Gladstone  would  propose 
a  graduated  Income  Tax,  and  lo  !  it  has  nearly  come,  for 
Gladstone  gave  notice  the  other  night  to  people  to  be  pre- 
pared for  it.  The  Triumvirate  of  Palmerston,  John  Russell, 
and  Gladstone,  who  have  it  all  their  own  way,  dragging  after 
them  the  Cabinet,  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the  country, 
will  probably  be  the  ruin  of  this  country.  They  are  playing 
into  the  Emperor  Napoleon's  hands,  who  has  only  to  be 
patient  and  bide  his  time,  and  he  will  be  able  to  treat  all 
Europe,  England  included,  in  any  way  he  pleases.  Nothing 
but  some  speedy  change  of  Government  and  of  system  can 
avert  the  impending  ruin. 

London,  April  2d. — One  day  last  week  (as  mentioned 
above),  on  one  of  the  numerous  discussions  of  the  Savoy 
question  in  the  House  of  Commons,  John  Eussell  electrified 
the  House  and  rather  astonished  the  country  by  delivering  a 
very  spirited  speech,  denouncing  in  strong  terms  the  conduct 
of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  declaring  the  necessity  of 
cultivating  relations  with  the  other  Great  Powers  for  the 
purpose  of  putting  an  effectual  check  upon  the  projects  of 
French  aggrandizement  and  annexation.  I  must  own  that 
my  first  impression  was  that  this  speech  was  made  merely  to 
deceive  the  House  and  the  country,  and  was  only  a  part  of 
the  collusive  system  between  our  Government  and  the  French, 
by  virtue  of  which  Louis  Napoleon  has  been  enabled  to  work 
out  all  his  objects  and  designs  ;  but  though  it  is  impossible 
to  doubt  that  John  Russell  and  Palmerston  have  all  along 
been  aware  of  the  Emperor's  intentions  with  regard  to  Savoy, 
and  that  they  have  been  more  intent  upon  procuring  advan- 
tages for  Sardinia  and  provoking  Austria  than  upon  thwart- 
ing the  projects  of  France,  I  am  inclined  to  see  Lord  John's 
speech  in  another  light  from  what  I  hear  since  I  came  to 


I860.]  EFFECTS   OF   LORD  JOHN'S  SPEECH.  533 

town.  He  made  it  without  any  previous  consultation  with 
his  colleagues,  it  having  been  one  of  those  impromptus 
which  he  is  so  apt  to  indulge  in,  and  Palmerston,  seeing  the 
way  in  which  it  was  received  in  the  House  and  by  the  Press, 
approved  of  its  tone  and  expressed  a  full  concurrence  with 
it.  Flahault,  who  went  to  Paris  a  few  days  ago,  called  on 
Palmerston  before  he  went  and  asked  if  he  wished  him  to 
say  or  do  anything  there.  Palmerston  said  he  might  inform 
the  Government  that  Lord  John's  speech  expressed  the 
unanimous  opinion  of  the  Cabinet  here.  In  my  opinion  his 
speech  was  a  great  imprudence,  and  will  probably  involve 
the  necessity  of  our  eating  a  great  deal  of  humble  pie.  We 
have  long  ago  declared  that  though  we  disapprove  very  much 
of  the  annexation  of  Savoy,  we  should  take  no  steps  to  pre- 
vent it ;  but  Lord  John  made  a  great  distinction  between 
the  question  of  Savoy  and  Nice  and  that  of  Faucigny  and 
Chablais,  and  though  he  did  not  commit  himself  to  any  posi- 
tive course,  he  gave  it  to  be  inferred  that  something  more 
would  be  required  from  us,  in  the  way  of  opposition  to  the 
seizure  of  the  latter,  than  there  was  any  necessity  for  our 
making  to  that  of  the  former.  But  the  Emperor  makes 
no  such  distinctions,  and  if,  as  is  most  probable,  he  does  not 
admit  our  right  to  draw  them,  we  shall  be  in  an  unpleasant 
fix,  and  have  to  back  out  of  the  position  we  have  assumed 
in  a  way  neither  dignified  nor  creditable. 

The  accounts  from  Paris  are  that  this  speech  has  made 
the  French  very  insolent,  and  the  Emperor  more  popular 
than  he  has  been  for  a'  long  time,  as  even  hi*  enemies  say 
that  they  will  rally  round  him  to  chastise  English  imperti- 
nence. Then  as  to  forming  alliances  with  the  other  Powers, 
which  of  course  will  be  taken  (as  was  intended)  as  a  menace 
to  France,  nothing  could  be  more  ill-advised  than  such  an 
announcement,  for  the  other  Great  Powers  have  neither  the 
ability  nor  the  inclination  to  join  us  in  any  coalition,  present 
or  prospective,  against  France.  Russia  and  Austria  hate  us, 
as  well  they  may,  for  we  have  done  them  both  all  the  injury 
in  our  power,  besides  heaping  every  sort  of  insult  upon  them. 
Austria  is  totally  ruined,  hopelessly  bankrupt  and  torn  to 
pieces  with  internal  disaffection  and  discontent.  Russia  is 
hampered  with  her  great  serf  question,  and  overwhelmed 
with  financial  embarrassments,  which  she  owes  in  great 
measure  to  the  Crimean  War,  and  the  unfortunate  dissen- 
sion and  estrangement  between  her  and  Austria  are  at- 


534  EEIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

tributable  to  the  same  cause  and  to  our  policy.  Prussia,  the 
only  one  of  the  three  that  is  able  to  make  any  efforts,  and 
that  has  no  cause  of  enmity  against  us,  is  always  selfish 
and  timorous,  and  is  more  occupied  in  trying  to  supplant 
Austria  in  Germany  than  in  taking  defensive  measures 
against  French  ambition  ;  nor  is  there  in  Germany  any  such 
strong  sentiment  of  national  independence  as  might  induce 
the  various  States  to  sink  their  minor  jealousies  and  partisan- 
ships in  a  general  unio'n,  to  meet  any  aggression  that  may 
proceed  from  France.  Among  the  many  'schemes  which  the 
Imperial  brain  is  supposed  to  be  continually  engendering,  it 
is  far  from  impossible  that  one  may  be  the  reconstruction 
of  the  kingdom  of  Westphalia,  or  at  least  of  some  Rhenish 
kingdom  with  the  concurrence  of  Prussia,  by  concluding  a 
bargain  of  partition  with  her.  He  might  then  replace  old 
Jerome  on  the  throne,  and  so  get  rid  of  his  obnoxious  son,  of 
course  taking  as  much  of  such  acquired  territory  as  he  wanted 
for  himself.  All  this  is  mere  vague  conjectural  speculation, 
but  it  is  on  the  cards, .audit  is  at  least  as  probable  as  that  we 
should  be  able  to  form  another  coalition,  like  that  which 
overthrew  the  first  Napoleon,  strong  enough  to  cope  with 
the  present  Napoleon.  People  are  beginning  at  last  to  doubt 
whether  the  war  we  waged  against  Russia  four  years  ago  was 
really  a  wise  and  politic  measure  ;  but  the  whole  country 
went  mad  upon  that  subject,  I  never  could  understand  why. 
Palmerston  took  it  up  to  make  political  capital  out  of  it,  and 
made  himself  popular  by  falling  in  with  the  public  humor, 
and  making  the  country  believe  that  he  was  the  only  man 
really  determined  to  make  war  on  Russia,  and  able  to  bring 
the  war  to  a  successful  end.  Aberdeen,  who  was  wise  enough 
to  see  the  folly  of  quarrelling  with  Russia  and  sacrificing  all 
our  old  alliances  to  a  new  and  deceitful  one  with  France,  was 
unable  to  stem  the  torrent,  and  fell  under  its  violence.  His 
fault  was  his  not  resigning  office  when  he  found  it  impossi- 
ble to  carry  out  his  policy  and  maintain  peace. 

A  propos  of  the  Russian  War,  I  heard  lately  an  anec- 
dote for  the  first  time  that  surprised  me.  Everybody  knows 
that  we  beat  up  for  allies  and  even  mercenary  aid  against 
Russia  in  every  direction,  but  it  is  not  known  that  our 
Government  earnestly  pressed  the  Portuguese  Government 
to  join  in  the  war,  and  to  send  a  contingent  to  the  Crimea, 
and  that  on  the  refusal  of  the  latter  to  do  so,  the  Ministers 
made  the  Queen  appeal  personally  to  Lavradio  and  urge  him 


I860.]  CONVERSATION  WITH  CLARENDON.  535 

to  persuade  his  Government  to  comply  with  our  wishes ;  but 
Lavradio  represented  to  Her  Majesty,  as  he  had  done  to  her 
Ministers,  that  Portugal  had  no  quarrel  with  Kussia,  and  no 
interest  in  joining  in  the  war  ;  on  the  contrary,  Portugal  was 
under  obligations  to  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  and  she  there- 
fore would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  contest.  This  was  a 
most  extraordinary  proceeding,  and  it  was  contrary  to  all 
usage  as  well  as  all  propriety  to  make  the  Queen  interpose  in 
person  on  such  an  occasion. 

April  ±th. — Clarendon  has  just  been  here  talking  over 
the  state  of  affairs,  in  the  course  of  which  he  alluded  to 
what  had  passed  in  the  autumn  of  '58  between  the  Emperor 
and  him,  and  between  His  Majesty  and  Palmerston.  In 
September  he  had  a  long  conversation  with  the  Emperor,  in 
the  course  of  which  he  asked  Clarendon,  "Supposing  I  find 
myself  compelled  to  go  to  war  with  Austria,  what  part  would 
England  take  in  the  contest?"  Clarendon  replied  that  it 
would  depend  upon  the  circumstances  of  the  case  and  the 
cause  that  would  be  shown  for  such  a  war,  and  that  he  must 
not  be  misled  by  the  language  of  the  English  Press  and  the 
prejudice  which  no  doubt  existed  in  England  against  Austria 
and  her  system  of  government,  which  would  not  be  sufficient 
to  make  us  take  any  part  against  her.  On  comparing  notes 
with  Palmerston  afterward,  Clarendon  found  that  Louis 
Napoleon  had  put  the  same  question  to  Palmerston,  who  had 
given  him  the  same  answer.  When  they  went  to  Com- 
pidgne  in  November  of  the  same  year,  they  both  had  conver- 
sations separately  of  the  same  character,  and  when  they  after- 
ward compared  notes  and  Clarendon  asked  Palmerston  what 
impression  the  Emperor's  words  had  left  on  his  mind,  Palm- 
erston replied  he  thought  either  that  the  Emperor  had 
abandoned  the  design  he  had  certainly  been  meditating  to  go 
to  war,  or  he  had  resolved  upon  it,  but  did  not  choose  to 
acknowledge  his  intentions  to  them,  and  this  Clarendon  said 
was  exactly  the  same  opinion  as  he  had  formed.  This,  how- 
ever, was  not  above  six  weeks  before  his  famous  speech  to  the 
Austrian  Ambassador  (which  was  a  declaration  of  war),  and 
therefore  the  latter  conjecture  was  the  correct  one.  We 
talked  over  Lord  John's  speech  and  his  letter  in  answer 
to  Thouvenel.  Clarendon  said  that  this  dispatch  was  en- 
tirely written  by  Palmerston  himself,  that  anybody  as  well 
acquainted  with  their  styles  as  he  was  must  be  quite  certain 
of  this,  but  that  he  knew  it  to  be  the  case.  He  had  a  con- 


536  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

versation  with  Palmerston  the  other  day,  who  praised  Lord 
John's  speech  and  said  it  would  do  good,  and  he  thought  the 
question  of  Savoy  was  in  a  very  satisfactory  state, 

Palmerston,  he  told  me,  had  said  more  to  Flahault1  than 
I  had  been  apprised  of.  Flahault  went  to  him,  and  found 
him  just  going  to  the  House  of  Commons.  Flahault  asked 
him  to  let  him  get  into  his  carriage,  which  he  did,  and  when 
Flahault  asked  what  he  should  say  to  the  Emperor,  and 
Palmerston  told  him  to  say  that  the  Emperor  had  better 
read  Lord  John's  speech,  and  understand  that  he  (Palmer- 
ston) agreed  in  every  word  of  it,  Flahault  said,  "  Then  you 
mean  that  you  have  no  longer  any  confidence  in  the  Em- 
peror, or  place  any  reliance  upon  his  word."  Palmerston 
replied,  "I  do  mean  this.  After  having  been  repeatedly 
deceived  and  misled  by  his  professions  and  assurances,  it  is 
impossible  that  I  can  place  any  further  confidence  in  him." 
Then  said  Flahault,  '•  There  will  be  war,"  to  which  Palmer- 
ston rejoined  that  he  hoped  not,  that  nobody  could  be  more 
anxious  to  avoid  war  than  he  was. 

This  was  very  spirited  and  becoming,  and  Clarendon  said 
he  highly  approved  of  such  a  tone.  I  said  that  I  had  all 
along  suspected  that  there  was  a  secret  understanding  and 
collusion  between  Palmerston  and  the  Emperor,  and  that 
Palmerston  had  given  His  Majesty  to  understand  that  if  he 
would  set  Italy  free,  he  might  do  what  he  pleased  with  re- 
gard to  Savoy,  but  that  what  had  recently  passed  seemed  to 
negative  that  idea.  Clarendon  replied  he  had  no  doubt 
Palmerston  had  very  often  said  to  Persigny  what,  if  repeated 
by  Persigny  to  the  Emperor  with  some  exaggerations  and 
suppressions,  would  convey  as  much  to  His  Majesty,  for 
Palmerston  had  a  dozen  times  said  to  him  (Clarendon)  that 
the  liberation  and  settlement  of  Italy  was  of  far  greater  con- 
sequence than  the  preservation  of  Savoy  to  Piedmont. 

April  8th. — To  The  Grove  on  Thursday  afternoon,  and 
returned  yesterday.  On  Good  Friday  morning  George  Lewis 
and  I  were  left  alone,  when  we  talked  over  the  questions  of 
the  day,  and  he  quite  amazed  me  by  the  way  in  which  he 
spoke  of  his  principal  colleagues.  I  asked  him  if  John  Rus- 
sell was  not  exceedingly  mortified  at  the  ill-success  of  his 
Reform  Bill  and  its  reception  in  the  House  of  Commons 
and  in  the  country.  George  Lewis  said  he  did  not  think  he 

1  [Count  de  Flahault  was  at  this  time  French  Ambassador  in  London.] 


I860.]  PROBABLE  FATE   OF  THE  REFORM   BILL.  537 

felt  this,  that  at  present  his  mind  was  entirely  occupied  with 
foreign  politics,  and  he  was  rejoicing  in  the  idea  of  having 
been  largely  instrumental  to  the  liberation  of  Italy  ;  and  as 
to  Reform,  that  he  was  satisfied  with  having  redeemed  the 
pledge  he  gave  to  Bright  to  propose  a  61.  franchise,  and  hav- 
ing done  this  he  did  not  care  about  the  result,  as  he  had 
never  pledged  himself  to  carry  it.  The  most  strange  thing 
to  me  is,  that  George  Lewis  seemed  not  to  be  alive  to  the 
culpable  levity  of  such  conduct,  or  to  the  censure  to  which 
his  own  conduct  is  obnoxious  in  consenting  to  act  with  such 
a  man,  and  to  be  a  party  to  such  a  measure. 

With  regard  to  Palmerstou,  he  said  that  Palmerston 
thought  of  nothing  but  his  pro-Sardinian  and  anti-Austrian 
schemes,  and  he  was  gratified  by  seeing  everything  in  that 
quarter  turning  out  according  to  his  wishes,  that  in  the 
Cabinet  he  took  very  little  part  and  rarely  spoke.  Gladstone 
George  Lewis  evidently  distrusts,  and  his  financial  schemes 
and  arrangements  are  as  distasteful  to  him  as  possible.  He 
is  provoked  at  Gladstone's  being  able  to  bear  down  all  oppo- 
sition, and  carry  all  before  him  by  the  force  of  his  eloquence 
and  power  of  words,  and  what  I  have  said  of  his  conduct  in 
supporting  John  Russell  is  still  more  applicable  to  it  in 
reference  to  Gladstone  and  his  measures,  which  he  thinks 
more  dangerous  by  far  than  he  does  Lord  John's  Reform 
Bill  and  6/.  clause.  I  asked  him  what  was  to  be  the  end  of 
this  Bill,  and  he  said  he  did  not  expect  it  to  pass,  that  prob- 
ably the  debates  on  it  would  be  so  spun  out  and  so  many 
delays  interposed  that  either  it  would  fail  in  the  House  of 
Commons  itself,  or  even  if  it  passed,  the  House  of  Lords 
would  say  it  came  up  too  late  for  them  to  examine  and  con- 
sider it,  and  it  would  be  thrown  out  there.  I  gathered  in 
the  course  of  conversation  that  Palmerston  (whose  whole 
antecedents  and  recorded  opinions  forbid  the  idea  of  his 
approving  such  a  measure)  would  be  glad  to  see  the  franchise 
raised,  and  that  81.  and  151.  would  in  his  view  improve  the 
Bill. 

May  fith. — Since  I  wrote  the  above,  nearly  a  month  ago, 
I  have  been  out  of  the  way  of  hearing  anything  on  public 
affairs,  till  a  day  or  two  ago  when  I  called  on  Clarendon, 
when  he  told  me  some  things  not  without  interest,  partly 
about  domestic  and  partly  about  foreign  affairs.  The  latter 
of  course  related  to  the  inexhaustible  subject  of  the  Emperor 
Napoleon's  projects  and  machinations.  His  Majesty,  it  seems, 


53S  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 


has  recently  hud  a  conversation  with  M.  de  Moustier,  1 
Minister  at  Vienna,  in  the  course  of  which  he  told  hii 


French 
him  that 

it  was  an  absolute  necessity  to  France  to  carry  her  frontier 
to  the  Rhine.  About  the  same  time  Cavour  had  signified 
(I  forget  whether  it  was  to  the  same  de  Moustier  or  to  some 
other  person)  that  Sardinia  must  obtain  possessipn  of  Venetia. 
These  necessities,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted,  are  expressed 
and  resolved  upon  by  a  common  accord.  Austria  has  been 
already  completely  crippled  by  the  late  war ;  if  threatened 
in  Italy  she  will  employ  all  her  resources  in  defence  of  her 
Italian  territory,  and  she  will  be  quite  unable,  even  if  she 
were  willing,  to  join  in  any  measures  of  resistance  to  the 
attempts  of  France  upon  Germany.  Prussia  has  had  the 
egregious  folly  to  renew  her  feud  with  Denmark  upon  the 
affair  of  Schleswig-Holstein,  and  is  about  to  provoke  a  fresh 
war  on  that  question.  Denmark  thus  threatened  appeals  to 
France  for  aid,  which  France  is  too  happy  to  afford,  as  she 
will  thereby  in  all  probability  find  a  good  pretext  for  inter- 
ference, and  for  the  furtherance  of  all  her  designs.  There 
seems  no  doubt  that  a  Treaty  of  some  sort  has  been  con- 
cluded between  France  and  Denmark.  In  this  difficult  and 
menacing  posture  of  affairs,  England  will  sooner  or  later 
have  to  play  a  part  of  some  sort,  and  it  is  disquieting  enough 
to  reflect  upon  our  diplomacy  being  under  the  charge  of 
John  Russell  and  of  Palmerston. 

After  lingering  on  for  several  weeks  with  unprecedented 
tardiness  and  delay,  and  a  languid,  uninteresting  discussion 
— debate  it  cannot  be  called — the  second  reading  of  the  Re- 
form Bill  has  at  last  passed  without  opposition.  The  last 
nights  have  been  remarkable  for  the  speeches  hostile  to  the 
Bill  of  several  Liberal  members,  and  the  increasing  proofs  of 
its  prodigious  unpopularity.  Everybody  is  sick  of  the  sub- 
ject, and  those  who  desire  that  some  modified  and  amended 
measure  may  pass,  only  do  so  because  they  have  a  horror  of 
seeing  another  Bill  brought  in  next  year,  and  they  hope  that 
they  may  now  purge  this  Bill  of  its  worst  and  most  danger- 
ous defects,  and  close  the  subject  for  several  years  to  come. 
Some  think  that  it  is  impossible  to  devise  any  means  by 
which  this  Bill  can  be  made  anything  like  safe  and  expedient, 
and  would  therefore  prefer  to  throw  it  out  and  run  all 
chances  for  the  future.  At  least  one  half  of  the  Government, 
with  Palmerston  himself  at  the  head  of  the  dissentients,  re- 
gard this  Bill  with  alarm  and  aversion,  and  now  that  the 


I860.]  LORD  GREY  AND  JOHN  RUSSELL.  539 

difficulty,  if  not  impossibility,  of  passing  it  is  obvious,  they 
are  prepared  to  make  every  sort  of  sacrifice,  even  of  its  most 
vital  provisions.  Palmerston  told  George  Lewis  so,  and  that 
John  Russell  himself  would  submit  to  an  alteration  of  the 
franchise  to  the  amount  of  £15  for  the  counties  and  £8  for 
the  towns.  They  know  that  no  question  of  resignation  is 
involved  in  this  discussion,  and  that  whatever  may  be  the 
fate  of  their  Bill,  they  will  still  keep  their  places,  which  no 
concession  will  endanger,  and  accordingly  they  are  ready  to 
agree  to  any  compromise  which  will  secure  the  Bill's  passing 
through  Parliament  in  any  shape  or  way  ;  but,  notwithstand- 
ing this  pliant  disposition,  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  the 
Bill  can  pass.  It  will  not  commence  its  career  in  Committee 
till  the  first  week  in  June,  and  it  is  hardly  possible  it  can 
reach  the  House  of  Lords  before  the  middle  or  end  of  July, 
and  the  Lords  may  very  well  decline  to  enter  on  its  consid- 
eration at  that  late  period. 

May  %th. — A  correspondence  appears  in  the  newspapers 
between  Lord  Grey  and  John  Russell,  couched  in  terms  of 
no  small  bitterness.  Such  a  correspondence  between  men 
of  such  eminence  and  of  the  same  political  color  shows  up 
to  the  world  the  insincerity  with  which,  for  political  motives 
at  the  time  urgent,  they  have  spoken  in  their  places  in  Par- 
liament. It  is  no  new  thing  that  members  of  the  same 
Cabinet  should  often  differ,  and  that  vehemently  on  particu- 
lar questions,  and  yet  when  these  questions  come  under  Par- 
liamentary discussion,  that  they  should  exhibit  to  the,  world 
the  semblance  of  an  agreement  and  concurrence  which  is  re- 
mote from  the  truth.  But  though  this  is  well  understood 
to  be  of  not  unfrequent  occurrence,  and  sooner  or  later  the 
details  of  the  truth  often  leak  out,  it  is  much  to  be  regretted 
that  men  should  exhibit  themselves  and  each  other  in  the 
way  which  this  correspondence  does,  for  such  exhibitions 
cannot  fail  to  excite  suspicions  of  the  sincerity,  conscientious- 
ness, and  truth  of  public  men.  When  Governments  are  en- 
tirely of  one  party  color,  either  wholly  Whig  or  wholly  Tory, 
and  when  they  are  presided  over  by  some  man  of  superemi- 
nent  authority,  such  differences  and  consequent  difficulties 
are  not  likely  to  happen  often  ;  but  as  of  late  years  parties 
have  been  broken  up,  and  composite  Governments  have  been 
formed,  combining  men  of  the  most  opposite  original  prin- 
ciples, and  imbued  with  very  different  and  incompatible 
opinions  on  various  subjects,  it  must  be  continually  happen- 


540  REIGX   OF   QUEEN   VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

ing  that  candid  discussions  and  disputes  in  the  Cabinet 
should  be  followed  by  insincere  and  untruthful  declarations 
and  argumentations  in  public.  The  understood  practice 
from  time  immemorial  has  been,  that  a  dissentient  from  the 
general  opinion  of  his  colleagues  upon  any  important  ques- 
tion must  either  consent  to  merge  his  own  opinion  in  theirs, 
or  retire  from  office  ;  and  then  the  conduct  of  the  dissen- 
tient was  regulated  by  his  view  of  the  importance  of  the 
matter  at  issue.  Of  course  if  a  man  were  to  break  off  from 
his  colleagues  upon  every  matter  of  difference,  however 
small,  no  Government  could  possibly  go  on  for  many  months 
or  perhaps  weeks,  but  it  is  impossible  in  these  days  not  to 
be  struck  with  the  fact  that  so  many  men  are  indisposed  to 
consider  anything  of  sufficient  importance  to  resign  their 
offices  rather  than  sacrifice  their  enlightened  consciences  and 
mature  judgments. 

May  12th. — Not  more  than  three  months  ago  Gladstone 
was  triumphant  and  jubilant ;  he  had  taken  the  House  of 
Commons  and  the  country  captive  by  his  eloquence,  and 
nothing  was  heard  everywhere  but  songs  of  praise  and  ad- 
miration at  his  marvellous  success  and  prodigious  genius. 
There  never  was  a  greater  reaction  in  a  shorter  time.  Every- 
body's voice  is  now  against  him,  and  his  famous  Treaty  and 
his  Budget  are  pronounced  enormous  and  dangerous  blunders. 
Those  who  were  most  captivated  now  seem  to  be  most  vexed 
and  ashamed  of  their  former  fascination.  They  are  provoked 
with  themselves  for  having  been  so  duped,  and  a  feeling  of 
resentment  and  bitterness  against  him  has  become  widely 
diffused  in  and  out  of  the  House  of  Commons,  on  his  own 
side  as  well  as  on  the  other.  It  was  the  operation  of  this 
feeling  which  caused  the  narrow  majority  on  the  Paper 
Duties  the  other  night,  when  it  seems  as  if  a  little  more 
management  and  activity  might  have  put  him  in  a  minority, 
and  it  is  the  same  -thing  which  is  now  encouraging  the 
House  of  Lords,  urged  on  by  Derby,  to  throw  out  the  Reso- 
lution when  it  comes  before  them.  Derby  has  announced 
that  he  shall  exert  himself  to  the  utmost  to  procure  the  re- 
jection of  the  Bill  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  if  he  perse- 
veres he  will  probably  obtain  a  very  unwise  and  perilous  suc- 
cess, which  he  will  before  long  have  to  regret. 

May  17th. — Clarendon  dined  with  Derby  about  a  week 
ago,  when  Derby  explained  to  him  all  his  reasons  for  persist- 
ing in  his  opposition  to  the  Paper  Duties  Bill.  Clarendon 


I860.]  FREDERICK  CADOGAN.  541 

said  he  did  not  talk  rashly  and  in  Rupert  vein,  but  gave  a 
well-considered  and  well-argued  statement  of  the  grounds 
on  which  he  purposed  to  proceed.  Clarendon  evidently  sym- 
pathized with  him,  but  not  without  much  apprehension 
and  doubt  as  to  the  expediency  of  his  course.  Derby  appears 
to  have  taken  and  to  be  taking  prodigious  pains  with  his 
case,  and  he  said  that  his  object  was  to  have  a  great  financial 
debate  in  the  Lords  on  the  Treaty  and  the  Budget.  Gran- 
ville  tells  me  they  shall  be  beaten  by  a  large  majority,  and 
he  owns  that  the  debate  will  be  almost  all  one  way.  There 
is  nothing  on  the  Treasury  Bench  or  behind  it  able  to  grap- 
ple with  Derby,  Monteagle,  Overstone,  and  Grey  on  such  a 
question,  though  Granville  expects  Argyll  to  get  up  the 
question  and  to  speak  well  on  it,  and  he  expects  something 
from  Newcastle  and  Eipon,  but  Clarendon  told  me  (which 
of  course  he  had  from  Lewis)  the  curious  fact  that  Palmer- 
ston  himself  views  with  pleasure  the  prosjiect  of  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  Bill.  A  queer  state  of  things  indeed  when  the 
Prime  Minister  himself  secretly  desires  to  see  the  defeat 
of  a  measure  so  precious  to  bis  own  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer. 

Frederick  Cadogan  came  over  from  Paris  the  other  day, 
and  told  Clarendon  that  Cowley  was  in  very  bad  spirits 
about  the  aspect  of  foreign  affairs,  that  all  intimacy  and  con- 
fidence between  the  Emperor  and  him  was  at  an  end,  and 
that  it  was  more  and  more  evident  that  His  Majesty  meant 
to  follow  his  own  devices,  whatever  they  might  be,  without 
reference  to  anybody,  or  caring  for  the  opposition  or  the  as- 
sent of  any  other  Powers. 

The  Garibaldi  expedition  is  supposed  to  have  given  great 
umbrage  to  France,  but  not  without  some  suspicions  that 
secretly  she  is  not  sorry  for  it,  and  thinks  in  its  complica- 
tions she  may  find  matter  to  turn  to  her  own  account.  Every- 
body believes  that  Cavour  has  covertly  connived  at  it,  though 
he  pretends  to  oppose  it.  Certainly  no  resolute  attempts 
were  made  to  obstruct  the  expedition  by  the  Sardinian  Gov- 
ernment, and  none  whatever  by  France,  who,  if  she  really 
cared  to  stop  it,  might  easily  have  done  so  by  sending  ships 
from  Toulon  for  the  purpose. 

Talking  of  Neapolitan  affairs,  Pahlen  told  me  yesterday 
an  almost  incredible  anecdote,  but  of  which  he  said  there 
was  no  doubt  of  the  truth.  There  is  just  arrived  a  new  Nea- 
politan Minister,  Count  Ludolph,  grandson  of  the  Ludolph 


542  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

who  was  formerly  here.  He  has  replaced  the  former  Minister, 
who  by  his  own  desire  was  recently  recalled,  and  he  had 
begged  for  his  recall  because  he  had  been  grossly  insulted 
by  Palmerston  at  the  Queen's  Drawing  Room,  his  story 
being  that  in  that  room,  in  the  Queen's  presence  (who  was 
of  course  out  of  hearing),  Palmerston  had  attacked  him  on 
the  proceedings  of  his  Government  and  the  conduct  of  the 
King,  telling  him  that  a  revolution  would  probably  be  the 
consequence  thereof,  which  would  be  nothing  more  than  they 
deserved,  and  which  would  be  seen  in  this  country  with 
universal  satisfaction.  The  man  was  so  flabbergasted  by 
this  unexpected  and  monstrous  sortie  that  he  had  not  pres- 
ence of  mind  to  make  a  suitable  answer,  and  to  riposter  with 
the  spirit  which  the  occasion  required  of  him.  I  must  en- 
deavor to  find  out  if  this  is  true.  Palmerston  has  always 
been  noted  for  the  vivacity  and  often  acerbity  of  his  lan- 
guage in  despatches,  but  in  oral  communications  and  in 
speeches  he  has  never  been  reproached  with  intemperance 
or  incivility,  but,  on  the  contrary,  has  always  evinced  self- 
control  and  gentlemanlike  and  polite  behavior  and  language. 
May  28th. — Epsom  engaged  all  my  attention  last  week, 
and  I  could  not  find  time  to  notice  the  debate  in  the  Lords 
on  the  Paper  Duties,  and  the  extraordinary  majority,  so 
much  greater  than  anybody  expected.  Lyndhurst  under- 
took to  speak  on  the  constitutional  part  of  the  question, 
and  got  leave  to  speak  early  (between  Granville  and  Mont- 
eagle)  that  he  might  go  home  to  celebrate  his  birthday, 
which  fell  on  that  day,  when  he  completed  his  eighty-eighth 
year.  lie  made  a  very  good  speech,  and  met  with  an  en- 
thusiastic reception.  Lady  Palmerston  was  in  the  gallery, 
openly  expressing  her  wishes  that  the  Bill  might  be  rejected 
by  a  large  majority.  Her  language  on  this  and  other  occa- 
sions so  shocked  some  of  the  more  zealous  Whigs,  that  the 
Duke  of  Bedford  was  asked  by  one  or  more  of  them  to  re- 
monstrate with  her  on  the  way  she  talked,  but  she  knows 
very  well  that  Palmerston  is  of  the  same  mind,  though  he 
cannot  avow  his  real  sentiments  in  the  way  she  does.  Palm- 
erston said  to  Gladstone,  "Of  course  you  are  mortified  and 
disappointed,  bat  your  disappointment  is  nothing  to  mine, 
who  had  a  horse  with  whom  I  hoped  to  win  the  Derby,  and 
he  went  amiss  at  the  last  moment."  The  affair  has  gone  off 
very  quietly,  the  House  of  Commons  not  being  the  least  dis- 
posed to  quarrel  with  the  Lords  about  it.  Even  John  Rus- 


I860.]  REFORM  BILL  WITHDRAWN.  543 

sell,  who  had  talked  very  absurdly,  held  moderate  and  pru- 
dent language  in  the  House.1 

June  loth. — At  Ascot  last  week.  Palmerston  was  there, 
and  went  up  to  town  on  Thursday  (going  reluctantly)  to 
a-;ist  at  the  withdrawal  by  John  Russell  of  the  Reform 
Bill.  There  was  a  Cabinet  the  preceding  day,  at  which 
Palmerston  said,  "  We  must  now  settle  what  is  to  be  done 
about  the  Reform  Bill."  John  Russell- said,  "I  know  what 
my  opinion  is,  and  if  anybody  wishes  to  hear  it  I  am  ready 
to  give  it."  They  all  said  they  did  wish  it,  when  he  an- 
nounced that  he  thought  it  ought  to  be  withdrawn.  Every- 
body agreed  except  Gladstone,  who  made  a  long  speech  m 
favor  of  going  on  with  it,  which  nobody  replied  to,  and  there 
it  ended,  A  discussion  took  place  as  to  what  should  be  said, 
and  strong  opinions  expressed  that  nothing  but  moderate 
language  should  be  employed,  which  John  Russell  agreed  to, 
and  he  acted  up  to  it  by  making  a  verv  becoming  speech, 
which  would  have  been  faultless  if  he  had  not  announced 
another  Reform  Bill  on  the  earliest  possible  occasion.  This, 
too,  he  did  entirely  off  his  own  bat,  and  without  any  con- 
sultation or  agreement  with  his  colleagues.  Fortunately 
these  announcements  are  no  longer  so  important  or  so  bind- 
ing as  heretofore,  and  I  think  it  probable,  unless  there  is 
some  great  change  in  public  opinion  (which  is  not  likely), 
that  when  the  time  draws  near  Palmerston  and  a  majority 
of  the  Cabinet  will  not  consent  to  a  fresh  attempt. 

July  8th. — I  have  been  so  ill  till  within  the  last  few  days 
that  I  have  not  had  energy  enough  to  do  anything.  I  have 
known  but  little,  and  that  little  I  could  not  bring  myself  to 
write  down  here.  In  fact,  it  is  high  time  that  I  should  close 
these  records  once  for  all,  which  I  am  morally  and  physically 
incapable  of  continuing  with  any  probability  of  making 
them  interesting.  It  is  not  very  consistent  with  this  opinion 
to  fill  a  page  or  two  with  the  recent  transaction  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  with  reference  to  the  duty  on  paper.  Every- 
body allows  that  Palmerston  got  out  of  his  difficulty  with 
.  consummate  tact  and  discretion,  and  that  Gladstone's  con- 
duct was  inexcusable.  The  Resolutions  concocted  by  Palm- 
erston had  been  fully  discussed  and  agreed  to  in  the  Cabinet 

1  [A  Bill  for  aholishincr  the  duty  on  paper  was  carried  in  the  IIou?c  of  Com- 
mons on  March  12  by  a  majority  of  245  to  102.  It  was  rejected  on  May  21  by 
the  House  of  Lords  by  a  majority  of  198  to  104.  The  dispute  was  eventually 
settled  by  a  resolution  tor  removing  so  much  of  the  duty  on  paper  as  exceeded 
the  Excise  duty  at  home.] 


541  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

(reluctantly  of  course  by  Gladstone),  and  Palmerston's  speech 
was  received  with  general  approbation  in  the  House.  It  was 
excellent,  fair  and  moderate,  the  argument  logically  consist- 
ent with  the  Eesolutions,  but  displeasing  to  Gladstone  and 
the  highflyers  because  it  made  a  sort  of  excuse  for  the  Lords, 
or  rather  it  set  forth  the  grounds  on  which  the  Lords  might 
think  themselves  justified  in  acting  as  they  did,  without 
having  any  of  the  motives  and  designs  which  the  Gladstones 
and  Brights  attributed  to  them.  All  this  elicited  great  ap- 
plause from  the  Opposition  side  of  the  House,  and  their 
cheers  were  very  offensive  to  and  grated  on  the  ears  of  the 
ultra-Liberals.  Everything  would  have  ended  quietly,  and 
the  Resolutions  would  have  passed  without  a  debate,  but 
Gladstone  could  not  stand  it,  and,  urged  by  spite  and  morti- 
fication, he  must  needs  get  up  and  make  a  mcst  violent 
speech,  really,  though  not  avowedly,  in  opposition  to  Palm- 
erston,  and  with  the  object  of  provoking  a  long  and  acrimo- 
nious debate.  In  this  he  only  partially  succeeded,  and  not  for 
long.  The  debate  lasted  one  night  more,  but  nothing  could 
be  made  of  the  Amendments.  Palmerston  kept  his  temper 
and  displayed  great  firmness  and  resolution.  The  House 
was  with  him.  Bright,  partly  from  being  very  unwell,  and 
probably  partly  from  some  discretion,  made  a  moderate 
speech  ;  everybody  seemed  determined  to  bring  the  matter 
to  an  end,  and  the  Resolutions  were-  very  triumphantly  car- 
ried. Granville  told  me  yesterday  morning  that  it  was  a 
toss  up  whether  Gladstone  resigned  or  not,  and  that  if  he 
did,  it  would  break  up  the  Liberal  party,  to  which  I  replied 
that  I  was  confident  he  would  not  resign,  and  if  he  did,  it 
would  have  no  effect  on  the  bulk  of  the  Liberal  party. 

July  17th. — I  met  Charles  Villiers  at  dinner  at  the 
Travellers'  last  night  and  had  some  talk  with  him,  partic- 
ularly about  Gladstone.  He  thinks  it  far  better  that  he 
should  not  resign,  as.he  could,  and  probably  would,  be  very 
mischievous  out  of  office.  He  says  people  do  not  know  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  are  little  aware  that  there  is  an  ob- 
scure but  important  element  in  it  of  a  Radical  complexion, 
and  that  there  are  sixty  or  seventy  people  who  would  consti- 
tute themselves  followers  of  Gladstone,  and  urge  him  on  to 
every  sort  of  mischief.  They  are  already  doing  all  they  can 
to  natter  and  cajole  him,  and  once  out  of  office,  his  great 
talents  and  oratorical  powers  would  make  him  courted  by  all 
parties,  even  the  Tories,  who  would  each  and  all  be  very  glad 


I860.]  A   LETTER   FROM   THE   SPEAKER.  545 

to  enlist  him  in  their  service.  It  is  impossible  to  calculate  on 
the  course  of  a  man  so  variable  and  impulsive,  but  at  present 
it  looks  as  if  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  swallow  his  mor- 
tifications and  disappointments  and  to  go  on  with  his  present 
colleagues,  though  Charles  Villiers  says  he  is  very  dejected 
and  uneasy  in  his  mind,  and  very  gloomy  in  the  Cabinet. 

I  asked  him  if  he  had  seen  Senior's  last  Journals,  relating 
his  visit  to  Paris,  which  he  had  not.  I  told  him  they  were 
very  interesting,  and  that  all  his  interlocutors,  however  vary- 
ing in  opinions  upon  other  subjects,  were  agreed  as  to  the 
certainty  of  the  Emperor's  meditating  fresh  wars  and  ag- 
gressions, and  sooner  or  later  a  war  with  us.  He  said  he 
thought  it  probable  that  any  attempt  on  Belgium  would  be 
deferred  till  after  King  Leopold's  death  (who  is  seventy-five 
years  old),  at  which  time  in  all  probability  the  annexation 
would  be  attempted,  and  with  very  reasonable  prospects  of 
being  assented  to  by  the  Belgians  themselves,  an  idea  which 
had  not  struck  me,  but  which  I  think  exceedingly  likely. 

Buxton,  August  \\th. — I  came  here  for  my  health  and  to 
try  and  patch  myself  up  a  fortnight  ago,  since  which  I  have 
heard  and  learnt  nothing  of  what  is  passing  in  the  world 
but  what  I  read  in  the  newspapers.  The  session  of  Parlia- 
ment was  drawing  to  a  close,  and  it  was  understood  that 
there  was  to  be  one  more  fight  in  the  House  of  Commons  (on 
the  removal  of  the  Customs  duties  on  paper),  and  then  the 
remaining  business  was  to  be  hurried  through  as  quickly  as 
possible.  The  Opposition  made  strenuous  efforts  to  obtain  a 
majority,  and  were  sanguine  of  success.  The  Speaker  wrote 
me  an  account  of  what  passed,  and  I  shall  copy  out  the 
greatest  part  of  his  letter.  "  The  division  of  thirty-three  on 
the  Paper  Duties  was  a  surprise  to  all  on  the  spot.  As  late 
as  eleven  that  evening  Sir  George  Grey  told  us  the  division 
seemed  very  doubtful.  The  Irishmen  held  off  indignant  at 
Palmerston's  having  mentioned  with  approval  the  landing  of 
Garibaldi  on  the  mainland.  This  was  held  to  be  an  insult 
to  the  Pope,  so  More  O'Farrell,  Monsell,  Sir  John  Acton,  and 
eight  or  ten  morewotild  not  vote  at  all.  It  seemed  doubtful 
to  the  last.  It  is  a  great  thing  for  the  Government  in  many 
ways,  not  the  least  in  having  won  the  battle  without  the 
Pope  and  his  men.  It  puts  the  Government  in  so  much 
better  and  stronger  a  position  with  that  party.  The  great  re- 
sult is  to  give  some  life  to  half-dead,  broken-down,  tempest- 
tossed  Gladstone.  When  after  the  division  he  rose  to  pro- 


546  REIGN   OF  QUEEN  VICTORIA.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

pose  the  second  Resolution,  he  was  cheered  by  the  Free- 
traders as  he  had  not  been  cheered  since  the  Budget  Speech. 
Colonel  Taylor  tells  me  they  had  been  led  to  success  by 
promises  from  two  quarters.  First  the  paper-makers  and 
the  '  Times '  engaged  to  bring  fifty  men  to  the  post,  and  only 
brought  five.  The  Irishmen  promised  to  be  twenty-five,  but 
were  only  eleven,  the  others  standing  off  and  not  voting.  I 
have  a  long  letter  from  Cobden,  angry  about  fortifications 
and  Volunteers."  This  morning  I  received  another  letter  from 
the  Speaker,  enclosing  Cobden's,  which  he  has  sent  me  to 
read.  He  says,  "It  is  written  in  rather  a  spirit  of  exaggera- 
tion, but  it  is  the  fault  of  Cobden's  mind  to  see  one  object  so 
strongly,  that  his  view  cannot  embrace  another  at  the  same 
time."  Cobden's  is  well  written,  and  contains  much  that  is 
true,  but  he  has  evidently  been  so  cajoled  and  flattered  at 
Paris  that  he  is  now  completely  bamboozled,  and  so  credulous 
that  he  takes  for  gospel  all  the  Emperor  says,  and  complains 
bitterly  of  "  all  that  is  going  on  at  home"  and  especially  of 
the  tone  of  Palmerston's  and  Sidney  Herbert's  speeches. 
"Believing,"  he  says,  "that  the  new  French  tariff  will  realize 
a  complete  revolution  in  the  commercial  relations  of  the  two 
countries,  and  having  taken  pains  to  impress  this  opinion  on 
the  Government,  I  am  amazed  at  the  course  they  are  taking. 
The  language  of  Palmerston  and  Sidney  Herbert,  coupled 
with  the  fortification  scheme  (he  says),  cuts  the  ground,  on 
which  I  urged  the  Emperor  to  enter  on  the  Free  Trade 
policy,  from  under  my  feet.  Nine  tenths  of  his  motives  for 
making  the  plunge  into  that  policy  now  were  political  rather 
than  politico-economical  ;  he  aimed  at  conciliating  the  Eng- 
lish people,  and  I  did  not  hesitate  to  assure  him  that  if  he  en- 
tered without  reserve  on  the  Free  Trade  path  it  would  be  taken 
as  a  proof  of  his  pacific  intentions  by  the  British  public." 

London,  November  13th. — At  the  end  of  three  months 
since  I  last  wrote  anything  in  this  book,  I  take  my  pen  in 
hand  to  record  my  determination  to  bring  this  journal  (which 
is  no  journal  at  all)  to  an  end.  I  have  long  seen  that  it  is 
useless  to  attempt  to  carry  it  on,  for  I  am  entirely  out  of  the 
way  of  hearing  anything  of  the  slightest  interest  beyond 
what  is  known  to  all  the  world.  I  therefore  close  this  record 
without  any  intention  or  expectation  of  renewing  it,  with  a 
full  consciousness  of  the  smallness  of  its  value  or  interest,  and 
with  great  regret  that  I  did  not  make  better  use  of  the  opportu- 
nities I  have  had  of  recording  something  more  worth  reading. 


INDEX. 


A  BF.RDEEN.  Rt.  Hon.  Earl  of.  formation 

A  of  Government,  difficulties  attending  it. 
!•">.  10:  in  |iart  owing  to  Lord  J.  Russell, 
17.  !•>:  the  new  Ministry's  first  appear- 
ance-. 21 ;  discontent  of  W bins,  -fi ;  list  of 
Cabinet.  25:  meeting  of  Parliament,  33  ; 
judicious  answers  of.  in  the  House.  3'.'; 
h  irmony  of  Government  of,  56:  divided 
Cabinet  ot.  on  Russo-Turkish  que.-tion.  :>*; 
impending  war  viewed  by.  59  ;  attacks  of 
Tory  press  on,  60  ;  explanations  of  policy 
of.  demanded  in  Parliament,  til ;  confi- 
dence of.  in  Russian  Emperor  shaken,  02  ; 
chances,  hope*,  of  peace.  04;  proposed 
Convention  considered.  06.  6>;  Cabinet  of, 
summoned  on  Eastern  crisis.  78;  agree- 
ment as  to  policy,  -M> ;  wish  of.  to  resign, 
on  failure  of  peace  policy.  82:  Cabinet  dis- 
cussion as  to  meeting  "of  Parliament.  67 ; 
Proctocol  agreed  on  by  four  Powers.  94 ; 
chanred  by  Lord  Derby  with  imparting 
Bt.te  secrets  to  the  ••Times,"  126;  denial, 
«nd  defence  against  Lord  Malmesbury, 
r.'ti;  attacks  upon  peace  policy  of,  143; 
difference  of  opinion  of.  between  him  and 
Lord  Clarendon,  159;  goes  to  Windsor  to 
resign,  2"1. 

Adair.  >ir  Robert,  death  of.  252. 

Albert.  H.  R.  II.  Prince,  attacks  on,  by  Tory 
press.  lO'.i ;  charges  against  him  of  taking 
part  in  State  affairs,  110;  vindication  of, 
in  Parliament,  114;  letter  of.  to  Kinjr  of 
Prussia.  158;  visit  of.  to  France,  15^;  con- 
versation with  the  French  Emperor,  161  ; 
made  Prince  Consort  by  patent,  870; 
visits  Brussels.  374. 

Alliance,  the  Holy,  correspondence  concern- 
ing, between  *  Emperor  of  Russia  and 
Prince  Regent.  -2W. 

Alma,  battle  of  the.  162. 

Anslc-ey.  the  Marquis  of,  death  of,  134; 
rh  irac'ter  of.  13*.  1:JT>. 

An^on.  (;ener:iL  li-tters  of.  hinting  discontent 
in  Indian  Army,  30,1;  death  of,  from  chol- 
era. '.:  i . 

Ashburton.   Lady,  death  of;    character  of, 

Austria,  policy  of  Austrian*  at  Mihn.  41  ; 
Kiiijteror  of,  stabbed,  40;  mediation  at- 
tempted by,  62 ;  hesitates  to  side  against 
Russia,  lift;  foam  to  declare  war  against 
Ru^ia,  141;  new  declaration  of  neutrality, 


161 :  declares  war  against  Sardinia.  4M  ; 
armistice  of  Villufraiica,  peace  concluded, 
4'jti. 


BANK.  the.  of  England,  empowered  to  ex- 
ceed limits  of  Bank  Act  of  1*44.  3>6. 

Baraguay  d'Hilliere.  mission  of.  to  Constan- 
tinople, SS  ;  veto  of.  against  British  Fleet 
entering  Black  Sea.  103;  recalled  by  French 
Government  from  Constantinople.  138. 

I5eauv:.le  and  Melbourne,  Lord,  death  of, 
80 ;  character  and  career  of.  3;'.  31 : — Lady, 
grief  of.  on  her  husband's  death.  82. 

Bedford,  seventh  Duke  of,  disheartened 
about  politic?.  12;  papers  and  correspond- 
ence of,  41;  his  part  in  political  crisis  of 
I*."-.'.  71.',  73;  conversation  of.  on  Lord  J. 
Russell's  position  and  circumstances.  127, 
12* :  endeavor  of.  to  persuade  him  to  with- 
draw Reform  Bill,  131  :  conversation  of, 
on  Lord  J.  Russell's  retirement,  252 ;  at- 
tempts reconciliation  between  Palmerston 
and  Lord  John,  248  ;  confers  with  Mr. 
Greville.  255. 

Berry,  Miss  Mary,  death  of,  S  ;  character  of, 
9. 10. 

Bickersteth.  Dr.,  made  Bishop  of  Ripon.  832. 

Bomba.  King  of  Naples,  tyranny  and  inso- 
lence oC  324,  825. 

Brigade,  the  Light,  charge  ot  170,  171. 

Bright.  Mr.  J..  bitter  speech  of.  against  Lord 
J.  Russell,  14ii ;  letter  of,  on  the  war,  168  ; 
speech  on  the  war.  183. 

Brunnow.  Baron,  severe  comment  of.  on 
Lord  J.  Russell  as  Foreign  Secre' 
conversation  of.  with  Lord  Clarendon,  on 
Russia.  47:  dreads  having  to  leave  this 
country.  56 ;  first  to  arrive  at  1'aris  Con- 
gress 

Buckle,  Mr,  dines  with  Mr.  Grote,  424, 


pAMRRlDGE.  H.  R.  H.  Princess  Mary  of, 

\J  offer  of  marriage  to,  from  Prince  Napo- 
leon, 111.  ll.V 

Canada  Clergy  Reserves  Bill.  .".2. 

Canning.  Lord,  attacks  of  press  on,  KS3 :  de- 
fended by  Lord  Granville  at  Mansion 
House,  &>4:  by  Palmerston.  8*-5  ;  defend- 
ed by  the  "Times."  895;  proclamation  of, 
to  people  of  Onde. 


548 


INDEX. 


Canrobert,  Field-Marshal,  letters  of,  on  Brit- 
ish army,  191. 

Cardwell,  Mr.,  motim  of.  against  Lord  Ellen- 
borough's  Despatch,  441 ;  motion  with- 
drawn, 444. 

Cavour.  M.  de,  Italian  Minister,  policy  of, 
4ft;  return  of,  to  office,  519;  share  in  an- 
nexation of  Savoy.  529. 

Clanric.irde,  Marquis  of,  announces  a  defence 
in  House  of  Lords,  422  ;  withdraws  an- 
nouncement, 426. 

Clarendon,  Kt.  Hon.  Earl  of,  his  account  of 
Czar's  proposals  about  Turkey,  40 ;  France, 
47;  conversation  of,  with  Brunnow.  47; 
opinion  of  Russian  assurances.  56;  fears 
of,  on  Eastern  question,  58;  difficulties  of; 
between  Aberdeen  and  Palmerston,  80;  his 
despatch  on  Turkish  relations,  87:  abor- 
tive attempts  at  negotiation,  93;  disagree- 
ment with  Aberdeen,  93;  disgust  of,  at 
Austrian  neutrality,  161 ;  visit'to  French 
Emperor  and  freedom  of  press,  218;  con- 
versation with  King  of  Sardinia,  262;  on 
bitter  feeling  between  Walewski  and  Per- 
siirny,  2'i";  united  policy  of,  wilh  Paltner- 
Bton,  273;  attends  Paris  Congress,  233; 
favorable  views  of  peace,  304;  on  atro- 
cities at  Naples,  323  ;  on  the  Palmerston 
Government  of  1855.  332;  dictatorial  poli- 
cy toward  Brazil,  834  ;  conversation  of. 
with  the  Queen,  on  Palmerston,  369  ; 
pressed  to  take  office  by  the  Qusen,  495; 
on  Mr  Gladstone's  Budget,  525;  on  French 
commercial  treaty,  525. 

Cobden,  Richard,  motion  of,  on  the  China 
question  carried,  852;  defeat  of,  with 
Manchester  men,  at  general  election,  301 ; 
declines  office  under  Palmerston,  4'J(i ; 
commercial  treaty  with  France,  520;  op- 
position to  treaty,  52-' ;  his  belief  in  the 
French  Emperor,  and  in  Free  Trade 
policy,  54ii. 

Coekburn,  Sir  Alexander,  made  Lord  Chief 
Justice  Common  Pleas,  329, 33J  ;  anecdote 
of.  331. 

Codrington.  General  Sir  William,  appointed 
to  command  British  forces  in  Crimea, 

Commons,  House  of:  Disraeli's  amendment 
on  the  V'illiers  resolutions.  7 ;  Palmerston's 
mi. '  ion  carried,  10;  debate,  Disraeli's 
Budget,  la,  13;  Disraeli's  attack  on  Aber- 
deen Government.  30;  Jew  and  Maynooth 
questions  carried,  38:  Government  defeats 
on  detached  questions,  50 ;  debate  on 
Gladstone's  Budget,  50;  Income  Tax  ma- 
jority, 53 ;  Lord  J.  Russell  on  Irish  Church, 
57;  damage  to  Government  thereby,  58; 
debate.  India  Bill,  59;  discussion  of  Turk 
Ish  question,  09;  session  closed  by  Palm- 
erston's speech,  G9;  vindication  of  Prince 
Albert  by  Lord  J.  Kussell,  114;  Reform 
Bill  introduced  by  Lord  J.  Russell,  119; 
debate  on  Blue  Books,  12M;  bitterness  of  the 
Opposition  on  the  war,  129:  debate  on  Mr. 
Gladstone's  financial  speech,  137  ;  Mr.  J. 
Baring's  motion  defeated,  139;  Russell's 
Oaths  Bill  defeated,  139;  encounter  be- 
tween Disraeli  and  Lord  J.  Russell,  140  ; 


Church  Rates  Bill  and  University  Bill, 
admission  of  Dissenters,  debate  on,  144' 
an  appointment  cancelled,  148;  session 
wound  up,  149;  defence  of  Government 
war  policy  by  Mr.  S  Herbert.. 180 ;  Foreign 
Enlistment  Bill  carried,  182;  motion  of  Mr. 
Roebuck  to  enquire  into  conduct  of  war, 
198;  the  motion  carried,  201 ;  Palmerston's 
first  speech  as  Prime  Minister,  210;  war 
debate,  224  ;  indiscreet  revelations  of  Ix>rd 
J.  Kussell,  233 ;  debate  on  the  Address 
(Peace),  283;  debate  on  opening  of 
British  Museum  on  Sunday.  2S9 ;  Disraeli's 
attack  on  Government.  2U2:  Appellate 
Jurisdiction  Bill  defeated.  310;  debate  on 
supposed  treaty  between  France  and  Aus- 
tria, 847 ;  dispute  between  Disraeli  ami 
Palmerston,  847 ;  Cobden 's  motion  on 
China  question  carried  against  the  Gov- 
ernment, 352;  dissolution  of  Parliament, 
850;  attack  of  Disraeli,  at  outbreak  in  In- 
dia, 374 ;  debate  on  the  Divorce  Bill.  375  ; 
debate  on  the  Conspiracy  Bill,  <?12 ;  Bill 
defeated,  414  ;  resignation  of  Lord  I'almer- 
Bton,  414  ;  Disraeli  attacked  by  B.  Os- 
borne,  420:  debate  on  India  Bill,  430;  de- 
bate on  Disraeli's  Budjret.  434;  debate  on 
India,  438;  debate  on  Lord  Kllenborough's 
Despatch,  441 ;  collapse  of  debate,  444  ; 
India  Bill  passed,  450 ;  debate  on  Disraeli's 
Reform  Bill,  4G'J ;  debate  on  Lord  John's 
Reform  Resolutions,  47<>;  debate.  Resolu- 
tions carried.  Bill  defeated,  478  ;  debate  on 
want  of  confidence,  4'.:0.  491  ;  Government 
defeated,  491  ;  debate  on  Gladstone's 
Budget,  524  ;  majority  for  Budget,  526 ; 
debate  on  Russollvs  Reform  Bill,  531  ;  de- 
bate on  Paper  Duties  Bill,  carried,  543,  545. 

Conde,  Prince  de,  death  of.  -127. 

Conservative  party,  tone  of.  against  Lord 
Aberdeen,  15;  violence  of  Tories  toward 
Gladstone.  20 ;  suicidal  conduct  of,  f>2. 

Conspiracy  Bill,  the,  413;  defeated.  414 

Corruption,  electoral,  during  Aberdeen  Gov- 
ernment, 55. 

Council,  Privy,  at  Windsor.  92 ;  Privy  Coun- 
cil, licenses  issued  by.  for  export  of  stores 
to  neutral  ports,  182 ;  meeting  to  consider 
question  of  trade  with  Russia,  167;  meet- 
ing of,  to  appoint  Day  of  Humiliation,  133. 

Cowley.  Lord,  Ambassador  at  Paris,  conver- 
sation of,  with  French  Emperor,  91  ;  cor- 
respondence of  Clarendon  with,  on  Louis 
Napoleon's  letter  to  the  Czar.  118.  119: 
anecdote  of.  with  Walewski.  27'i ;  views  of 
Paris  Congress.  294. 295 ;  enlightens  French 
Emjteror  on  Russian  intrigue,  827;  cold- 
ness of  Emperor  to,  at  Paris,  334 ;  mission 
to  Vienna.  465. 

Crimea,  landing  in,  of  British  forces.  162. 

Crimean  war.  new  light  on  causes  of,  47 ; 
anecdote  connected  with,  17"). 

Crokcr,  Rt.  Hon.  J.  W.,  death  of,  377. 


VAUMALK,  Duo.  at  The  Orove.  .109. 

Delane,  Mr.  John,  editor  of  "Times," 
letter  to,  from  Lord  Aberdeen.  04:  conver- 
sation of,  with  Lord  Aberdeen,  U6 ;  with 


INDEX. 


549 


Mr.  Greville,  175;  urges  the  building  of 
wooden  houses  for  the  troops,  175. 

Delhi,  rapture  of.  oMi. 

Denisoa.  Kt.  lion.  Sir  E.,  elected  Speaker, 
MB 

Derby,  Rt.  Hon.  the  Earl  of.  resignation  of, 
14;  Liberal  negotiations  thereon,  14; 
speech  of,  on  Canada  Clergy  R  serves  Bill. 
lie  in  House.  5';  sent  for  by  the 
Queen.  l'..ils  in  torming  a  Government.  203; 
attacks  the  Government  on  China  ques- 
tion. 3o2  ;  readiness  of.  to  join  with  Glad 
stone,  B55  ;  sent  for  by  the  Queen,  41t>  ; 
forms  a  Ministry.  421  ;  Liberal  programme 
of,  424;  helped  by  Mr.  Greville,  42x  re- 
solves to  remain  in  office,  4-i'J ;  on  defeat 
of  Keform  Bill,  to  dissolve,  4S1  ;  speech  of, 
43 1  :  speech  of.  at  Mansion  House.  4^4  ;  de- 
fe:it  ut'.  and  resignation,  491 :  opposition  of, 
to  the  Paper  Duties  Bill,  ,">40. 

Devonshire,  the  Duke  of,  death  of,  406. 

Disraeli,  lit.  Hon.  Benjamin,  Budget  of.  public 
opinion  oa,  12:  on  his  own  Budget,  com- 
ments of. and  on  the  Irish  brigade. 2i;  bitter 
attacko!',  i in  the ( io  vernment, Charles  Wood, 
and  Grahaui,3ti :  effect  of,  on  his  own  party, 
80;  agrees  to  attack  and  villify  Peel.  3-> ; 
tries  to  tDn-e  debate  on  Eastern  Question, 
;aeks  Lord  J.  Russell,  14J ;  his  mo- 
tion on  War  debate  defeated.  '22") ;  reviews 
-i<m,  31>;  triumph  over  Palmerston 
on  I'a.is  treaty,  347 ;  waning  influence  in 
the  countrj1,  -So.");  speech  on  outbreak  in 
India,  374 ;"  political  chat  with  Mr.  Greville, 
>  a  fusion  of  parties,  40-> ;  be- 
i  'iiaucellor  of  the  Exchequer,  421 ; 
sanguine  views  of.  425 :  attacked  hy  Hernal 
Osborne.  426;  proposes  his  Budget,  434; 
violent  speech  at  Siough.  44.~>;  his  Keform 
Bill.  4HS;  opposition  to.  470;  continued 
opposition  to.  by  Liberals,  411 ;  Keform 
Bill  thrown  out.  478. 

Drouyn  de  Lhnys.  French  Ambassador  in 
London.  221);  cause  of  his  visit,  221;  his 
resignation,  '2-26. 

r»LLE8MERE.  Lord  death   of.  and  Char- 
lie    ftc- 

England,  unpopularity  of.  abroad,  how 
ciii-i'd.  4n  ;  rancor  of  Northern  Powers 
against.  42  :  friendly  tone  of  French 
Emperor  toward,  48;  home  difficulties, 
Ind  n.  Eastern  question,  41  ;  English  and 
French  fleets  sail  for  Dardanelles,  59; 
hopes  of  peace.  t>7 ;  dangers  at  Constan- 
tinople, two  ships  of  each  fleet  go  np  Dar- 
danelles, 73,  7-i ;  British  and  French  fleets 
enter  Black  Sea.  9ti ;  proposals  of  negotia- 
tion with  Russia  and  Turkey,  107  :  Blue 
Books  on  Eastern  question  well  received 
by  public,  117;  popularity  of  war.  11^: 
war  declared.  12i;  union  of  English  and 
French  policy  as  to  Spain.  14!> ;  attack  of 
allied  forces  on  the  Redan  repulsed,  22*  ; 
peaco  concluded,  :;07 :  England's  balance- 
sheet  after  war,  335 ;  accused  by  France  ol 
harboring  assassins.  4<i9. 
Evans.  General,  proposes  to  embark  troops 
after  Inkerman,  805. 


"PLAHATTLT,  Count  de,  French  Ambassa- 
1     dor  at  London,  conversation  of,  with 

Palmerston.  536. 
Fould,  M.  Achille,  invited  to  Windsor,  36S ; 

letter  of  French  Emperor  to,  51S. 
Free  trade,  letter  of  ireuch  Emperor  on, 

w;t!i  Franca,  01  >. 


C\  ARIBALDI  expedition.  541. 

\J  Gibson.  Mr.  Miluer.  motion  of,  carried 
against  Conspiracy  Bill.  414. 

Glad>toue.  Kt.  Hon.  W.  E.,  famous  Budget 
of,  50;  popu  arity  consequent  on,  51.  52; 
attempt  to  extort  money  from,  53 ;  failing 
prestige  as  a  financier,  130;  failure  of  his 
Exchequer  Bill,  135 ;  his  great  speech  on 
Budget,  137  ;  speech  against  Lord  J. 
Russell,  201  ;  joins  Lord  Palmerston' s 
Government,  207  ;  reported  leader  of  op- 
position, 333 ;  strong  feeling  against,  on 
the  China  debate,  354;  speech  of,  the 
question,  356 ;  his  artic'e  in  "  Quarterly," 
4d7;  appointed  Lord  High  Commissioner 
of  Ionian  Islands,  4(55 ;  speech  of.  on  his 
Budget,  524 ;  second  speech,  and  major- 
ity. 52ti ;  reaction  against  his  Budget,  i>40. 

Graham,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  James,  on  Eastern 
question,  opinion  of,  76 ;  indiscreet  speech 
of,  at  dinner  to  Admiral  C.  Napier,  1*5. 

Granville,  Rt.  Hon.  Earl  of.  conversation  of, 
with  Lord  J.  Russell  on  Reform  Bill.  12:;; 
superseded  by  Lord  John  as  President  of 
Council,  141;  conversation  of,  with  Mr. 
Greville  on  Russian  answer  to  Proposals, 
277 ;  at  coronation  of  Czar  at  Moscow, 
820 ;  on  its  cost.  821 ;  sent  for  by  the 
Queen.  491 ;  unable  to  form  a  Govern- 
ment 492. 

Grevilie,  Charles  C.,  Mr.  opinion  of.  on  Wel- 
lington's funeral,  6;  attends  no  Council 
during  nine  months  of  Lord  Derby's  Min- 
istry. 24  ;  goes  to  Windsor,  24;  visits  Ko- 
wood.  discusses  Reform.  26  ;  comments 
of.  on  Disraeli's  oratory.  86;  remarkable 
prediction  of.  as  to  France.  41 ;  conversa- 
tion of.  with  Disraeli.  51 :  visits  Ascot  59; 
conversations  with  Clarendon  on  war.  fit ; 
with  Graham  on  Fastern  Question,  76; 
with  Clarendon,  77;  his  conviction  on 
parry  strife,  81 ;  his  view  of  Palmerston's 
pMlaOB,  80;  remarks  on  the  Queen's  sa- 
gacitv.  •»";  opinion  of.  on  Lord  J  Russell's 
Reform  Bill,  yO;  conversation  of,  with  Gra- 
ham on  Palmerston.  91.  92  ;  conference  of, 
with  Duke  of  Bedford,  on  Palmerston.  ».">; 
on  his  resignation.  97 ;  share  of.  in  concilia- 
tory overtures  to  Palmerston,  9S.  99.  100  ; 
letter  of,  to  the  "Times "on  Palmerston, 
98;  strong  letter  of,  to  Graham.  lo-j;  final 
judgment  of.  on  Palmerston's  resignation, 
!(>::;  ill..  1 114.  lor.;  visit  to  Bouood.  llift; 
conversation  of.  on  Russian  desiirns,  106  ; 
on  alterations  in  Reform  Bill.  li>7:  com- 
ments of,  on  virulence  ol  Tory  press.  110; 
letters  of,  to  ••  Morning  Herald''  and 
"Times  "  vindicating  Prince  Albert.  112; 
praises  Clarendon,  as  compared  with  Palm- 
erston, 117;  on  Stratford's  despatches. 


550 


INDEX. 


117 :  his  opinion  of  Emperor  Napoleon's 
conduct,  11U  ;  on  Lord  J.  Russell's  Ui.-con- 
tent,  127;  and  straitened  circumstances. 
1 2> ;  strongly  disapproves  of  war,  128.  129 ; 
on  tun  weakness  of  the  Government,  132; 
ridicules  notion  of  Fast  Day,  132:  on  the 
weakness  of  Government,  130;  and  break-  j 
down  of  parties,  18(5;  oil  rashness  ol  Ulad- 
stone,13t>;  conversation  of,  with  Lord  Cow- 
ley,  on  French  Emperor  and  the  Court,  13S; 
his  article  in  "  Edinburgh  Review,"  189; 
on  change  of  Government  plans,  140;  on 
Lord  J.  Kussell's  want  of  delicacy  and 
consideration,  141 ;  on  Lord  John's  de- 
plorable position,  144;  on  the  character  of 
Aberdeen's  Government,  14J;  continued, 
150,  151;  effect  of  quarrel  with  Russia, 
153  ;  and  of  Palmerston's  resignation, 
154;  on  difficulties  of  the  campaign,  158  ; 
on  military  commanders  in  Crimea,  153  ; 
on  Ministerial  disagreements,  159;  on 
Prince  Albert's  visit  to  France,  160;  on 
•victory  of  Alma.  162 ;  on  the  Royal  invita- 
tions, 163 ;  on  the  Crimean  expedition,  1C3 ; 
visit  of,  to  Newmarket,  and  resolve  to 
give  up  race-horses,  165;  on  the  defence 
of  Sebastopol,  169  ;  and  issue  of  war,  170; 
nomination  of  Sheriffs,  171;  on  gallantry 
of  English  forces,  174;  criticises  accounts 
of  lukerman,  175;  on  Lord  Raglan  as  a 
general,  177 ;  the  sufferings  of  the  army, 
177;  opinion  of.  on  Bright's  letter,  IbO; 
his  review  of  the  year  (1854),  184;  con- 
ference of,  with  Lord  Cowley  and  Claren- 
don on  French  alliance,  184  ;  on  Austria, 
K>.  186;  on  Lord  J.  Russell's  position, 
lsl»:  on  Russian  diplomacy,  19o;  on  de- 
plorable state  of  the  army,  194  ;  on 
chances  of  peace,  190;  negotiations,  198; 
condemns  Lord  J.  Russell's  resignation, 
199 ;  on  his  real  motives,  202 ;  comments 
of,  on  Palmerston's  Government.  207 ; 
on  Austrian  policy,  195;  on  Palinerston's 
reception  in  House,  212  ;  on  the  weakness 
of  Palmerston  and  his  Government.  2 IT; ; 
literary  occupations  of,  22't;  on  visit  of 
French  Kmperor,  his  reception,  '222 ;  visit 
of,  to  Pnris.  2.'ti;  visits  Thiers,  and  dines 
at  the  Tuileries,  22'.i  ;  conversation  with 
Emperor,  230;  picture  of  Versailles,  283; 
of  St.  Cloud,  2-'<4  ;  severe  comment  of,  on 
Lord  J.  Kussoll's  revelations  in  the  House, 
286;  Lord  John's  conduct  explained  by, 
250 ;  at  Newmarket,  adieu  to  the  turf,  258 ; 
on  Lord  Stanley,  254 ;  talk  with  Disraeli, 
intimate,  255;  on  further  peace  nego- 
tiations, converses  with  Mr.  C.  Villiers  and 
Sir  G  Lewis.  259,  2fit);  on  Palmerston's 
arrogance  toward  Russia,  2;>0 ;  on  the 

rt  Rogers.  2i'i6.  267  ;  converses  with  Sir 
C.  Lewis  on  the  folly  of  the  war,  2fi8 ; 
discu<»s»s  peace  proposals  to  Russia,  2i'9 ; 
on  the  faint  hopes  of  peace,  276  :  confers 
wi-li  sir  G.  C.  Lewis,  275,  276;  favorable 
views  of  Russian  policy,  277;  confers  with 
Lord  Granville,  277:  hopes  of  peace.  279  ; 
Russia's  acceptance  of  terms  explained  by. 
280 ;  talk  of,  with  Disraeli,  on  Aw  pros- 
pects, 2$2 ;  on  life  peerages,  286 ;  on  Peace 


Congress  at  Paris,  288;  on  Sabbatarian- 
ism, 2bU  ;  on  Kars  and  Nicolaietf— with 
Sir  G.  Lewis,  290,  291 ;  on  blunders  of 
Government,  292 ;  visits  Paris,  2;(3  ;  his 
view  of  the  negotiations,  *94,  2J." ;  with 
Madame  de  Lieven,  2;>6;  at  Tuileries.  and 
Emi>eror*8  speech,  29ti ;  dines  with  \\alew- 
ski,  2;i7 ;  conlere  with  Lord  Cowley  on 
Austrian  poiicy,  298;  on  bitterness  in 
.trench  society,  29S,  29;i ;  confers  with  M. 
Thiers  on  necessity  of  peace,  80u ;  on 
terms  of  peace  with  Russia.  KO.' ;  confers 
with  Graham— gloomy  views,  $k)7,  8u8; 
discussion  of  K.  Ellice's  pUm  for  new  ar- 
rangement of  Government,  810;  opinion 
of,  on  his  own  Journal,  812;  on  Sunday 
bands,  813 ;  conversation  with  Thackeray 
on  American  enlistment  question.  314;  on 
Madame  Ristori,  816;  on  O'Donnell  and 
Espartero  in  Spain,  319;  on  fatal  delay 
after  battle  of  Alma,  819  ;  on  our  interfer- 
ence at  Naples,  821 ;  growing  intimacy  be- 
tween France  and  Russia,  822  ;  on  English 
Democracy,  d  la  Guizot.  823 ;  on  French 
intrigue  with  Russia.  824;  pressure  on 
King  Bomba,  824,  825;  converse  with 
Lord  Clarendon  on  Russian  intrigue,  327  ; 
id.,  on  the  Bolgrad  question.  327  ;  id.,  on 
Neapolitan  atrocities,  328 ;  on  Cockburn's 
appointment.  Lord  Chief  Justice,  3i9  ;  on 
the  proposed  Conference  at  Paris  (a  farce), 
8al ;  on  Low  Church  Bishops,  382 ;  on 
state  of  England  after  war,  330;  on  the 
Nfufchatel^  dispute,  837;  goes  to  hear 
Spurgeon  pleach,  845 ;  on  Palmerston  and 
Disraeli,  347  ;  on  our  relations  with  France, 
84b;  on  Lord  J.  Russell's  and  Mr.  Glad- 
stone's opposition  in  the  House,  808  ;  on 
the  pending  dissolution,  854 ;  antagonism 
of,  toward  Palmerston,  859 ;  on  the  defeat 
of  Bright.  Cobden.  and  Co.,  864 ;  break- 
fasts with  M.  Fould  at  Lord  Gninvilie's, 
8ti!S;  on  alarming  condition  of  India.  :>71 ; 
and  perils  of  mutiny,  872 ;  on  the  life  peer- 
ages.  378 ;  attends  Council  at  Balmoral, 
879;  conversation  with  Lord  Clarendon, 
on  progress  of  mutiny.  8S1 ;  on  the  Queen's 
attention  to  public  business.  8»2 ;  urges 
Lord  Palmerston  and  Granville  to  defend 
Lord  Canning,  384;  on  difficulties  of  the 
Government,  and  Lord  J.  Russell's  posi- 
tion, 890 ;  letter  of.  to  Duke  of  Bedford 
urging  Lord  John  to  be  patient.  890 ;  on 
the  East  India  Company  and  the  Gnvern- 
ment,  :!91 ;  on  style  of  Queen's  speech, 
89-' ;  on  health  of  Lord  Palmerston.  8!(4 ; 
fears  as  to  Lucknow.  896;  on  Crown  jewels 
of  Hanover,  401  ;  on  slave  labor  in  French 
colonies,  408 ;  enormous  difficulties  of  In- 
dian policy.  404;  conversation  with  Clar- 
endon on  French  feeling  against  England, 
410;  on  drowsiness  of  Ministers,  41 ,;  review 
of  Palmerston  crisis,  414  ;  shows  how  the 
catastrophe  might  have  been  avoided.  419; 
political  coincidences,  422;  on  the  Derby 
Ministry,  424;  meets  the  Duke  d'Aumale, 
427 ;  on  relations  with  France,  4'_'^ ;  on 
Marshal  Pelissler.  429 ;  on  Whigs  and 
Peejites,  429 ;  possibility  of  union,  432 ;  on 


INDEX. 


551 


the  proposed  resolutions  for  India  Bill, 
433;  with  Lord  Cowley  on  relations  of 
France  and  England.  4:56:  with  Lord 
Derby  on  state  of  parties.  437;  visits  Lit 
tlecote  House,  489;  on  the  Eilenboroiigh 
debate,  44  ,  444;  on  Palmerstuu's  discom- 
fiture,^; at  Xorinan  Court, 447;  confers 
with  Brunnow  on  the  Russian  War,  452 ; 
on  Lord  John  and  Stanley.  453  ;  on  the 
Queen's  letter  to  the  I'rince  of  Wales.  457 ; 
confers  with  Clarendon  on  Compiegne 
visit,  459:  on  Napoleon's  designs,  460:  on 
electric  telegraph  (1S53),  463;  on  general 
opposition  "to  Austrian  war,  467;  Lord 
Cowley's  mission.  4tH;  on  Cavour's  policy. 
474:  on  Marliani,  479;  on  fears  of  war. 
4-3 :  on  treachery  of  French  Emperor.  4S4 : 
resigns  clerkship  of  Council,  4^5;  doubts 
as  to  Lord  John's  intentions,  4S8;  on  peace 
after  Solferino.  497;  visits  Ireland.  5  i.';  on 
Irish  National  Education.  &  >3;  return  to 
London,  5"5;  on  quarrel  with  China,  5i6; 
on  Clarendon's  interview  with  the  Queen, 
507;  on  French  Emperor  and  the  ••  Times," 
611;  on  Disraeb's  commanding  position, 
512;  on  Italian  affairs  and  French  Em- 
peror, 516,  517;  negotiation  of  French 
Commercial  Treaty,  5-20 ;  on  Tory  opposi- 
tion to  Reform.  523:  on  French  Emperor's 
mistake  after  Villafranca,  527;  on  Glad- 
stone's democratic  opinions.  .r>27:  on  French 
Emperor's  designs,  536,  533;  on  Senior's 
Journals,  545;  visits  Buzton,  545;  close 
of  his  Journal  51'"'. 

Grey,  Itight  Hon.  Sir  George,  statement  of, 
in  the  House,  on  a  cancelled  appointment, 
14& 

Guards,  the.  return  of  from  Crime:i,  817. 

Guise,  Duke  of,  death  of,  4^7. 

TTAXDEL  Concerts,  the,  at  Crystal  Palace, 

Hardinge,  Kt.  Hon.  Lord,  struck  with  pa- 
ralysis. 817. 

Havelock,  Genenl  Sir  IT.,  heroism,  peril  of. 
at  Lncknow,  3->-«;  death  of.  4U3. 

Buy  ward,  Mr  ,  dinner  at  his  house,  politi- 
cal. 6. 

"  Herald,  Morning."  the.  virulence  of,  against 
Prince  Albert,  111,  112. 

TNCOME  TAX,  the,  carried,  58. 

J.  India,  East.  <  uinpany.  charter  of.  expir- 
ing. Bill  for  future  government  of.  passed 

(1858),  44;  opposed  by  "Times"  45;  diffi- 
culty of  the  question,  45;  petition  of,  to 
Parliament  411;  failure  of  Bill  on.  430; 
the  Rill  withdrawn,  485 ;  India  Bill  passed, 
in  Commons.  450. 

lukerman.  battle  of,  172. 

1  EKVIS.  Rt   Hon.  Sir  J..  Chief  Justice. 

')     Common  Pleas,  death  of  (I«O6).  829. 

Jewish  question,  the,  I»rd  Stanley's  Liberal 
vote  thereon.  88 ;  Disraeli's  silence  on,  38 ; 
Oaths  Bill  defeated.  139;  acquiesced  in  by 
the  Lords,  445;  Bill  passed,  450. 


>  T  ABOTJCHERE.  Rt  Hon.  H.,  takes  office 
J  j    under  Palmerston  as  Colonial  secretary, 

256. 
Lancashire,  distress  in,  303. 

;  Lansdowne.  Rt.  Hon.  Marquis  ot  nnwilling- 

|  ness  to  accept  Preiniei ship.  2 ;  letter  of,  to 
Mr.  C.  Gr-jvllle  on  Palmerston's  resigna- 
tion, 93:  position  of.  at  crisis,  99;  Duke- 
dom refused  by,  377. 

Leopold.  King  of  Belgians,  his  demeles  with 
French  Emperor,  83. 

I  "  Leviathan."  afterward  "  Great  Eastern," 
the  attempted  launch  of,  384. 

;  Lewis.  Sir  G.  CornewalL  joins  the  Palmerston 
Government    as    Chancellor    of  the   Ex- 
chequer, 214;   character  oC  346:  conver- 
sation of.  on  Gladstone's  finance,  537. 
Liberal  party,  divisions  among,  1 ;  hostility 
of  Radicals  2  ;   negotiations  of,  on  Lord 
Derby's  resignation,  13,  14;   resentment 
of.  usjuinst  Lord  J.  Russell,  144;  meeting 
of,  at  Willis's  Rooms,  4S9. 
Liddell  v.  Westerton,  case  of.  349  ;  judgment 

reversed  by  Privy  Council,  859. 
Lie ven.  Madame  de.  on  the  Russian  war,  295 , 

death  of;  338;  character  of,  33S-345. 
Littlecote  House,  439. 

Lords,  House  of.  debate  on  Protection,  and 
Lord  Derby's  abandonment  of  it,  6;  Lord 
Derby's  speech  on  the  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton, 8 :  speech  of  Lord  Derby  on  Aberdeen 
Government.  16;  Aberdeen's  statement  as 
Prime  Minister,  21,  24;  Lord  Derby's  re- 
pudiation 01  Disraeli's  Budget  tactics.  29; 
Aberdeen  questioned  by  Lord  Derby,  ridic- 
ulous scene  in  House,  34;  Duke  of  Argyll 
against  Lord  Ellenborough.  39 :  debate  on 
Clergy  Reserves.  40;  debate  on  Canada 
Clergy  Bill,  majority  for  Government  62, 
53;  scene  in  House  described  hy  Mr.  Gre- 
ville,  53;  debate  on  Legacy  Duties,  56: 
division  on  Succession  Duties  Bill,  66; 
Lord  Derby's  remark  on.  67;  Lord  Claren- 
don's speech  on  Peace  or  War.  68  ;  ^h.-h- 
ing  speech  of  Lord  Derby.  114;  Prince  Al- 
bert vindicated.  114;  lx>rd  Aberdeen's 
declaration  in  favor  of  peace.  118  ;  Claren- 
don's speech  in  defence  of  Ministers.  121  ; 
debate  on  alleged  secret  correspondence 
with  Russia.  126;  debate  on  the  war.  Lord 
Lyndburst'i  speech.  143 ;  Government  ma- 
jority on  University  Bill,  146:  attack  on 
Government  policy'by  Lord  Derby,  180; 
debate  on  Foreign  Enlistment  Bill.  1-1  ; 
Duke  of  Newcastle's  defence.  2««3 :  Lim- 
ited Liability  Rill  forced  through  the 
House,  248;  the  Queen's  Speech  criti- 
cised by  Lord  Derby.  2>4  attack  on  Bar- 
on Parke's  life  peerage.  2S4 ;  debate  on  life 
jiecrages.  2->«'..  -291 ;  debate  on  Maritime 
Law,  314  :  debate  on  C'hina  Ques1 1 
attack  of  Lord  Ellenboroiigh  on  Govern- 
ment at  outbreak  in  India.  37i :  debate  on 
the  Divorce  Bill,  37C ;  Lord  Derby's  speech 
as  Prime  Minister.  422;  Lord  Lyndhurst's 
speech  on  Jews  Bill.  437 ;  debate  on  Lord 
Ellenboroiigh.  443;  debate  on  Jewish  ques- 
tion. Bill  passed.  450;  Lord  Chancellor's 

|     appointment  of  Lunacy  Commissioner  re- 


552 


INDEX. 


scinded,  465;  speech  of  Lord  Derby,  f>2l  ; 

debate  on  Gladstone's  Budget  and  Treaty, 

581 ;  debate  on  Paper  Duties  Bill,  543. 
Lucknow,  relief  of.  8*0 ;  bad  news  from  ;  396. 
Ludolph.  Count,  Neapolitan  Minister,  attack 

of  1'alme rstou  on.  •  >•-. 
Lyndhurst,  Kt.  lion.  Lord,  speech  of,  on  the 

war,  143;  speech  of,  on  the  Jews  Bill,  437. 

MACAULAY.  Rt.  Hon.  T.  B..  on  Judges' 
Exclusion  Bill,  speech  of,  .07;  new  vol- 
umes of  History  of  England,  265;  broken 
health,  265;  retires  from  Parliament,  283 ; 
made  a  peer.  877;  death  of.  514. 

McNeil!,  Sir  John,  report  of,  on  suffering  of 
troops,  2V7. 

Marliani,  an  emissary  from  Cavour,  480. 

Meerut,  breaking  out  of  Indian  Mutiny  at 
(May,  1-S57),  370. 

Molesworth,  Kt.  Kon  Sir  W.,  death  of.  253. 

Moused.  Mr.,  Roman  Catholic,  difficulties  in 
swearing  Mm  in  as  a  Privy  Councillor  221. 

Montalembert,  M..  prosecution  of,  by  Impe- 
rial Government,  453. 

"  Morning  Post,"  the,  violent  article  against 
Prussia,  274. 

Moustier.  M.  de,  conversation  of,  with  French 
Emperor.  538. 

Mutiny,  the  Indian,  progress  of,  878,  879 ; 
day  of  humiliation  for.  37U ;  reinforcements 
for  India,  831 ;  exaggerated  accounts  of 
cruellies,  &c.,  891 ;  defeat  of  \Vindham,  408. 


NAPIER,  Admiral  Sir  Chas.,  dinner  to.  on 
his  appointment    to   command   Baltic 
fleet,  12ft;  unpopularity  of,  on  account  of 
inactivity.  16'>. 

Napoleon  III..  Emperor  of  the  French,  com- 
ment on.  by  M.  do  Flahnult.  26;  story  of 
his  marriage  told  by  Lord  Clarendon,  32, 
83 ;  details  of,  by  Loi-d  Cowley.  34 ;  opin- 
ion of  H.  M.  the  Queen.  85 ;  friendly  dis- 
position of,  toward  England.  43;  increas- 
ing unpopularity  of.  in  France.  57;  pro- 
fessed desire  of.  for  peaceful  solution,  74  ; 
letter  of.  to  Duchess  of  Hamilton.  74;  sup- 
posed intrigue  <«f.  with  Russia.  75;  assur- 
ances of  his  adherence  to  English  policy, 
T-:  litx-llous  publications  against  ( Bel- 
gium t.  88;  fiends  Baruguay  d'Hilliers  to 
Constantinople.  88;  reluctant  to  go  to  war, 
1 13;  said  to  have  instignted  newspaper  at- 
tacks on  Prince  Albert.  116;  autograph  let- 
ter of,  to  Emperor  Nicholas,  118;  invited 
by  Prince  Albert  to  Windsor,  159;  conver- 
sation of,  with  the  Prince,  161 ;  visit  of, 
to  London,  222;  declaration  of  strong  ad- 
herence to  England,  272;  speech  of.  to 
Imperial  Guard,  aaainst  Prussia,  274; 
yiefds  to  Russian  influence  at  Paris  Con- 
gress. 294;  birth  of  Prince  Imperial.  303; 
visit  of.  with  Kmpress.  to  Osborne,  375; 
attempted  assassin atinn  of,  405;  threat- 
ened  invasion  of  England,  410;  effect  of 
Orsini  attempt  on,  412;  speech  of.  to  Bar- 
on Hubner,  461  ;  prevarication,  464  ;  sup- 
posed tenderness  of.  500;  letter  of,  to  King 
of  Sardinia,  610 ;  Congress  proposed  by, 


513;  pamphlet  of,  on  the  Pope  and  the 
Congress,  518;  secret  planning  of  Com- 
mercial Treaty,  522  ;  annexation  of  Savoy 
and  Nice  by,  529;  distrusted  by  Pal  in  er- 
ston.  686. 

Nesselrode.  letter  to,  from  Lord  Clarendon, 
67  ;  pacific  Note  of,  to  Buol,  86;  anecdote 
of.  108;  Esterhazy's  Note  to,  on  Austrian 
proposal  of  peace,  274. 

Newcastle,  the  Duke  of,  his  ministerial  ca- 
pacity. 1S9, 197;  defends  himself  in  House 
against  Lord  J.  Russell.  i03. 

"  Newport,"  the  case  of,  before  Judicial 
Committee,  899. 

Normanby,  Rt.  Hon.  Marquis  of,  his  "  Tear 
of  Revolution  "  taken  up  by  Lord  Brough- 
am, 899 ;  book  refuted,  400. 


OLMTJTZ,  conference  at  79. 
Orloff,    Count,    mission  of,  to  Vienna, 
113 ;  uis  view  of  the  war,  at  Paris,  294. 


1)ALMER,  murderer  of  Cook,  convicted, 

I      313. 

Palmerston,  Rt.  Hon.  Viscount,  popularity 
of,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  3  ;  position 
in  the  country,  13;  foreign  opinion  of,  18  ; 
after  Disraeli's  Budget  declines  offer  of  the 
Admiralty,  19  :  agrees  to  join  the  Govern- 
ment, Home  Office.  20 ;  speech  at  Tiver- 
ton,  25  ;  hatred  of  Russia,  48 ;  more  vigor- 
ous policy  urged  by,  68  :  eager  for  war,  6"; 
friendly  relations  of,  with  Clarendon.  07 ; 
attack  of,  on  Cobden.  69 ;  courted  by  To- 
ries, 71 ;  goes  to  Balmoral,  75 ;  views  of, 
on  declaration  of  war  by  Turkey,  80;  laud- 
ed by  Radicals  and  Tories.  .M";  anecdote 
of.  told  by  the  Queen.  91 ;  letter  of.  to  Rug- 
sell,  denouncing  reform.  !>2;  threatens  to 
secede  from  Government.  9">;  resigns  on 
the  Reform  scheme,  96 ;  effects  of  resigna- 
tion, 97;  conciliatory  overtures  to,  »s  ; 
withdraws  resignation,  1<'2 ;  urges  the 
marriage  of  Prince  Napoleon  to  Princess 
Marv  of  Cambridge.  115;  opposes  Lord  J. 
Russell's  Reform  Bill.  122 :  amidst  divis- 
ions of  Cabinet  offers  to  resign,  181  ;  more 
in  favor  at  Court,  190 :  sent  for  by  the 
Queen,  forms  a  Government.  2o";  li.-t  of 
bis  Ministry,  208:  his  prospects,  208; 
speech  in  House,  21fl;  difficulties  of.  in 
forming  Government,  216  ;  and  mistakes, 
2l7;  bluster  in  the  "  Morning  Post,"  2f>8  ; 
stringent  terms  proposed  by.  against  Rus- 
sia. 2C4;  defends  Sunday  bands,  313;  his 
failing  strength,  347 ;  speech  at  Mansion 
House,  8'ift;  popularity  of.  .3.r>9  :  Tiverton 
address,  360 ;  his  success  in  the  House, 
867  ;  his  proposed  Bill  for  dissolution  of 
East  India  Company.  897:  his  decreasing 
energy.  411 ;  resignation  of.  414:  catastro- 
phe unexpected.  417;  amendments  on  In- 
dia Bill  defeated.  449 ;  visits  Compiegne 
with  Lord  Clarendon,  458;  forms  second 
Administration,  49'2;  distrusts  Napoleon, 
f'86;  attack  of,  on  Neapolitan  Minister, 
542. 


INDEX. 


553 


Palmerston,  Lady,  interview  with,  on  resig- 
nation of  her  husband.  99. 

Parliament,  meeting  of  (lN">4)  :  reception  of 
the  Queen;  defence  of  1'rince  Albert  by 
Lord  J.  Russell,  114;  specially  summoned 
in  Deceiuli.:r.  1-M.  1T.J;  Die.-ting  ot  after 
peace,  2S3;  close  of  session.  818;  dissolved, 
856;  meeting  of,  360;  opening  of,  393; 
session  opens,  521. 

Peelites,  attitude  of,  on  Queen's  Speech,  6 ; 
eagerness  for  office,  'i'l :  refuse  to  join  Lord 
Palmerston's  Government,  206;  refuse  to 
join  Lord  Derby  41t>.  417. 

Peel.  Mr  Robert,  lecture  of,  on  the  Czar's 
coronation,  317. 

Peerage,  the  Wensleydale,  debate  on,  255. 

r,  Marshal,  Ambassador  at  London, 
4-.".'. 

Portsmouth,  grand  naval  review  at,  69. 

Princess  Enyal.  the  marriage  of.  408. 

Protection,  abandonment  of,  by  Lord  Derby, 
6;  his  speech  thereon.  6. 

Prussia.  King  of,  private  letter  of,  to  Em- 
peror Nicholas,  toward  peace.  279 ;  quarrel 
of.  with  Switzerland,  a,s  to  sovereign  rights. 


ATJARTERLY  REVIEW,  the,  article  in 
w    by  Mr.  Gladstone.  437  ;    editor  of,  on 
Tory  Reform  Bill,  457. 


RADICAL  party,  the,  approve  of  Lord  J. 
Russell  8  Reform  Kill  and  his   course, 
224;   hatred   of,  against  Lord   Aberdeen, 
146. 

Raglan.  Lord,   commander  of  forces  at  the 

Alma,    li'rj ;     Balaklava,     166;    anecdotes 

:.ing,  166;  despatch  of.  on  battle  of 

ian,  172 ;  annoyance  of  the  Court  at 

•ire,  193;  his  d--ath  in  Crimea,  281 ; 

Sir  E.  Lyons.  806." 

I  •  nry,  M  r.,  return  of,  from  Constanti- 
nople. 89. 

Relorm.  Roval  Commission  on,  2C. 
Roebuck,  Nfr.  A.,  his  motion  for  inquiry  into 
ment  conduct  of  war,  201;  report 
of  S<-tia.*to[M)l  Committee,  224. 

!r.  -:iniiiel.  the  poet,  death  of,  26f>. 
!:t.  Hon.  Lord  John,  wiilin. 
under  Iy.nl  Lnnsdowne,  3;  answer  of.  to 
letter  from  Cobden.  4;  resolution  to  op- 
pose Ballot,  4  :  literary  pursuit*  of,  Moore 
and  K  :. :  leaves  For 

:  Anti-Catholic  speech  of. 
•  :i  of    Irish   mcmtx-rs    thereon.  59; 
jxt.-ition  of.  at   Ea-!«-ni  '-ri-K  ~i  ;  desires 
to  be  Prime  Minister.  VH.  V4:  o).-- 
the  way  ot  *4:  i-imfiTetiO'  on  question  of 
resignins.    s4;    scheme    for   Reform   Bill, 
ih  in  di  fence  of  the  Prince.  114; 
intnxn;  'Mi  Bill.  119; 

his  Reform  Bill.  1*2;  difBculties  in  tin- 
way  of.  122;  postpones  the  Bill.  l.'H; 
attacked  by  Hisrieli  on  Reform  ques- 
tion. 124;  withdraws  his  Reform  Bill.  LSI : 
attack  on,  by  Disraeli  110;  op;>oses  abo- 
lition of  Church  Hates,  144;  convenes  a 

24 


meeting  of  his  supporters,  147  ;  his  views 
on  the  Ministry,  1-*;  his  visit  to  Paris, 
192;  resignation  of,  19S;  speech  there- 
upon, 200;  speech  against,  by  Mr.  Glad- 
stone, 201 ;  sent  for  by  the  Qneen.  fails  to 
form  a  Government,  206;  goes  to  Vienna 
as  Plenipotentiary.  209 ;  joins  Palmerston's 
Government  as  Colonial  Secretary,  213; 
indiscreet  revelations  of  Vienna  Confer- 
ence, 233 ;  resignation,  235 ;  estranged 
from  his  friends.  245.  247 ;  elected  for  Lon- 
don, 360;  friendly  tone  toward  Govern- 
ment, 394 ;  opposes  Conspiracy  Bill,  414 ; 
makes  overtures  to  Lord  Granville,  431 ; 
attacked  by  the  '-Times"  on  India  Bill, 
433;  insists  on  taking  Foreign  Office  un- 
der Palmerston,  494;  French  opinion  of, 
509  ;  introduces  his  Keform  Bill,  5'J^; 
speech  of,  against  French  alliance,  531 ; 
effect  of  bis  speech  on  the  French,  535; 
correspondence  with  Lord  Grey,  539 ;  with- 
drawal of  his  Reform  Bill,  543. 
Russia,  Emperor  Nicholas  of.  impending  war 
with,  55;  indignation  against,  f-5;  difficul- 
ties of,  in  Eastern  crisis.  6'';  English  and 
French  fleets  sail  for  Dardanelles,  59,  60; 
hopes  of  peace  with.  G4:  war  declared 
airainft,  by  Turkey,  tO;  aims  at  forming 
Holy  Alliance  between  hiuiself,  Austria, 

|  and  Prussia,  85 ;  defeated  by  Mantenfiel, 
-."..  -ii:  autograph  letter  of,  to  the  Queen, 
91 ;  Turkish  fleet  destroyed  by,  96-  enor- 
mous preparations  of,  for  war,  107;  asks 
for  explanations  from  England,  112 :  secret 

|  correspondence  with,  published.  12S;  in- 
creased indignation  of  public  aiMinst.  1'2>  ; 
war  declared  against,  l'J>;  pretended  ac- 
ceptance of  the  "  Four  Points,"  192  ;  death 
of,  215;  Emperor  Alexander  II.  refuses 
terms  of  Vienna.  2^8 ;  fall  of  Sebastopol, 
247 ;  ultimatum  to,  sent  by  Falmerston, 
265;  accepts  proposals  of  peace,  'J79 ;  coro- 
nation of  Czar  at  MOMOW, 
Rutland,  Duke  of,  death  of,  338. . 


ST.  ARNAUD,  Marshal,  reluctance  of,  to 
eriirage  in  battle  of  Alma.  1(52. 
Sardinia,  Victor  Emmanuel.  King  of.  visit  to 
Windsor  with  M.  do  Cavuur.  'JG1  ;  his  de- 
mands on  the  Allies,  -jr,.'. 
Seebach,  M.  <ie.  Saxon  Minister  in  Paris,  ac- 
tion of.  as  mediator,  H-. 
Seymour.  Sir  Hamilton,  delivery  of  Conven- 
tion to  Ne-selrode.  by,  67. 
Polferino.  battle  of.  • 

St:iffoid,  Augustus,  strictures  of  committee 
on.  M  :  damaeini.'  to  Lord  Deri 
crnmcnt  .'4.  .V> :  his  mission  to  Constanti- 
nople in  aid  of  the  wounded,  17-. 
St.-mley.  I»nl.  declines    I/ird   Palmercton's 
offer  "f  the   Colonial    S,  ri.-t.ir\>l»p.  'J.">4; 
la   I  ord   Ellenhomuirh  :it  the  hoard 
ol   Control,   then    take:-   Serrt-lar\>hip  of 
•  r  India.  456. 

':.  Lord,  his  policy  at  Constantinople, 
69:  suspected  by  Lord  Clarendon.  71  :  hos- 
tility of  Emperor  of  Russia  against  him, 
76;  influence  of,  disputed  by  Baraguay 


554 


INDEX. 


d'Hilliers,  91  ;  bis  despatches  praised,  117; 
regarded  as  cause  of  war,  121  ;  clamor 
against,  for  neglect  of  General  Williams, 

in. 

Sugden,  Sir  Edward,  note  upon,  17. 


rpCHERNAYA.  battle  of  0855),  245. 

J.  Thouvenel,  M.,  despatches  of,  in  re 
Savoy,  530. 

u  Times,"  the,  opposes  the  India  Bill,  45  ; 
versatility  of,  on  Eastern  crisis,  63  ;  letter 
in,  defending  Prince  Albert,  112;  on  Lord 
J.  Knssell's  position,  144  ;  on  French  rein- 
forcements, 175;  attacks  of,  on  .  Lord 
Bog-Ian,  1S9;  "  runs  amuck"  against  aris- 
tocratic element  in  society,  211  ;  hostility 
of  toward  Palmerston  Government,  415; 
letter  of  French  Emperor  to  King  of  Sar- 
dinia published  in,  510;  opposes  French 
Commercial  Treaty,  524;  on  Lord  John's, 
Reform  Bill,  530. 


riCTORIA,  H.  M.   the  Queen's  Speech, 
difficulties  in  composing,  dissensions,  5  ; 


the  Royal  Family  home  life,  49 ;  goes  to 
Ireland,  71 ;  comment  of,  on  Lord  Palin- 
erston,  87 ;  reply  of,  to  autograph  letter 
Irom  Emperor  Nicholas,  91 ;  annoyance 
ot,  at  attacks  on  the  Prince,  118;  speech 
of,  on  opening  of  Parliament,  sends  for 
Lord  Derby,  202;  for  Palmerston,  207; 
visit  of,  to  Paris,  244;  pleased  with  the 
Emperor,  246 ;  friendship  of,  for  the  Or- 
leans family,  24'J ;  visit  of,  to  Birming- 
ham, 44b ;  letter  of,  to  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
457. 


WALES,  II.  R.  H.  the  Prince  of,  visit  to 
Canada,  508. 

Walowski,  Count,  presides  at  Congress, 
Paris,  295. 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  lying  in  state  of, 
funeral  of,  6;  Disraeli's  pompous  pane- 
gyric on,  8. 

Windham,  General  Charles,  hi8  gallant  con- 
duct at  the  Kedan,  250  ;  letter  Irom, 
250 ;  his  defeat  at  Cawnpore,  408. 

"Wortley,  Kt.  Hon.  J.  Stuart,  appointed 
Solicitor-General,  830. 


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$5.00 ;  half  morocco,  $6.00. 

"  The  book  is  a  stirring  one,  of  course ;  the  story  of  Farrairut'B  life  is  a  tale 
of  adventure  of  the  most  ravishing  sort,  so  that,  aside  from  the  value  of  this 
work  as  an  authentic  biography  of  the  greatest  of  American  naval  commanders, 
the  book  is  one  of  surpassing  interest,  considered  merely  as  a  narrative  of  diffi- 
cult and  dangerous  enterprises  and  heroic  achievements.1' — New  York  Evening 
Pott. 

FARTHEST  NORTH;  OR,  THE  LIFE  AND  EXPLORATIONS 
OF  LIEUTENANT  JAMES  BOOTH  LOCKWOOD,  OF  THE 
GREELY  ARCTIC  EXPEDITION.  With  Portrait,  Map,  and  Illus- 
trationa.  By  CHARLES  LANMAN.  Small  12mo.  Cloth,  $1.25. 


New  York:  D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  1,  3,  &  5  Bond  Street, 


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BIOGRAPHY. 

LIFE  OF  GENERAL  ROBERT  E.  LEE.  By  JOHN  ESTEN 
COOKK.  Illustrated  with  Portraits  on  Steel,  Maps,  and  Wood  En- 
gravings. 8vo.  Cloth,  extra,  $5.00;  sheep,  $6.00. 

A     BIOGRAPHY    OF     WILLIAM     CULLEN     BRYANT. 

WITH  EXTRACTS  FROM  HIS  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE. 
By  PAKKE  GODWIN.  With  Two  Portraits  on  Steel — one  from  a 
Painting  by  Morse,  taken  in  1825,  and  one  from  a  Photograph, 
taken  in  1873.  2  vols.  Square  8vo.  (Uniform  with  Memorial 
Editions  of  Prose  Writings  and  Poetical  Works.)  Cloth,  gilt  top, 
$6.00. 

Containing  a  full  account,  from  authentic  sources,  of  the  poet's  ancestry ;  of 
his  boyhood  among  the  Hampshire  hills;  of  his  early  poems;  of  his  ten  years' 
life  as  a  country  lawyer;  of  his  long  editorial  career  in  New  York ;  of  his  inter- 
course with  contemporaries;  of  his  travels  abroad  and  at  home;  of  the  origin  of 
many  of  his  poems;  of  his  political  opinions;  of  his  speeches  and  addresses; 
and  of  the  honors  he  received. 

RALPH  WALDO  EMERSON:  POET  AND  PHILOSOPHER. 
By  A.  H.  GUERNSEY.  (Published  by  arrangement  with  Messrs. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  publishers  of  the  complete  editions  of 
Emerson's  Works.)  A  companion  volume  to  "Carlyle:  his  Life,  his 
Books,  his  Theories."  18mo.  Paper,  40  cents  ;  cloth,  75  cents. 

THE  STORY  OF  MY  LIFE.  By  the  late  J.  MARION  SIMS,  M.  D. 
Edited  by  his  Son,  H.  MARION  SIMS,  M.  D.  12mo.  Cloth,  $1.50. 

Under  the  simple  title  of  "  The  Story  of  my  Life  "  Dr.  Sims  has  in  the  most 
fitting  terms  narrated  the  origin  and  growth  of  those  achievements  in  pumery 
which  Jby  the  general  judgment  of  enlightened  men  have  stamped  him  as  the 
benefactor  of  his  race.  The  account  of  Dr.  Sims's  early  struggle  is  of  the  deep- 
est interest. 

LIFE   AND   LETTERS   OF    FITZ-GREENE   HALLECK. 

Edited  by  JAMES  GRANT  WILSON.  Two  Steel  Engravings.  Uniform 
with  Halleck's  Poems.  12mo.  Cloth,  gilt  top,  $2.50;  half  calf, 
extra,  $4.50 ;  morocco,  $6.00. 

THE  SAME.  Large-paper  Edition.  Illustrated.  Cloth,  $10.00;  morocco 
antique,  $15. 


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BIOGRAPHY. 

ESSAYS   AND   SPEECHES   OF  JEREMIAH  S.  BLACK. 

WITH  A  BIOGRAPHICAL   SKETCH.     By  CHACNCET  F.  BLACK. 
With  a  Portrait  on  Steel.     8vo.     Cloth,  $3.75. 

LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  EMORY  UPTON,  COLONEL 
OF  THE  FOURTH  REGIMENT  OF  ARTILLERY,  AND  BREVET 
MAJOR-GENERAL  U.  S.  ARMY.  By  PETER  S.  MICHIE,  Professor 
1'.  S.  Military  Academy.  With  an  Introduction  by  JAMES  HARRISON 
WILSON,  late  U.  S.  A.  With  Portraits.  8vo.  Cloth,  $2.00. 

"  The  subject  of  the  following  memoir  was  widely  known  by  reputation  In  the 
military  profession,  and  the  story  of  Ms  life  would,  at  least  to  military  men,  have 
been  a'matter  of  passing  interest.  The  tragic  circumstances  of  his  death  seemed 
to  demand  some  explanation  in  harmony  with  his  established  reputation  and 
character.  At  the  earnest  solicitation  of  his  nearest  relatives,  the  author,  al- 
though conscious  of  bis  own  deficiencies,  undertook  the  task  of  compiling  a 
brief  record  of  General  Upton's  life  for  his  family  and  immediate  personal 
friends." — From  Preface. 

LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  THOMAS  GOLD  APPLE- 
TON.  Prepared  by  SCSAN  HALE.  With  a  Portrait.  12mo. 
Cloth,  gilt  top,  $1.75. 

Mr.  T.  G.  Appleton,  it  is  needless  to  say,  was  well  known  in  social  and  literary 
circles  in  Europe  and  America,  and  distinguished  as  one  of  the  beet  conversa- 
tionalists of  the  day.  The  present  work  consists  of  a  biographical  sketch,  selec- 
tions from  his  letters,  and  eome  account  of  his  different  journeys. 

LOUIS  PASTEUR :  HIS  LIFE  AND  LABORS.  By  his  SON-IN- 
LAW.  Translated  from  the  French  by  Lady  CLAUD  HAMILTON. 
\VithanIntroductionbyProfessorTrNDALL.  12mo.  Cloth,  $1.25. 

"  Since  the  first  studies  of  M.  Pasteur  on  molecular  dissymmetry,  down  to 
his  most  recent  investigations  on  hydrophobia,  on  virulent  diseases,  and  on  the 
artificial  cultures  of  living  contagia,  the  author  of  these  pages  has  been  able,  if 
not  to  witness  all,  at  least  to  follow  in  its  principal  developments,  this  uninter- 
rupted series  of  scientific  conquests." — from  the  Preface. 

"A  record  in  which  the  verities  of  science  are  endowed  wilh  the  interest  of 
romance."— Professor  TYNDALL. 

MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON:  HIS  COURT  AND  FAMILY.  By 
the  Duchess  D'ABRANTES  (Madame  Junot).  2  vols.  12mo.  Cloth, 
$3.00. 

This  book  supplies  many  valuable  and  interesting  details  reppectins*  the 
Court  and  Family  of  Xapoleon,  which  are  found  in  no  other  work.  The  author's 
opportunities  for  observation  were  excellent  and  long  continued,  and  she  has 
availed  herself  of  them  so  effectually  as  to  present  us  with  a  very  lively,  enter- 
taining, and  readable  book,  as  well  as  to  supply  important  materials  for  future 
historians  and  biographers. 


New  York:  D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  1,  3,  &  5  Bond  Street. 


D.  APPLETON  &  CO.'S  PUBLICATIONS, 


BIOGRAPHY. 

MEMOIRS  OF  MADAME  DE  REMUSAT.  1802-1808. 
Edited  by  her  Grandson,  PAUL  DE  REMUSAT,  Senator.  In  8  vols., 
paper  covers,  8vo,  $1.50;  also,  in  1  vol.,  cloth,  12mo,  $2.00;  half 
calf,  $3.50. 

"  Theee  memoirs  are  not  only  a  repository  of  anecdotes  and  of  portraits 
sketched  from  life  by  a  keen-eyed,  quick-witted  woman ;  but  some  of  the  au- 
thor's reflections  oil  social  and  political  questions  are  remarkable  for  weight  and 
penetration." — New  York  Sun, 

"Madame  de  Re'musat's  keenness  of  intelligence,  and 'her  Intimacy  with 
Josephine,  to  which  ehe  was  not  only  admitted  but  welcomed,  gave  her  those  ex- 
traordinary opportunities  which  she  has  turned  to  so  good  account  in  these 
'  Memoirs.'  The  work,  as  a  whole,  is  at  once  the  most  interesting  and  the  most 
damaging  commentary  on  the  character  of  Napoleon  that  has  ever  been  pro- 
duced.''— Dr.  C.  K.  Adams's  Manual  qf  Historical  Literature. 

A  SELECTION  FROM  THE  LETTERS  OF  MADAME 
DE  REMUSAT.  1804-1814.  Edited  by  her  Grandson,  PAUL 
DE  REMUSAT,  Senator.  Uniform  with  "  Memoirs  of  Madame  de 
R6musat,"  1802-1808.  12mo.  Cloth,  $1.25. 

" '  A  Selection  from  the  Letters  of  Madame  de  Remusat  to  her  Husband  and 
Son '  has  been  published  by  the  Appletons.  Coming  closely  upon  the  fascinating 
memoirs  of  that  lady,  they  possess  the  same  interest,  and  will  add  to  the  reader's 
knowledge  of  social  and  political  life  in  France  in  the  days  of  the  first  Napoleon." 
—Boston  Evening  Transcript. 

TOLTAIRE.     By  JOHN  MORLET.     12mo.     Cloth,  $2.00. 

CONTENTS.— Preliminary ;  English  Influences ;  Literature;  Berlin;  Relig- 
ion; History;  Ferney. 

FRENCH  MEN  OF  LETTERS.  •  Personal  and  Anecdotical 
Sketches  of  Victor  Hugo,  Alfred  de  Musset,  Tbeophile  Gautier, 
Henri  Murger,  Saintc-Beuve,  G6rard  de  Nerval,  Alexandra  Dumas, 
fils,  Emile  Augier,  Octave  Feuillet,  Victorien  Sardou,  Alphonse 
Daudet,  and  Emile  Zola.  By  MAUBICB  MAURIS.  Paper,  35  cents, 
cloth,  60  cents. 

HISTORY  OF  GENERAL  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD'S 
PUBLIC  LIFE.  (The  Republican  Text-Book  for  the  Campaign 

of  1880.)    By  B.  A.  HINSDALE,  A.  M.,  President  of  Hiram  College. 
8vo.     Paper,  50  cents. 

LIFE  OF  WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK,  MAJOR  GEN- 
ERAL UNITED  STATES  ARMY.  By  Rev.  D.  X.  JUNKIN,  D.  D., 
and  FRANK  H.  NORTON.  12mo.  Cloth,  $1.50. 


New  York:  D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  1,  3,  &  5  Bond  Street. 


D.    APPLETON    &    CO.'S    PUBLICATIONS. 


BIOGRAPHY. 

LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  THEODORE 
PARKER,  MINISTER  OF  THE  TWENTY-EIGHTH  CON- 
GREGATIONAL SOCIETY,  BOSTON.  By  JOHN  WEISS.  Portrait 
and  Engravings.  2  large  vols.  8vo.  Clotb,  $4.00;  half  calf, 
extra,  $8.00. 

THE  LIFE,  CORRESPONDENCE,  AND  WRITINGS  OF 
ARCHBISHOP  HUGHES.  By  JOHN  R.  G.  HASSARD.  8vo. 
Morocco,  $4.50. 

LETTERS  OF  LIFE.  By  Mrs.  L.  II.  SIGOCBNET.  12mo.  Cloth, 
$1.50;  half  calf,  extra,  $4.00. 

LITERATURE  IN  LETTERS;  OR,  MANNERS,  ART,  CRITI- 
CISM, BIOGRAPHY,  HISTORY,  AND  MORALS  ILLUSTRATED 
IN  THE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  EMINENT  PERSONS.  Edited 
by  JAMES  P.  HOLCOMBE,  LL.  D.  12mo.  Cloth,  $2.00;  half  calf, 
$4.50. 

"The  sources  of  pleasure  and  instruction  to  be  found  in  the  private  cor- 
respondence of  eminent  persons  have  never  been  fully  explained ;  much  less 
have  they  been  rendered  accessible  to  the  bulk  of  the  reading  public.  Our  lan- 
guage abounds  in  letters  which  contain  the  most  vivid  pictures  of  manners,  and 
the  most  faithful  and  striking  delineations  of  character,  which  are  full  of  wit, 
wisdom,  fancy,  useful  knowledge,  noble  and  pious  sentiment."— Extract  from 
Preface. 

JOHN  KEESE,  WIT  AND  LITTERATEUR.  A  BIO- 
GRAPHICAL MEMOIR.  By  WILLIAM  L.  KEESE.  Small  4to. 
Cloth,  gilt  top,  $1.25. 

John  Keese  was  a  popular  book-auctioneer  of  New  York  thirty  years  ago, 
who?e  witticisms  were  the  town  talk.  "  If  John  Keese  should  quit  the  auc- 
tioneer business,  I  should  die  of  ennui,"  exclaimed  one  of  his  admirer*.  Mr. 
Keese  was  known  to  all  the  literary  people  of  his  day.  and  these  memoirs  con- 
tain reminiscences  and  anecdotes  of  literary  circles  in  New  York  a  generation 
ago  that  will  be  valued  by  those  who  like  glances  at  past  local  conditions. 

LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES.  By  W.  SALTER.  8vo.  Clotb, 
$3.50. 

LIFE  OF  EDWARD  LIVINGSTON.  By  C.  H.  HCXT.  With 
an  Introduction  by  GIORGE  BANCROFT.  Portrait.  8vo.  Cloth, 
$4.00. 


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BIOGRAPHY. 

THE  LIFE  OF  SAMUEL  F.  B.  MORSE,  INVENTOR  OF 
THE  RECORDING  TELEGRAPH.  By  S.  I.  PRIME.  Illustrated 
with  Steel  Plates  and  Wood  Engravings.  8vo.  Cloth,  $5.00; 
sheep,  $6.00;  half  morocco,  $7.50;  morocco,  $10.00. 

LIFE   OF   EMMA    WILLARD.      By  JOHN  LORD,  LL.  D.     With 

two  Portraits  on  Steel.     12mo.     Cloth,  $2.00. 

RECOLLECTIONS  AND  OPINIONS  OF  AN  OLD  PI- 
ONEER.  By  P.  H.  BURNETT,  First  Governor  of  the  State  of 
California.  12mo.  Cloth,  $1.75. 

Mr.  Burnett's  life  has  been  full  of  varied  experience,  and  the  record  takes  the 
reader  back  prior  to  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California,  and  leads  him  through 
many  adventures  and  incidents  to  the  time  of  the  beginning  of  the  late  war. 

"  I  have  been  a  pioneer  most  of  my  life ;  whenever,  since  my  arrival  in  Cali- 
fornia, I  have  seen  a  party  of  immigrants,  with  their  ox-teams  and  white-sheeted 
wagons,  I  have  been  excited,  have  felt  yonuger,  and  was  for  the  moment  anxious 
to  make  another  trip."—  The  Author. 

LIFE     OF     JOHN     RANDOLPH,     OF     ROANOKE.      By 

HUGH  II.  GARLAND.     Portraits.     Two  volumes  in  one.    8vo.    Cloth, 
$2.00. 

ELIHU  BURRITT  :  A  MEMORIAL  VOLUME,  CONTAINING  A 
SKETCH  OF  HIS  LIFE  AND  LABORS.  With  Selections  from 
his  Writings  and  Lectures,  and  Extracts  from  his  Private  Journals 
in  Europe  and  America.  Edited  by  CHARLES  NORTHEND,  A.  M. 
12mo.  Cloth,  $1  75. 

THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF  DR.  LEWIS 
F.  LINN.  FOR  TEN  YEARS  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES  FROM  THE  STATE  OF  MISSOURI.  By  E.  A.  LINN  and 
N.  SARGENT.  With  Portrait.  8vo.  Cloth,  $2.00. 

OUTLINE  OF  THE  PUBLIC  LIFE  AND  SERVICES 
OF  THOMAS  F.  BAYARD,  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES  FROM  THE  STATE  OF  DELAWARE,  1869-1880. 
With  Extracts  from  his  Speeches  and  the  Debates  of  Congress.  By 
EDWARD  SPENCER.  12mo.  Paper,  50  cents;  cloth,  $1.00. 


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